There are 840 known languages of Papua New Guinea (including English), making it the most linguistically diverse country in the world. It is also one of the most rural countries, with only 13.25% of its population living in urban centres in 2019. Most of its people live in customary communities. Although government estimates reported the country's population to be 11.8 million, it was reported in December 2022 that its population was in fact closer to 17 million. Papua New Guinea is the most populous Pacific island country.
The country is believed to be the home of many undocumented species of plants and animals.
Papua New Guinea is classified as a developing economy by the International Monetary Fund; nearly 40% of the population are subsistence farmers, living relatively independently of the cash economy. Their traditional social groupings are explicitly acknowledged by the Papua New Guinea Constitution, which expresses the wish for "traditional villages and communities to remain as viable units of Papua New Guinean society" and protects their continuing importance to local and national community life. Papua New Guinea has been an observer state in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since 1976, and has filed its application for full membership status. It is a full member of the Commonwealth of Nations, the Pacific Community, the Pacific Islands Forum, and the United Nations.
Papua is derived from a local term of uncertain origin, that may have already been used locally to refer to at least parts of the island now called New Guinea. In 1526 Portuguese explorer Jorge de Menezes named the island Template:Lang.<ref name="tides">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Madden2022">Template:Cite book</ref> Regarding the islands of New Guinea, the Portuguese captain and geographer António Galvão wrote that:
"New Guinea" (Nueva Guinea) was the name coined by the Spanish explorer Yñigo Ortiz de Retez. In 1545, he noted the resemblance of the people to those he had earlier seen along the Guinea coast of Africa. Guinea, in its turn, is etymologically derived from the Portuguese word Guiné. The name is one of several toponyms sharing similar etymologies, which likely means "of the burnt face" or similar, in reference to the dark skin of the inhabitants.<ref name="Madden2022"/>
Archaeological evidence indicates that anatomically modern humans first arrived in what became New Guinea and Australia, as well as the Bismarck Archipelago, around 42,000 to 45,000 years ago. Bougainville was settled by 28,000 years ago, and the more distant Manus Island by 20,000 years ago. These migrations were likely part of one of the earliest migrations of humans from Africa, and resulting populations remained relatively isolated from the rest of the world throughout prehistory.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Rising sea levels isolated New Guinea from Australia about 10,000 years ago, although Aboriginal Australians and New Guineans diverged from each other genetically earlier, about 37,000 years ago.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The people of New Guinea share 4%–7% of their genome with the Denisovans, indicating that the ancestors of Papuans interbred in Asia with these archaic hominins.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Agriculture was independently developed in the New Guinea highlands around 7000 BC, making it one of the few areas in the world where people independently domesticated plants.<ref>Diamond, J. (March 1997). Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Company. Template:ISBN.</ref> Archaeological evidence shows that Austronesian-speaking peoples of the Lapita culture reached the Bismarck Archipelago by 3,300 years ago.<ref name="Summerhayes2019">Template:Cite journal</ref>Template:Rp It is unknown whether they also settled on the mainland at this time, however there is strong evidence of their presence in coastal areas from around 500 BC.<ref name="Summerhayes2019"/>Template:Rp These communities interacted with larger trade networks.<ref name="Gaffney2020">Template:Cite journal</ref> Austronesian migration has been correlated with the introduction of pottery, pigs, and certain fishing techniques.
European traders brought the sweet potato to New Guinea, where it was adopted and became a staple food. Portuguese traders had obtained it from South America and introduced it to the Moluccas.<ref>Swadling, p. 282</ref> The introduction of the sweet potato, possibly alongside other agricultural changes, transformed traditional agriculture and societies and likely led to the spread of the Big man social structure. Sweet potato largely supplanted the previous staple, taro,<ref name="Denham2013">Template:Cite journal</ref> and resulted in a significant increase in population in the highlands. The date of the sweet potato's arrival is still disputed.<ref name="Roullier2013">Template:Cite journal</ref>
On New Guinea, communities were economically linked through trading networks, however aside from some political alliances each community functioned largely independently, relying on subsistence agriculture.<ref name="May2004chapter4">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Goods were often traded along established chains, and some villagers would be familiar with and sometimes know the languages of the immediately neighbouring villages (although language by itself was not a marker of political allegiance). Some wider trading networks existed in maritime areas.<ref name="May2022chapter8">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Despite these links, the creation of larger political entities under European rule had no precedent, and in many cases brought together communities who had historically antagonistic relationships, or no relationship at all.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp
Little was known in Europe about the island until the 19th century, although Portuguese and Spanish explorers, such as Dom Jorge de Menezes and Yñigo Ortiz de Retez, had encountered it as early as the 16th century. Traders from Southeast Asia visited New Guinea beginning 5,000 years ago to collect bird-of-paradise plumes.<ref>Swadling: "Such trade links and the nominal claim of the Sultan of Ceram over New Guinea constituted the legal basis for the Netherlands' claim over West New Guinea and ultimately that of Indonesia over what is now West Papua."</ref>
Christianity was introduced to New Guinea on 15 September 1847 when a group of Marist missionaries came to Woodlark Island. They established their first mission on Umboi Island. Following that year, they were forced to withdraw their mission endeavour. Five years later on 8 October 1852, the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions, a pontifical institute, reestablished the mission on Woodlark Island, encountering sickness and resistance from local people.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In 1888, the British protectorate, as well as some adjacent islands, were annexed by Britain as British New Guinea. In 1902, Papua was effectively transferred to the authority of the new British dominion of Australia. With the passage of the Papua Act 1905, the area was officially renamed the Territory of Papua, and the Australian administration became formal in 1906.
Under European rule, social relations amongst the New Guinean population changed. Tribal fighting decreased, while in new urban areas there was greater mixing as people moved to partake in the cash crop economy. The large inequality between colonial administrators and locals led to the emergence of what colonial governments called cargo cults.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp Very little land was changed, with most plantations limited to the islands and small areas of the mainland coast. However, a trading system developed with Melanesian populations exchanging copra, pearls, trochus shells, and bird-of-paradise skins.<ref name="May2004chapter15">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp
Colonial authorities generally worked with individual village representatives, although in some cases an individual represented a group of villages. While these were sometimes village leaders, they were usually individuals with closer relationships to colonial officials who thus acted as intermediaries. Thus, neither German nor British authorities developed an effective system of indirect rule.<ref name="May2004chapter9">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp In German New Guinea, Tok Pisin, an already existing pidgin language, began to spread through local adoption, and was reluctantly used by German authorities. Missionaries used a mixture of Tok Pisin and local languages, and such local languages were often individually specific to each mission station.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp In areas under British and then Australian governance, a simplified version of English emerged as an early lingua franca, although authorities soon adopted Hiri Motu, a pidgin version of the Motu language that was already in use around Port Moresby. Hiri Motu quickly became established as a de facto official language, preferable to pidgin English. Nonetheless, formal English was taught in the educational system.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp
In contrast to establishing an Australian mandate in former German New Guinea, the League of Nations determined that Papua was an external territory of the Australian Commonwealth; as a matter of law it remained a British possession. The difference in legal status meant that until 1949, Papua (former British protectorate Territory of Papua) and New Guinea (former German territory German New Guinea) had entirely separate administrations, both controlled by Australia. These conditions contributed to the complexity of organising the country's post-independence legal system.
More plantations were established along the coast and on the islands following the war, and a head tax was imposed that caused further participation in the colonial economy. Gold was discovered in the 1920s, and within a decade became the largest export.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp When Australian authorities took charge of German New Guinea's administration in 1921, they continued the practice of using Tok Pisin.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp While English was established as the official language of both territories, Tok Pisin remained the lingua franca of administration in the north, while Hiri Motu remained the lingua franca of the south. Tok Pisin became more widely spoken, while the use Hiri Motu remained mostly restricted to areas near Port Moresby.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp
The highland valleys were first explored by Australians in the 1930s and were found to be inhabited by over a million people.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
During World War II, the New Guinea campaign (1942–1945) was fought in both the mainland and offshore islands. Approximately 216,000 Japanese, Australian, and U.S. servicemen died.<ref>Fenton, Damien. Template:Cite web. Australian War Memorial.</ref>
The Second World War punctured the myth of differences between locals and foreigners, and increased the exposure of the population to the wider world and modern social and economic ideas. It also led to significant population movements, beginning the establishment of a common identity shared by those in the two Australian-ruled territories.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp Both Tok Pisin and Hiri Motu became more common to facilitate communication, and were used for radio broadcasts.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The joint governance of both territories that was established during the war was continued after the war ended.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp
Village councils were first created in both Papua and in New Guinea starting 1949, with the number steadily increasing over the years.<ref name="May2004chapter8">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp These created alternative power structures, which while sometimes filled by traditional leaders, saw the beginning of a shift towards leaders with administrative or business experience.<ref name="May2004chapter9"/>Template:Rp Australia formally combined Papua and New Guinea into one territory. By 1951, a 28-member Legislative Council was instituted.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/> This was largely dominated by Australian administrative members, with only 3 seats allocated to Papua New Guineans. Sir Donald Cleland, an Australian soldier, became the first administrator of this new council.Template:Citation needed Speeches in the council could be in English, Tok Pisin, or Hiri Motu.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp A nationwide local government conference was held in 1959, and regional conferences were held afterwards.<ref name="May2004chapter8"/>Template:Rp
The Australian government officially sought to shift post-war economic development more towards the benefit of the local population. Most development was agricultural, with an expansion of smallholding and a focus on facilitating exports. While clear economic objectives emerged, political aims less certain, with independence and becoming an Australian state both seen as possible futures.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp The 1960s and 1970s saw significant social changes as more of the population began to participate in the formal economy, leading to the development of a more local bureaucracy. Alongside this, Australian administrators promoted a shared national identity.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp Efforts began in the 1950s to move education, including in mission schools, away from local vernaculars towards English. English was seen by Australian authorities as a potential unifying language, and by many Papua New Guineans as a prestige language.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp However, growing national identity saw a desire to move back towards local languages, and in the 1970s local languages were re-added to the national syllabus as a supplement to English education.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The national philosophy that developed among political leaders, "The Melanesian Way", advocated for an egalitarian and communal leadership reflecting consensual decision making.<ref name="May2004chapter9"/>Template:Rp
The re-establishment of Australian administration following the war was followed by an expansion of that control. Territorial control over the highland areas was highly limited prior to this. Regular access did not occur until the 1950s. By 1970, Template:Convert was still officially regarded as uncontrolled.<ref name="Dorney2016"/><ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The administration of the highlands led to a large expansion of coffee cultivation in the region.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp In-country migration during this time spread Tok Pisin further, even to Port Moresby. The 1966 census found that 37% spoke Tok Pisin, 13% English, and 8% Hiri Motu.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp
Village council powers were expanded in 1963, and ward councils were made possible for village councils with large populations.<ref name="May2004chapter8"/>Template:Rp The first election, held in 1964, and the subsequent 1968 election, took place alongside political campaigns to introduce the political system to people in the territory.<ref name="May2004chapter5">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp The 1964 election occurred alongside the Council being replaced by the 64-member House of Assembly of Papua and New Guinea,<ref name="ABCTimeline"/> part elected part appointed,<ref name="May2022chapter4">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp which for the first time had a majority of Papua New Guinean members.<ref name="pngattitude">Template:Cite web</ref> Tok Pisin was spoken by 89% of this parliament, although one representative could speak none of the three major languages and so had their own translator. Over time, Tok Pisin became the primary language of debate<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The Assembly increased to 84 members in 1967 and 100 by 1972,<ref name="pngattitude"/> at which point all members were elected.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp The leadup to the 1968 election saw the formation of Pangu Pati, the first political party.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp
Mining exploration by Rio Tinto in Bougainville began in 1964. This faced resistance from local landowners, however the Bougainville Copper corporation was established and began to operate a large mine. Resistance became interlinked with a desire for greater autonomy.<ref name="May2004chapter13">Template:Cite book</ref> Bougainville was geographically close to the British Solomon Islands, and its people are more culturally linked to those of the Solomon Islands than to others in the territory.<ref name="Phillips2015">Template:Cite news</ref> However, the mine was seen as crucial for diversifying the economic base of Papua New Guinea from agriculture alone.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp An unsuccessful call for a referendum on separation was made by Bougainvilleans in Port Moresby in 1968, and further political efforts led to a provisional district government being established in 1973.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp
Australian Opposition Leader Gough Whitlam visited Papua New Guinea in 1969. In 1970 and 1971, he visited the Tolai people in the Gazelle Peninsula, who were seeking more control. Whitlam made self-rule in the territory an election issue, and called for self-governance as early as 1972.<ref name="Dorney2016">Template:Cite news</ref> United Nations visiting missions in the early 1970s called for further political education to better explain the meaning of self-governance and of independence. In March 1971 the House of Assembly recommended that the territory seek self-governance in the next parliament, which was agreed to by Australia.<ref name="May2004chapter5"/>Template:Rp Political education campaigns at the time increased emphasis on the idea of national unity.<ref name="May2004chapter5"/>Template:Rp
Following the time of Whitlam's first visit, political debate significantly intensified. This accompanied social change, such as an increase in education, symbolised by the first students graduating from the University of Papua New Guinea in 1970.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp District authorities (which would become provincial authorities) were established in 1970, helping develop provincial identity.<ref name="May2004chapter8"/>Template:Rp A Constitutional Planning Committee made up of Papua New Guineans conducted domestic consultations while also looking for inspiration from post-colonial states in Africa.<ref name="May2022chapter2">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp At the 1972 Papua New Guinean general election in July, Michael Somare was elected as Chief Minister.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/><ref name="May2004chapter2">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Somare sought a better relationship with regional movements, negotiating to meet local needs rather than viewing such movements as an obstacle to a united independent state. His government announced specific plans to decentralise, and improve local self-sustainability. While these actions increased the number of local groups, they also decreased their salience and encouraged them to join the national political system.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp 1972 also saw a new economic strategy delivered to the government that recommended the indigenisation of the economy, an approach and rhetoric adopted by the Somare government.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp The Bank of Papua New Guinea was created in October.<ref name="May2004chapter17">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp In December, Whitlam was elected as Prime Minister at the 1972 Australian federal election. The Whitlam Government then instituted self-governance in late 1973.<ref name="Dorney2016"/> The kina was introduced as a separate currency in April 1975.<ref name="May2004chapter17"/>Template:Rp
In addition to Bougainville, other regional movements emerged prior to independence. The Papua Besena party sought to separate the territory of Papua from New Guinea. While the party symbolically declared independence prior to national independence, they later went on to participate in Papua New Guinean politics. The Highlands Liberation Front sought to prevent dominance of highland areas from the coast as well as from foreigners, although it sought more autonomy and representation rather than outright independence, and disappeared after independence. Smaller groups emerged in various areas to advocate for the creation of new provinces.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp The appearance of such groups was likely a combination of new ideas about politics, combined with little need for a united nationalist movement given the Australian agreement to independence.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp
Over the next two years, further arguments for independence were forwarded, culminating in the Whitlam Government passing the Papua New Guinea Independence Act 1975 in September 1975, citing the 16th of September 1975 as the date of independence.
Whitlam and then-Prince Charles attended the independence ceremony, with Somare continuing as the country's first Prime Minister.<ref name="ABCTimeline">Template:Cite news</ref>
Upon independence, most Australian officials, including agricultural, economic, educational, and medicinal staff, left the territory. Very little training had been provided to their successors.<ref name="Dorney2016"/> This led to a restructuring and a loss of efficiency, particularly in serving rural areas.<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp By the 1980s, the civil service, including the military, had become politicised, decreasing effectiveness and accountability.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp
At the same time as PNG became independent, the government of Bougainville symbolically declared independence.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/><ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp The voting system was changed to first past the post, as an unsuccessful attempt to encourage the development of a two-party system with clearly defined political parties.<ref name="May2004chapter1">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Elected provincial governments were created in 1976, including for Bougainville.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp National governments changed through constitutional means. Somare retained the prime ministership following the 1977 election, and was ousted through a vote of no confidence in 1980. He became prime minister again following the 1982 election, but lost another vote of no confidence in 1985.<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp
The issue of Bougainville persisted past independence, with profits from the mine seeing as being of more a benefit to the national government than the people of Bougainville.<ref name="Phillips2015"/> Bougainville had been the primary mining region of the country, at one point generating almost 50% of exports and 20% of national revenue.<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter12"/>Template:Rp A secessionist movement in 1975–76 on Bougainville Island resulted in a modification of the Constitution of Papua New Guinea, with the Organic Law on Provincial Government legally devolving power to the 19 provinces. The actual devolution happened on different timescales for each province, which had greatly varying capacities.<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter8"/>Template:Rp Bougainville was the first, with a formal provincial government established in 1976.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp Some provincial governments were suspended in the 1980s, due to financial mismanagement. Somare's proposal to reduce provincial power brought further threats of secession from some of the country's island provinces.<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter8"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter12">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp
While warfare significantly decreased under Australian governance, Tribal fighting in the highland areas increased in the 1970s. These areas had been under outside control for less time, meaning former tribal conflict was still remembered and restarted upon independence. The first state of emergency there was declared in 1979, although it and similar interventions did not quell the violence. Unemployment and imbalanced gender ratios in cities meant tribal fighting morphed into the emergence of gangs. Gang violence led to a state of emergency in Port Moresby in 1984, which led to the intervention of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF). This was effective, and led to further police and military interventions elsewhere. Both the police and military became more politicised, and less disciplined. Demand for private security increased as a response, and foreign investment was deterred.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter10">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter12"/>Template:Rp The re-emergence of such violence was likely exacerbated by population increases, the increasing value of land for resources and cash crops, the weakening of local traditional authority structures, electoral competition, the spread of cars and alcohol, and more powerful guns.<ref name="May2022chapter10">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp
In 1987, proposals were made to increase the election deposit required of political candidates tenfold, from K100 to K1000, in an attempt to reduce the growing number of candidates. Initially blocked by the judiciary, it past legislatively before the 1992 election, although the number of candidates continued to increase.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp
In 1991, the period in which a government could not face a no confidence vote was increased from 6 months to 18 months.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp In 1993, Manus Province switched from first past the post to preferential voting.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp
In 1995, provincial governments were reformed, becoming made up of relevant national MPs and a number of appointed members. This followed frequent tensions emerging between elected provincial governments and national MPs from those provinces. Some of their responsibilities were devolved towards local governments, a factor that caused significant controversy due to an expected lack of capacity at this level. This lack of capacity has meant that national MPs gained significant powers at the local level. A 2000 legal seminar found that all provincial and local governments had been functioning illegally since 1997.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter8"/>Template:Rp
The employment needs of the Bougainville mine decreased after construction was completed, leading younger individuals receiving little benefit from the presence of the mine. A renewed uprising on Bougainville started in 1988, fighting against both the Bougainville government and the national government. After the mine closed in May 1989, and the national government pulled out in 1990 and blockaded the province, the conflict shifted into a complex internal civil war. National security forces re-entered the island at the end of 1990, and together with local allies slowly gained more control.<ref name="Phillips2015"/><ref name="May2004chapter12"/>Template:Rp An agreement between the government and rebels was reached in October 1994, and in 1995 a transitional Bougainville government is established. In 1997, the Sandline affair over the hiring of mercenaries to intervene in Bougainville brought down the national government. Following New Zealand-mediated peace talks, a ceasefire was reached in January 1998.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/><ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp Around 20,000 are thought to have died before the conflict came to an end.<ref>"New report doubles death toll on Bougainville to 20,000Template:Webarchive." Radio Australia. 19 March 2012.</ref> The ceasefire also saw that Bougainville would establish a representative government and would not be subject to 1995 national legislation relating to provincial and local governments. The Bougainville People's Congress was formed to represent the province, however, disputes over the suspension of the previous government led to a compromise in the formation of the Bougainville Interim Provincial Government.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp
The first decade of independence saw slow but steady economic growth. The Ok Tedi Mine opened in 1982. While Australian contribution to the budget dropped from 40% of government revenue in 1975 to 17% in 1988, improved taxation allowed for government expenditure to be maintained.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp The closure of the Bougainville mine led to issues with government finances, however an expansion of exports of oil, minerals, and forestry products led to economic recovery in the early 1990s. This growth did not decrease inequality however, and government services declined.<ref name="May2004chapter12"/>Template:Rp This economic decline both caused and was exacerbated by increases in violence. Local violence damaged infrastructure, and defence expenditure increased. In 1986 the public services lost a significant degree of independence, leading to their becoming more politicised. Increasing government expense and resulting rising debt led to significant economic trouble. The Papua New Guinean kina was devalued and put on a floating exchange rate in 1994, and the country obtained an emergency loan from the World Bank in 1995.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp
In the 1997 election, 73% of all candidates were independent, including 33% of winning candidates, reflecting a steady shift from party politics. The 2372 total candidates meant there was an average of 22 contestants per constituency, with Oro Province having the most, with 61 candidates. Only 4 candidates achieved overall majorities, with 95 (87%) of winners receiving less than 30% of the vote, and 16 (14%) receiving less than 10%. Of the 109 MPs elected, only 2 were women. Somare commented that this meant the parliament did not have much mandate, having been rejected by 80.20% of the population. After government changed mid-parliament in 1999, a Constitutional Development Commission was established to bring about political reform. The resulting Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates created public funding for registered parties based on their elected members of parliament, incentivised the selection of women candidates, and instituted punishments for party hopping. It also barred independent MPs from voting for the prime minister, or from joining coalitions before a prime minister is elected.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp Another measure was to begin a shift from a simple first past the post voting system to a Limited Preferential Vote system (LPV), a version of the alternative vote.<ref name="May2022chapter1">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp The 2007 general election was the first to be conducted using LPV,<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp although it had already been used in 10 by-elections.<ref name="May2022chapter7">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp
As a result of reports following the Sandline affair and tense civil-military relations, the PNGDF was shrunk from 3,700 people to 2,000.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp A peace agreement was signed in 2001, under which Bougainville would gain higher autonomy than other provinces, and it was agreed that an independence referendum would be held in the future.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/><ref name="Phillips2015"/> In 2003 the PNGDF participated in the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp
In 2001 an Australian detention centre was established on Manus Island. Australian police were brought to PNG to help train PNG police in 2004. While most leave after a year, this began a long-term Australian police presence in the country.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/>
The 2000s saw significant economic growth, in large part due to an expansion in the mining, oil, and gas sectors, although the country's Human Development Index (HDI) rating declined. The debt-to-GDP ratio dropped from 72 per cent in 2002 to 22 per cent in 2011.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp
The first elections for the new autonomous government took place in 2005.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/><ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp The autonomous Bougainville elected Joseph Kabui as president, who served until he died in 2008. He was succeeded by his deputy John Tabinaman as acting president while an election to fill the unexpired term was organised. James Tanis won that election in December 2008 and served until the inauguration of John Momis, the winner of the 2010 elections.Template:Citation needed
In 2011, there was a constitutional crisis between the parliament-elect Prime Minister, Peter O'Neill (voted into office by a large majority of MPs), and Somare, who was deemed by the supreme court to retain office. The stand-off between parliament and the Supreme Court continued, with two rival governments existing. The courts ruled that legislation passed by the O'Neill government was void, while parliament passed legislation increasing its control over the judiciary. At one point the deputy prime minister Belden Namah entered the supreme court, escorted by police, ostensibly to arrest the chief justice Salamo Injia and fellow judge Nicholas Kirriwom.<ref name="May2022chapter14">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp The judicial legislation effectively removed the chief justice, and other laws passed included limiting the age for a prime minister.Template:Citation needed The parliament voted to delay the upcoming elections, however they did not have the constitutional authority to do this, and the Papua New Guinea Electoral Commission continued to prepare.<ref name="May2022chapter14"/>Template:Rp The parliament-elect prime minister eventually carried the votes for the writs for the new election to be issued slightly late but for the election itself to occur on time, thereby avoiding a continuation of the constitutional crisis.Template:Citation needed The 2012 national elections went ahead as scheduled, and O'Neill was once again elected as prime minister by a majority of parliament. Somare joined O'Neill's government, charges against the court judges and others who supported Somare were dropped, and the legislation asserting control of the judiciary and that affecting the office of the prime minister was repealed.<ref name="ABCTimeline"/><ref name="May2022chapter14"/>Template:RpLeo Dion, the former Governor of East New Britain Province, was deputy prime minister.
In the early years of independence, the instability of the party system led to frequent votes of no confidence in parliament, with resulting changes of the government, but with referral to the electorate through national elections only occurring every five years. In 1991, legislation was passed preventing such votes sooner than 18 months after a national election (successful votes within 12 months of the next election led to an automatic election). In November 2012, the first (of three) readings were passed to prevent votes of no confidence occurring within the first 30 months. The second reading passed in February 2013. Proponents argued that a restriction on votes of no confidence would provide greater stability, while opponents said such changes would reduce the accountability of the executive branch of government to parliament. In September 2015, the Supreme Court invalidated the change.<ref name="May2022chapter14"/>Template:Rp
Liquefied natural gas exports began in 2014, however falling prices as well as lower oil prices meant that government revenue was lower than expected. The debt-to-GDP ratio rose, and as of 2019, Papua New Guinea's HDI rating was the lowest in the Pacific.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp In March 2015 the Bougainville Mining Act shifted control over mining from the national government to the Bougainville government. It also stated that minerals belonged to customary landowners rather than the state, giving landowners vetos over future extraction.<ref name="Phillips2015"/><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
The 2017 general election saw O'Neill return as prime minister, although initially with a smaller coalition. This election saw widespread voter intimidation in some regions, and delays in the reporting of seat results.<ref name="May2022chapter15">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Financial scandals, as well as criticism of the purchase of expensive cars for APEC Papua New Guinea 2018 meeting, created pressure on O'Neill and led to defections from government, although O'Neill was initially protected from deposition by the 18-month bar on no confidence votes.<ref name="May2022chapter15"/>Template:Rp In May 2019, O'Neill resigned as prime minister and was replaced through a vote of Parliament by James Marape. Marape was a key minister in O'Neill's government, and his defection from the government to the opposition camp finally led to O'Neill's resignation from office.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Davis Steven was appointed deputy prime minister, justice Minister and Attorney General.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> An Independent Commission Against Corruption was created through legislation in 2020.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp
The government set 23 November 2019<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> as the voting date for a non-binding<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> independence referendum in the Bougainville autonomous region.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The independence referendum took place between 23 November and 7 December 2019, providing a choice between greater autonomy within Papua New Guinea and full independence for Bougainville. Voters overwhelmingly voted for independence (98.31%).<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In December 2019, the autonomous region voted overwhelmingly for independence, with 97.7% voting in favour of obtaining full independence and around 1.7% voting in favour of greater autonomy.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Negotiations between the Bougainville government and national Papua New Guinea on a path to Bougainville independence began in 2021.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp
After an election widely criticised by observers for its inadequate preparation (including failure to update the electoral roll), abuses and violence, in July 2022, Prime Minister James Marape's PANGU Party secured the most seats of any party in the election, enabling James Marape to be invited to form a coalition government, which he succeeded in doing and he continued as PNG's Prime Minister.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In the 2022 Election two women were elected into the eleventh Parliament, one, Rufina Peter, also became Provincial governor of Central Province.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Papua New Guinea has maintained continuous democratic elections and changes in government since independence.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp While seat results are often contested, the overall results of elections are accepted.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp Elections in PNG attract numerous candidates. After independence in 1975, members were elected by the first-past-the-post system, with many winners gaining less than 10% of the vote.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp Voting takes place through the Limited Preferential Vote system (LPV), a version of the alternative vote.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp Under this system, voters must give preference votes for at least three candidates.<ref name="May2022chapter7"/>Template:Rp This is intended to reduce confrontation due to the need to court second and third preferences, as well as provide outlets for those, especially women, who might be pressured to select one candidate by others to also vote for their preferred candidate.<ref name="May2022chapter7"/>Template:Rp
While political parties exist, they are not ideologically differentiated. Instead they generally reflect the alliances made between their members, and have little relevance outside of elections. All governments since 1972 have been coalitions, and the number of independent candidates that run has increased. Having no party makes it easier for winning politicians to negotiate with those trying to establish a majority coalition. When formed, such coalitions are unstable due to the potential for party hopping,<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp referred to as "yo-yo" politics. Almost all parties have formed coalition with the others,<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp and some coalitions have consisted of up to 10 separate parties. Ministerial positions are valuable,<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp and constituents may often have little issue with their elected representatives switching parties to join the government, as it gives their district more representation.<ref name="May2022chapter5"/>Template:Rp Political parties can have MPs in government while others remain in opposition.<ref name="May2022chapter15"/>Template:Rp Opposition MPs have been appointed to government.<ref name="May2022chapter15"/>Template:Rp
Changes in government mostly affected patronage and individual positions, rather than changing government priorities and programmes.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp Due to this, despite the fractiousness of politics, policy is relatively stable.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp Many parties might run on similar platforms, with common policies including rural development, better health, education, and other public services, and being anti-corruption. This further weakens policy debate, as candidates campaign on local representation rather than their platforms.<ref name="May2022chapter5"/>Template:RpParty whipping is uncommon.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp The lack of strong parties lasting between elections contributes to poor finances, meaning parties can not really support candidates outside of personal funds from party leaders.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp Pre-election coalitions are rare.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp A weak parliament has also resulted in a much stronger executive, a process strengthened by governments using procedural methods to control parliament.<ref name="May2022chapter14"/>Template:Rp An increasing reliance on judicial methods to combat the government has increased the risk of the judiciary being seen as politicised.<ref name="May2022chapter14"/>Template:Rp
The support bases of political parties are usually personal or geographical. Even when nominally national parties emerge, they are often strong in specific regions.<ref name="May2004chapter3"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp Most parties exist only for a short time, and are highly dependent on their leaders.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp
For the first couple of decades of independence, there was at least one change of government within each parliamentary period.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp In total, only two prime ministers have finished a full term from election to election.<ref name="Kabuni2023"/><ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:RpVotes of no confidence are common, and while few are successful,<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> multiple prime ministers have pre-emptively resigned to try and engineer reselection or adjourned parliament in order to avoid them.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp
The political culture is influenced by existing kinship and village ties, with communalism an important cultural factor given the many small and fragmented communities.<ref name="May2004chapter3">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Regional and local identities are strong, and traditional politics has integrated with the modern political system.<ref name="May2004chapter3"/>Template:Rp There is a broad Papuan regional identity, and to some extent a highlands one, which can affect politics.<ref name="May2022chapter5">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp However, outside of Bougainville, regional politics are autonomist rather than separatist, with separatism often used as rhetoric rather than as an ultimate goal.<ref name="May2004chapter4"/>Template:Rp
Voting often occurs along tribal lines,<ref name="Whiting2023"/> an issue exacerbated by politicians who might be able to win off the small vote share provided by a unified tribe. Political intimidation and violence are common. Politicians have been prevented from campaigning in tribes with a rival candidate, and candidates are sometimes put up by opponents to split a different tribe's vote.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:RpBloc voting is practiced by some communities, especially in the highlands.<ref name="May2022chapter5"/>Template:Rp Large numbers of independent candidates means that winners are often elected on very small pluralities, including winning less than 10% of votes. Such results raise concerns about the mandates provided by elections.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp
In every election prior to at least 2004, the majority of incumbents lost their seats. This has created an incentive for newly elected politicians to seek as much personal advantage as possible within their term.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp Each MP controls Rural Development Funds for their constituency, providing easy opportunities for corruption.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp The total amount of funding under the discretionary control of each MP is amongst the highest in the world.<ref name="Kabuni2023">Template:Cite news</ref> This has generated significant cynicism, and reduced the perceived legitimacy of the national government.<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp The control of such funds may also contribute to commonality and severity of electoral violence.<ref name="Kabuni2023"/> Other challenges to elections include issues with administration, issues with electoral rolls, and vote buying.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp The provision of constituency funds to MPs has been delayed by prime ministers to influence coalition-building.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp
Corruption is a widespread issue within Papua New Guinea. While notable instances have been identified amongst high-profile individuals, spreading petty corruption has likely had a greater effect of degrading government services. While some corruption is for personal gain, other corruption emerges from the social obligations of the wantok system, with constituents expecting reciprocal benefits and loyalty from their elected officials and from others in their communities and kin networks.<ref name="May2022chapter9">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Politicians jailed for corruption have been re-elected, as their corrupt activities were seen an expected part of benefiting their communities. This clash of individual community expectations and local acceptance of what might be called corruption with widespread disillusionment over national corruption is likely one reason that anti-corruption actions rarely match political rhetoric.<ref name="May2022chapter9"/>Template:Rp
The control of constituency funds has also resulted in MPs being seen as individually responsible for the delivery of government services, especially as few other pathways for government services exist, compounding the cultural importance of expectations of rewards for voting for a winning candidate. This responsibility for services is thought to contribute to high levels of absenteeism in parliament, and thus means MPs are not able to effectively act as lawmakers within the Westminster system of government. Instability in parliament further hampers lawmaking. A 2018 commission found 370 laws thought to be at least 50 years out of date.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In some rural areas, villages have little interaction with the state.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp
Governments cannot face no confidence votes within six months of the most recent election.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp This was extended to 18 months in 1991, and 30 months in 2012,<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp although in 2015 the supreme court ruled such changes were unconstitutional.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp Votes of no confidence are generally not held in the fifth year of a parliament, as this would trigger an immediate election.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp
Ministerial tenures are often short, averaging half the length of a parliament from 1972 to 2016. This 29–30 months is reduced to just 24 months if considering service under one prime minister.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp The average length a minister spends at a particular portfolio is even shorter, at just 16 months, or 15 months under one prime minister. Excluding the unusual 1972–77 parliament, the average is just 12 months.<ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp
The Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates, which passed in December 2000, incentivised the formation of political parties and barred independent MPs from electing the prime minister.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp Changes in 2003 barred party hopping and forced MPs to vote for prime ministers representing the party they had campaigned for. Such changes facilitate the relatively long time Michael Somare was prime minister. However, in 2010 these laws and related constitutional changes were deemed unconstitutional. The other prime minister with a long time in office, Peter O'Neill, had his position facilitated by constitutional changes restricting no confidence votes and reducing the parliamentary period. These changes were also later declared unconstitutional.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="Ivarature2016"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter5"/>Template:Rp
Under a 2002 amendment, the leader of the party, who wins the largest number of seats in the election, is invited by the governor-general to form the government if they can muster the necessary majority in parliament.Template:Citation needed Forming such a coalition involves considerable negotiations between party leaders, both to create and maintain coalitions.<ref name="May2022chapter4"/>Template:Rp
Litigation has become common, increasing the cost of the judicial system.<ref name="May2022chapter14"/>Template:Rp Government infrastructure, including schools and airstrips, often lead to demands for compensation from local communities, impeding development and creating local tensions.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter15"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp
Template:Main
While Papua New Guinea is a unitary state, it is highly decentralised.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp Papua New Guinea is divided into four regions, which are not the primary administrative divisions but are significant in many aspects of government, commercial, sporting, and other activities. The nation has 22 province-level divisions: twenty provinces, the Autonomous Region of Bougainville and the National Capital District. Each province is divided into one or more districts, which in turn are divided into one or more Local-Level Government areas. ProvincesTemplate:Notetag are the primary administrative divisions of the country. Provincial governments are branches of the national government, and Papua New Guinea is not a federation of provinces. The province-level divisions are as follows:
Papua New Guinea has sought to maintain good relations with its neighbours Australia, Indonesia, and the Solomon Islands, while also building links to Asian countries to the north. Relations with Australia have been strained by changes to aid. Regional conflicts have complicated relations with the Solomon Islands and Indonesia, due to the Bougainville conflict and the Papua conflict respectively. In 1986, Papua New Guinea became a founding member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group alongside the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, and the three signed a formal cooperation agreement in 1988. A cooperation treaty was signed with Indonesia in 1986, and Australia in 1987.<ref name="May2004chapter1"/>Template:Rp<ref name="May2004chapter12"/>Template:Rp
Papua New Guinea has provided support to Indonesia's control of Western New Guinea,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> the focus of the Papua conflict where numerous human rights violations have reportedly been committed by the Indonesian security forces.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Those living in communities near the border are able to cross it for customary purposes.<ref name="May2004chapter2"/>Template:Rp
The Papua New Guinea Defence Force is the military organisation responsible for the defence of Papua New Guinea. It consists of three wings.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed Its primary role is internal security, although it also patrols the border with Indonesia and the country's exclusive economic zone.<ref name="May2004chapter10"/>Template:Rp The Land Element has seven units: the Royal Pacific Islands Regiment, a special forces unit, a battalion of engineers, three other small units primarily dealing with signals and health, and a military academy. The Air Element consists of one aircraft squadron, which transports the other military wings. The Maritime Element consists of four Template:Sclass2s, three ex-Australian Template:Sclasslanding craft, and one Template:Sclass2. One of the landing craft is used as a training ship. Three more Guardian-class patrol boats are under construction in Australia to replace the old Pacific-class vessels. The main tasks of the Maritime Element are to patrol inshore waters and to transport the Land Element. Because of its extensive coastline, Papua New Guinea has a very large exclusive economic zone. The Maritime Element relies heavily on satellite imagery to surveil the country's waters. Patrolling is generally ineffective because underfunding often leaves the patrol boats unserviceable. This problem will be partially corrected when the larger Guardian-class patrol boats enter service.
The unicameral Parliament enacts legislation like in other Commonwealth realms that use the Westminster system of government. The cabinet collectively agrees on government policy, and then the relevant minister introduces bills to Parliament, depending on which government department is responsible for implementing a particular law. Backbench members of parliament can also introduce bills. Parliament debates bills (section 110.1 of the Constitution), which become enacted laws when the Speaker certifies that Parliament has passed them. There is no Royal assent.
All ordinary statutes enacted by Parliament must be consistent with the Constitution. The courts have jurisdiction to rule on the constitutionality of statutes, both in disputes before them and on a reference where there is no dispute but only an abstract question of law. Unusually among developing countries, the judicial branch of government in Papua New Guinea has remained remarkably independent, and successive executive governments have continued to respect its authority.
The "underlying law" (Papua New Guinea's common law) consists of principles and rules of common law and equity in English<ref>Papua New Guinea Constitution Schedule 2.2.2</ref>Template:Primary source inline common law as it stood on 16 September 1975 (the date of independence), and thereafter the decisions of PNG's own courts. The Constitution directs the courts and, latterly, the Underlying Law Act to take note of the "custom" of traditional communities. They are to determine which customs are common to the whole country and may also be declared to be part of the underlying law. In practice, this has proved difficult and has been largely neglected. Statutes are largely adapted from overseas jurisdictions, primarily Australia and England. Advocacy in the courts follows the adversarial pattern of other common-law countries. This national court system, used in towns and cities, is supported by a village court system in the more remote areas. The law underpinning the village courts is 'customary law'.
Papua New Guinea is considered to have one of the highest rates of violence against women in the world.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Such violence imposes both personal and communal costs, and is likely a reason why female participation in politics is the lowest in the region, and deters parents from sending their daughters to school.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp A 2013 study found that 27% of men on Bougainville Island reported having raped a non-partner, while 14.1% reported having committed gang rape.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> According to UNICEF, nearly half of reported rape victims are under 15 years old, and 13% are under 7 years old.<ref name="UNICEF2">Template:Cite web</ref> Former Parliamentarian Carol Kidu stated that 50% of those seeking medical help after rape are under 16, 25% are under 12, and 10% are under 8.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Under Dame Carol's term as Minister for Community Development, Parliament passed the Family Protection Act (2013) and the Lukautim Pikini Act (2015), although the Family Protection Regulation was not approved until 2017, delaying its application in the Courts.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Failed verification Changing views on violence being a normal part of relationships is a key part of efforts to decrease such violence.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
While tribal violence has long been a way of life in the highlands regions, an increase in firearms has led to greater loss of life. In the past, rival groups had been known to utilise axes, bush knives and traditional weapons, as well as respecting rules of engagement that prevented violence while hunting or at markets. These norms have been changing with a greater uptake of firearms. These are believed to be losses from government armouries,<ref name="Swanston2024">Template:Cite web</ref> as well as sourced from smuggling operations over the border into Indonesia.<ref name="Whiting2023">Template:Cite web</ref> Only 1/5th of 5000 Australian-made Self Loading RiflesTemplate:Citation needed and half of the 2000 M16s delivered to the PNGDF from the 1970s-1990s were found in government armouries during an audit in 2004 and 2005.<ref name="Swanston2024"/> The smuggling and theft of ammunition have also increased violence in these regions. The police forces and military find it difficult to maintain control. Village massacres have increased with 69 villagers killed in a single attack in February 2024 in Enga Province.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Violence between raskol gangs occurs in both urban and rural areas, and some gangs have become linked to politicians. Raskol violence has had a marked impact on economic activity in rural areas.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp
The Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary is responsible for maintaining law and order. It has been challenged in this as more advanced weaponry exacerbates tribal conflicts, as well as being unable to prevent violence against women.<ref name="May2022chapter1"/>Template:Rp These challenges are compounded by underfunding, which has led to low morale. Issues have been raised regarding human rights abuses and destruction of property as a result of police actions.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp
The constabulary has been troubled in recent years by infighting, political interference and corruption. It was recognised from early after Independence (and hitherto) that a national police force alone could never have the capacity to administer law and order across the country, and that it would also require effective local-level systems of policing and enforcement, notably the village court magisterial service.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed The weaknesses of police capacity, poor working conditions and recommendations to address them were the subject of the 2004 Royal PNG Constabulary Administrative Review to the Minister for Internal Security.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
In 2011, Commissioner for Police Anthony Wagambie took the unusual step of asking the public to report police asking for payments for performing their duties.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In September 2020, Minister for Police Bryan Jared Kramer launched a broadside on Facebook against his own police department, which was subsequently reported in the international media. In the post, Kramer accused the Royal PNG Constabulary of widespread corruption, claiming that "Senior officers based in Police Headquarters in Port Moresby were stealing from their own retired officers’ pension funds. They were implicated in organised crime, drug syndicates, smuggling firearms, stealing fuel, insurance scams, and even misusing police allowances. They misused tens of millions of kina allocated for police housing, resources, and welfare. We also uncovered many cases of senior officers facilitating the theft of Police land." Commissioner for Police David Manning, in a separate statement, said that his force included "criminals in uniform".<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
The country is situated on the Pacific Ring of Fire, at the point of collision of several tectonic plates. Geologically, the island of New Guinea is a northern extension of the Indo-Australian tectonic plate, forming part of a single land mass which is Australia-New Guinea (also called Sahul or Meganesia). It is connected to the Australian segment by a shallow continental shelf across the Torres Strait, which in former ages lay exposed as a land bridge, particularly during ice ages when sea levels were lower than at present. As the Indo-Australian Plate (which includes landmasses of India, Australia, and the Indian Ocean floor in between) drifts north, it collides with the Eurasian Plate. The collision of the two plates pushed up the Himalayas, the Indonesian islands, and New Guinea's Central Range. The Central Range is much younger and higher than the mountains of Australia, so high that it is home to rare equatorial glaciers.
There are several active volcanoes, and eruptions are frequent. Papua New Guinea is one of the few regions close to the equator that experience snowfall, which occurs in the most elevated parts of the mainland.
The country shares a land border with Indonesia, and maritime borders with Australia, the Solomon Islands, and the Federated States of Micronesia.<ref name="May2004chapter12"/>Template:Rp The border between Papua New Guinea and Indonesia was confirmed by a treaty with Australia before independence in 1974. The land border comprises a segment of the 141° E meridian from the north coast southwards to where it meets the Fly River flowing east, then a short curve of the river's thalweg to where it meets the 141°01'10" E meridian flowing west, then southwards to the south coast.<ref name="bordertreaty1974">Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Primary source inline The 141° E meridian formed the entire eastern boundary of Dutch New Guinea according to its 1828 annexation proclamation.<ref name="VanderVeur1966">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:RpTemplate:Primary source inline By the Treaty of The Hague (1895) the Dutch and British agreed to a territorial exchange, bringing the entire left bank of the Fly River into British New Guinea and moving the southern border east to the Torasi Estuary.<ref name="VanderVeur1966" />Template:RpTemplate:Primary source inline The maritime boundary with Australia was confirmed by a treaty in 1978.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Primary source inline In the Torres Strait it runs close to the mainland of New Guinea, keeping the adjacent North Western Torres Strait Islands (Dauan, Boigu and Saibai) under Australian sovereignty. Maritime boundaries with the Solomon Islands were confirmed by a 1989 treaty.
The country is at risk of earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanic eruptions, floods, landslides, and droughts.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp Papua New Guinea is famous for its frequent seismic activity, being on the Ring of Fire. On 17 July 1998, a magnitude 7.0 earthquake struck north of Aitape. It triggered a 50-foot-high tsunami, which killed over 2,180 people in one of the worst natural disasters in the country.
Another severe earthquake occurred on 11 September 2022, killing seven people and causing damaging shaking in some of the country's largest cities, such as Lae and Madang, it was also felt in the capital Port Moresby.<ref name="CNA1">Template:Cite news</ref>
On May 24, 2024, a landslide hit the village of Kaokalam in Enga Province, about 600 kilometers (372 miles) northwest of the capital, Port Moresby, at about 3 a.m. local time. The landslide buried more than 2000 people alive, caused major destruction to buildings, and food gardens and caused major impact on the economic lifeline of the country. The casualty figure surpasses the 2006 Southern Leyte mudslide tragedy where a total of 1,126 people lost their lives as the debris flow from a landslide followed 10 days of heavy rain. With over 2,000 reported dead by the Papua New Guinea government, this disaster has now emerged as the deadliest landslide of the 21st century.Template:Citation needed
Climate change is leading to rising sea levels. It is expected that populations will soon be forced to move from some areas of Bougainville, such as the Carteret Islands.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp
The climate on the island is essentially tropical, but it varies by region. The maximum mean temperature in the lowlands is 30 to 32 °C, and the minimum 23–24 °C. In the highlands above 2100 metres, colder conditions prevail and night frosts are common there, while the daytime temperature exceeds 22 °C, regardless of the season.<ref name="Encyclopedia Britannica Climate"/>
Many species of birds and mammals found on New Guinea have close genetic links with corresponding species found in Australia. One notable feature in common for the two landmasses is the existence of several species of marsupialmammals, including some kangaroos and possums, which are not found elsewhere. Papua New Guinea is a megadiverse country.
Many of the other islands within PNG territory, including New Britain, New Ireland, Bougainville, the Admiralty Islands, the Trobriand Islands, and the Louisiade Archipelago, were never linked to New Guinea by land bridges. As a consequence, they have their own flora and fauna; in particular, they lack many of the land mammals and flightless birds that are common to New Guinea and Australia.
The country is believed to be the home of many undocumented species of plants and animals.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Australia and New Guinea are portions of the ancient supercontinent of Gondwana, which started to break into smaller continents in the Cretaceous period, 65–130 million years ago. Australia finally broke free from Antarctica about 45 million years ago. All the Australasian lands are home to the Antarctic flora, descended from the flora of southern Gondwana, including the coniferouspodocarps and Araucaria pines, and the broad-leafed southern beech (Nothofagus). These plant families are still present in Papua New Guinea. New Guinea is part of the humid tropics, and many Indomalayan rainforest plants spread across the narrow straits from Asia, mixing with the old Australian and Antarctic floras. New Guinea has been identified as the world's most floristically diverse island in the world, with 13,634 known species of vascular plants.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
Papua New Guinea includes several terrestrial ecoregions:
Admiralty Islands lowland rain forests – forested islands to the north of the mainland, home to a distinct flora.
Three new species of mammals were discovered in the forests of Papua New Guinea by an Australian-led expedition in the early 2010s. A small wallaby, a large-eared mouse and a shrew-like marsupial were discovered. The expedition was also successful in capturing photographs and video footage of some other rare animals such as the Tenkile tree kangaroo and the Weimang tree kangaroo.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Nearly one-quarter of Papua New Guinea's rainforests were damaged or destroyed between 1972 and 2002.<ref>"Satellite images uncover rapid PNG deforestationTemplate:Webarchive." ABC News. 2 June 2008.</ref> Mangrove swamps stretch along the coast, and in the inland it is inhabited by nipa palm (Nypa fruticans), and deeper in the inland the sago palm tree inhabits areas in the valleys of larger rivers. Trees such as oaks, red cedars, pines, and beeches are becoming predominant in the uplands above 3,300 feet. Papua New Guinea is rich in various species of reptiles, indigenous freshwater fish and birds, but it is almost devoid of large mammals.<ref name="Encyclopedia Britannica Climate">Template:Cite web</ref>
Papua New Guinea is richly endowed with natural resources, including mineral and renewable resources, such as forests, marine resources (including a large portion of the world's major tuna stocks), and in some parts agriculture. The rugged terrain (including high mountain ranges and valleys, swamps and islands) and the high cost of developing infrastructure, combined with other factors (including law and order problems in some centres and the system of customary land title) make it difficult for outside developers. Local developers are hindered by years of deficient investment in education, health, and access to finance. Agriculture, for subsistence and cash crops, provides a livelihood for 85% of the population and continues to provide some 30% of GDP. Mineral deposits, including gold, oil, and copper, account for 72% of export earnings. Oil palm production has grown steadily over recent years (largely from estates and with extensive outgrower output), with palm oil now the main agricultural export. Coffee remains the major export crop (produced largely in the Highlands provinces); followed by cocoa and coconut oil/copra from the coastal areas, each largely produced by smallholders; tea, produced on estates; and rubber.Template:Citation needed The Iagifu/Hedinia Field was discovered in 1986 in the Papuan fold and thrust belt.<ref name="Matzke">Matzke, R.H., Smith, J.G., and Foo, W.K., 1992, Iagifu/Hedinia Field, In Giant Oil and Gas Fields of the Decade, 1978–1988, AAPG Memoir 54, Halbouty, M.T., editor, Tulsa: American Association of Petroleum Geologists, Template:ISBN</ref>Template:Rp
Former Prime Minister Sir Mekere Morauta tried to restore integrity to state institutions, stabilise the kina, restore stability to the national budget, privatise public enterprises where appropriate, and ensure ongoing peace on Bougainville following the 1997 agreement which ended Bougainville's secessionist unrest. The Morauta government had considerable success in attracting international support, specifically gaining the backing of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in securing development assistance loans.
The country's terrain has made it difficult for the country to develop transportation infrastructure, resulting in air travel being the most efficient and reliable means of transportation. There are five highways, although only two go into the interior. Domestic shipping is limited.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
As of 2019, PNG's real GDP growth rate was 3.8%, with an inflation rate of 4.3%<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> This economic growth has been primarily attributed to strong commodity prices, particularly mineral but also agricultural, with the high demand for mineral products largely sustained even during the crisis by the buoyant Asian markets, a booming mining sector and by a buoyant outlook and the construction phase for natural gas exploration, production, and exportation in liquefied form (liquefied natural gas or "LNG") by LNG tankers, all of which will require multibillion-dollar investments (exploration, production wells, pipelines, storage, liquefaction plants, port terminals, LNG tanker ships).
The first major gas project was the PNG LNG joint venture. ExxonMobil is operator of the joint venture, also comprising PNG company Oil Search, Santos, Kumul Petroleum Holdings (Papua New Guinea's national oil and gas company), JX Nippon Oil and Gas Exploration, the PNG government's Mineral Resources Development Company and Petromin PNG Holdings. The project is an integrated development that includes gas production and processing facilities in the Hela, Southern Highlands and Western Provinces of Papua New Guinea, including liquefaction and storage facilities (located northwest of Port Moresby) with capacity of 6.9 million tonnes per year. There are over Template:Convert of pipelines connecting the facilities.<ref name="Exxon">Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Primary source inline It is the largest private-sector investment in the history of PNG.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> A second major project is based on initial rights held by the French oil and gas major TotalEnergies and the U.S. company InterOil Corp. (IOC), which have partly combined their assets after TotalEnergies agreed in December 2013 to purchase 61.3% of IOC's Antelope and Elk gas field rights, with the plan to develop them starting in 2016, including the construction of a liquefaction plant to allow export of LNG. TotalEnergies has separately another joint operating agreement with Oil Search.
Further gas and mineral projects are proposed (including the large Wafi-Golpu copper-gold mine), with extensive exploration ongoing across the country.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Failed verification
The PNG government's long-term Vision 2050 and shorter-term policy documents, including the 2013 Budget and the 2014 Responsible Sustainable Development Strategy, emphasise the need for a more diverse economy, based upon sustainable industries and avoiding the effects of Dutch disease from major resource extraction projects undermining other industries. This occurred in many countries experiencing oil or other mineral booms, notably in Western Africa, undermining much of their agriculture sector, manufacturing and tourism, and with them broad-based employment prospects. Measures have been taken to mitigate these effects, including through the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund, partly to stabilise revenue and expenditure flows, but much will depend upon the readiness to make real reforms to effective use of revenue, tackling rampant corruption and empowering households and businesses to access markets, services and develop a more buoyant economy, with lower costs, especially for small to medium-sized enterprises.Template:Citation needed Economic 'development' based on the extractive industries also carries difficult consequences for local communities. One major project conducted through the PNG Department for Community Development suggested that other pathways to sustainable development should be considered.<ref>James, P.; Nadarajah, Y.; Haive, K. and Stead, V. (2012) Sustainable Communities, Sustainable Development: Other Paths for Papua New GuineaTemplate:Webarchive, Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press.</ref>
The Institute of National Affairs, a PNG independent policy think tank, provides a report on the business and investment environment of Papua New Guinea every five years, based upon a survey of large and small, local and overseas companies, highlighting law and order problems and corruption, as the worst impediments, followed by the poor state of transport, power and communications infrastructure.<ref>[1]Template:Webarchive Institute of National Affairs (2013)</ref><ref>[2]Template:Webarchive Institute of National Affairs (2018).</ref>Template:Primary source inline
The PNG legislature has enacted laws in which a type of tenure called "customary land title" is recognised, meaning that the traditional lands of the indigenous peoples have some legal basis for inalienable tenure. This customary land notionally covers most of the usable land in the country (some 97% of total land area);<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> alienated land is either held privately under state lease or is government land. Freehold title (also known as fee simple) can only be held by Papua New Guinean citizens.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Rp
Only some 3% of the land of Papua New Guinea is in private hands; this is privately held under a 99-year state lease, or it is held by the State. There is virtually no freehold title; the few existing freeholds are automatically converted to state leases when they are transferred between vendor and purchaser. Unalienated land is owned under customary title by traditional landowners. The precise nature of the seisin varies from one culture to another. Many writers portray land as the communal ownership of traditional clans; however, closer studies usually show that the smallest portions of land whose ownership cannot be further divided are held by the individual heads of extended families and their descendants or their descendants alone if they have recently died.Template:Citation needed
This is a matter of vital importance because a problem of economic development is identifying the membership of customary landowning groups and the owners. Disputes between mining and forestry companies and landowner groups often devolve on the issue of whether the companies entered into contractual relations for the use of land with the true owners. Customary property—usually land—cannot be devised by will. It can only be inherited according to the custom of the deceased's people.Template:Citation needed The Lands Act was amended in 2010 along with the Land Group Incorporation Act, intended to improve the management of state land, mechanisms for dispute resolution over land, and to enable customary landowners to be better able to access finance and possible partnerships over portions of their land if they seek to develop it for urban or rural economic activities. The Land Group Incorporation Act requires more specific identification of the customary landowners than hitherto and their more specific authorisation before any land arrangements are determined; (a major issue in recent years has been a land grab, using, or rather misusing, the Lease-Leaseback provision under the Land Act, notably using 'Special Agricultural and Business Leases' (SABLs) to acquire vast tracts of customary land, purportedly for agricultural projects, but in almost all cases as a back-door mechanism for securing tropical forest resources for logging—circumventing the more exacting requirements of the Forest Act, for securing Timber Permits (which must comply with sustainability requirements and be competitively secured, and with the customary landowners' approval). Following a national outcry, these SABLs have been subject to a Commission of Inquiry, established in mid-2011, for which the report is still awaited for initial presentation to the Prime Minister and Parliament.Template:As of?Template:Citation needed
The NSW library's article further references the following primary sources (publications):
* Drew, Philip, Leaves of Iron Glen Murcutt: pioneer of Australian Architectural Form, Harper Collins, Sydney 1985
* Nelson, Hank, Taim Bilong Masta, The Australian involvement in Papua New Guinea, Australian Broadcasting Commission, Sydney 1982
* Levien, Cecil John (1874–1932), Australian Dictionary of Biography.</ref>
Papua New Guinea's National Vision 2050 was adopted in 2009. This has led to the establishment of the Research, Science and Technology Council. At its gathering in November 2014, the Council re-emphasised the need to focus on sustainable development through science and technology.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp
emerging industrial technology for downstream processing;
infrastructure technology for the economic corridors;
knowledge-based technology;
science and engineering education; and
to reach the target of investing 5% of GDP in research and development by 2050. (Papua New Guinea invested 0.03% of GDP in research and development in 2016.<ref name="Scott-Kemmis et al. 2021">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp)
In 2016, women accounted for 33.2% of researchers in Papua New Guinea.<ref name="Scott-Kemmis et al. 2021"/>Template:Rp
According to Thomson Reuters' Web of Science, Papua New Guinea had the largest number of publications (110) among Pacific Island states in 2014, followed by Fiji (106). Nine out of ten scientific publications from Papua New Guinea focused on immunology, genetics, biotechnology and microbiology.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015" />Template:Rp Nine out of ten were also co-authored by scientists from other countries, mainly Australia, the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Spain and Switzerland.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015" />Template:Rp In 2019 Papua New Guinea produced 253 publications in the Scopus (Elsevier) database of scientific publications.<ref name="Scott-Kemmis et al. 2021"/>Template:Rp Health sciences accounted for 49% of these publications.<ref name="Scott-Kemmis et al. 2021"/>Template:Rp Papua New Guinea's top scientific collaborators from 2017 to 2019 were Australia, the United States of America, the United Kingdom, France and India.<ref name="Scott-Kemmis et al. 2021"/>Template:Rp
Forestry is an important economic resource for Papua New Guinea, but the industry uses low and semi-intensive technological inputs. As a result, product ranges are limited to sawed timber, veneer, plywood, block board, moulding, poles and posts and wood chips. Only a few limited finished products are exported. Lack of automated machinery, coupled with inadequately trained local technical personnel, are some of the obstacles to introducing automated machinery and design.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015" />Template:Rp
Template:AnchorRenewable energy sources represent two-thirds of the total electricity supply.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015" />Template:Rp In 2015, the Secretariat of the Pacific Community observed that, 'while Fiji, Papua New Guinea, and Samoa are leading the way with large-scale hydropower projects, there is enormous potential to expand the deployment of other renewable energy options such as solar, wind, geothermal and ocean-based energy sources'.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The European Union funded the Renewable Energy in Pacific Island Countries Developing Skills and Capacity programme (EPIC) over 2013 to 2017. The programme developed a master's programme in renewable energy management, accredited in 2016, at the University of Papua New Guinea<ref name="Scott-Kemmis et al. 2021"/>Template:Rp and helped to establish a Centre of Renewable Energy at the same university.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015" />Template:Rp
Papua New Guinea is one of the 15 beneficiaries of a programme on Adapting to Climate Change and Sustainable Energy worth €37.26 million. The programme resulted from the signing of an agreement in February 2014 between the European Union and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat. The other beneficiaries are the Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Nauru, Niue, Palau, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu.<ref name="UNESCO Science Report 2015" />Template:Rp
The country's mountainous terrain impedes transport. Aeroplanes opened up the country during its colonial period and continue to be used for most travel and most high-density/value freight. The capital, Port Moresby, has no road links to any of PNG's other major towns. Similarly, many remote villages are reachable only by light aircraft or on foot.
Papua New Guinea is one of the most heterogeneous nations in the world<ref name=fearon>Template:Cite journal</ref>Template:Rp with an estimated 8.95 million inhabitants as of 2020.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Government estimates reported the country's population to be 11.8 million.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> With the National Census deferred during 2020/2021, ostensibly on the grounds of the COVID-19 pandemic, an interim assessment was conducted using satellite imagery. In December 2022, a report by the UN, based upon a survey conducted with the University of Southampton using satellite imagery and ground-truthing, suggested a new population estimate of 17 million, nearly double the country's official estimate.<ref name=Lagan202212>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Papua New Guinea is the most populous Pacific island country.
There are hundreds of ethnic groups indigenous to Papua New Guinea, the majority being from the group known as Papuans, whose ancestors arrived in the New Guinea region tens of thousands of years ago. The other indigenous peoples are Austronesians, their ancestors having arrived in the region less than four thousand years ago.
Papua New Guinea is one of the most rural countries, with only 13.25% of its population living in urban centres in 2019.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Most of its people live in customary communities.<ref name="University of Hawaii Press">Template:Cite book</ref>
There are also numerous people from other parts of the world now resident, including Chinese,<ref>"Chinese targeted in PNG riots – reportTemplate:Webarchive." News.com.au. 15 May 2009.</ref> Europeans, Australians, Indonesians, Filipinos, Polynesians, and Micronesians (the last four belonging to the Austronesian family).Template:Citation needed Around 50,000 expatriates, mostly from Australia and China, were living in Papua New Guinea in 1975, but most of these had moved by the 21st century.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> As of 2015, about 0.3% of the population was international migrants.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
As of 2018, Papua New Guinea had the second lowest urban population percentage in the world, with 13.2%, only behind Burundi. The projected urbanisation rate from 2015 to 2020 was 2.51%.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The geography and economy of Papua New Guinea are the main factors behind low urbanisation.
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Numerous Chinese have worked and lived in Papua New Guinea, establishing Chinese-majority communities.Template:Citation needed Increasing migration and the perception that it affects business interests has led to small-scale anti-Chinese sentiment.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp Rioting involving tens of thousands of people broke out in May 2009. The initial spark was a fight between ethnic Chinese and indigenous workers at a nickel factory under construction by a Chinese company. There is native resentment against Chinese ownership of small businesses and their commercial monopoly in the islands.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>"Overseas and under siege"Template:Webarchive, The Economist, 11 August 2009</ref>
File:Languages Papua New Guinea.pngThe language families of Papua New Guinea, according to Timothy UsherFile:TNG map.svgThe language families in Ross's conception of the Trans-New Guinea language family. The affiliation of some Eastern branches is not universally accepted.
There are around 840 known languages of Papua New Guinea (including English), making it the most linguistically diverse country in the world.<ref name="ethnologue">Papua New GuineaTemplate:Webarchive, Ethnologue</ref> Papua New Guinea has more languages than any other country,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> with over 820 indigenous languages, representing 12% of the world's total, but most have fewer than 1,000 speakers. With an average of only 7,000 speakers per language, Papua New Guinea has a greater density of languages than any other nation on earth except Vanuatu.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite bookTemplate:Dead link</ref> The most widely spoken indigenous language is Enga, with about 200,000 speakers, followed by Melpa and Huli.<ref>Template:Cite web. AFP via dawn.com (21 July 2011)</ref> However, even Enga is divided into different dialects.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp Indigenous languages are classified into two large groups, Austronesian languages and non-Austronesian, or Papuan, languages.
There are four languages in Papua New Guinea with some statutory recognition: English, Tok Pisin, Hiri Motu, and, since 2015, sign language (which in practice means Papua New Guinean Sign Language).
There is no specific legislation proclaiming official languages in Papua New Guinea.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp Language is only briefly mentioned in the constitution: section 2(11) (literacy) of its preamble mentions '...all persons and governmental bodies to endeavour to achieve universal literacy in Pisin, Hiri Motu or English' as well as "tok ples" and "ita eda tano gado" [the terms for local languages in Tok Pisin and Hiri Motu respectively]. Section 67 (2)(c) mentions "speak and understand Pisin or Hiri Motu, or a vernacular of the country, sufficiently for normal conversational purposes" as a requirement for citizenship by nationalisation; this is again mentioned in section 68(2)(h). Those arrested are required to be informed in a language they understand.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:RpTemplate:Failed verification
English is the language of commerce and the education system, while the primary lingua franca of the country is Tok Pisin<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp (also referred to as Melanesian Pidgin or just Pidgin/Pisin<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp). Parliamentary debated is usually conducted in Tok Pisin mixed with English.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The national judiciary uses English, while provincial and district courts usually use Tok Pisin or Hiri Motu. Village courts may use a local language. Most national newspapers use English, although one national weekly newspaper, Wantok, uses Tok Pisin. National radio and television use English and Tok Pisin, with a small amount of Hiri Motu. Provincial radio uses a mixture of these languages, in addition to local ones.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp Many information campaigns and advertisements use Tok Pisin.Template:Citation needed Over time, Tok Pisin has continued to spread as the most common language, displacing Hiri Motu.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The only area where Tok Pisin is not the prevalent lingua franca is the southern region of Papua, where people often use the third official language, Hiri Motu. Although it lies in the Papua region, Port Moresby has a highly diverse population that primarily uses Tok Pisin, and to a lesser extent English, with Motu spoken as the indigenous language in outlying villages.Template:Citation needed
Most provinces do not have a dominant local language, although exceptions exist. Enga Province is dominated by Enga language speakers, however it adopted Tok Pisin as its official language in 1976. East New Britain Province is dominated by Tolai speakers, which has caused issues with minority speakers of the Baining languages or Sulka.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp However, in general language has not been a cause for conflict, with conflicts occurring between communities speaking the same language, and regional identities incorporating many different linguistic communities.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp English and Tok Pisin are generally seen as neutral languages, while local languages are considered culturally valuable and multilingualism is officially encouraged.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp
The use of almost all local languages, as well as Hiri Motu, is declining.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp Some local languages have fewer than 100 speakers.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp The use of local languages is encouraged by government, which encourages teaching in local languages before shifting to a more national language. As of April 2000, 837 languages had educational support, with few problems reported from schools covering two different local language communities. However, in 2013 education was shifted back towards English to try and improve low English literacy rates.<ref name="May2022chapter8"/>Template:Rp
Estimates of the number of Muslims in the country range from 1,000 to 5,000. The majority belong to the Sunni group.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Non-traditional Christian churches and non-Christian religious groups are active throughout the country. The Papua New Guinea Council of Churches has stated that both Muslim and Confucian missionaries are highly active.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Traditional religions are often animist. Some also tend to have elements of veneration of the dead, though generalisation is suspect given the extreme heterogeneity of Melanesian societies. Prevalent among traditional tribes is the belief in masalai, or evil spirits, which are blamed for "poisoning" people, causing calamity and death,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed and the practice of puripuri (sorcery).<ref>puripuriTemplate:Webarchive. coombs.anu.edu.au (26 January 2005)</ref>
The first Bahá'í in PNG was Violete Hoenke who arrived at Admiralty Island, from Australia, in 1954. The PNG Bahá'í community grew so quickly that in 1969 a National Spiritual Assembly (administrative council) was elected. As of 2020 there are over 30,000 members of the Bahá'í Faith in PNG. In 2012 the decision was made to erect the first Bahá'í House of Worship in PNG. Its design is that of a woven basket, a common feature of all groups and cultures in PNG. It is, therefore, hoped to be a symbol for the entire country. Its nine entrances are inspired by the design of Haus Tambaran (Spirit House). Construction began in Port Moresby in 2018.
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As of 2019, life expectancy in Papua New Guinea at birth was 63 years for men and 67 for women.<ref name="who.int">Template:Cite news</ref> Government expenditure health in 2014 accounted for 9.5% of total government spending, with total health expenditure equating to 4.3% of GDP.<ref name="who.int"/> There were five physicians per 100,000 people in the early 2000s.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The 2008 maternal mortality rate per 100,000 births for Papua New Guinea was 250. This is compared with 270 in 2005 and 340 in 1990. The under-5 mortality rate, per 1,000 births is 69 and the neonatal mortality as a percentage of under-5s' mortality is 37. In Papua New Guinea, the number of midwives per 1,000 live births is 1 and the lifetime risk of death for pregnant women is 1 in 94.<ref name="SOWMY">Template:Cite web</ref> Health infrastructure overall is poorly developed. There is a high incidence of HIV/AIDS, and there have been outbreaks of diseases such as cholera and tuberculosis.<ref name="May2022chapter10"/>Template:Rp
The country remains greatly fragmented, with strong local identities and allegiances that often contrast with a weak national identity.<ref name="May2022chapter2"/>Template:Rp It is estimated that more than one thousand cultural groups exist in Papua New Guinea. Because of this diversity, many styles of cultural expression have emerged. Each group has created its own expressive forms in art, dance, weaponry, costumes, singing, music, architecture and much more. Most of these cultural groups have their own language. People typically live in villages that rely on subsistence farming. In some areas people hunt and collect wild plants (such as yam roots and karuka) to supplement their diets. Those who become skilled at hunting, farming and fishing earn a great deal of respect.
Seashells were a common currency before 1933. They still retain ceremonial value, for example a bride price may be paid with golden-edged clam shells.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In other regions, the bride price is paid in lengths of shell money, pigs, cassowaries or cash. Elsewhere, it is brides who traditionally pay a dowry.
The culture of traditional Melanesian societies sees small communities led under a "big man". These are often considered to be positions earned through merit and societies are thought to be relatively egalitarian, although at times hereditary influence does play a role, and there are varying social stratifications in addition to differences relating to age and gender. Broadly, highland societies were likely more individualistic than lowland societies.<ref name="May2004chapter9"/>Template:Rp
People of the highlands engage in colourful local rituals that are called "sing sings." They paint themselves and dress up with feathers, pearls and animal skins to represent birds, trees or mountain spirits. Sometimes an important event, such as a legendary battle, is enacted at such a musical festival.
A distinct body of Papua New Guinean literature emerged in the leadup to independence, with the first major publication being Ten Thousand Years in a Lifetime, an autobiography by Albert Maori Kiki published in 1968.<ref name="May2004chapter18">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp The government began to actively support literature in 1970, publishing works in multiple languages. Much of this early work was nationalistic and anti-colonial.<ref name="May2004chapter18"/>Template:Rp 1970 saw the beginning of some local newspapers, as well as the publication of the first Papua New Guinean novel: Crocodile by Vincent Eri.<ref name="May2004chapter18"/>Template:Rp
Sport is an important part of Papua New Guinean culture, and rugby league is by far the most popular sport.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In a nation where communities are far apart and many people live at a minimal subsistence level, rugby league has been described as a replacement for tribal warfare as a way of explaining the local enthusiasm for the game. Many Papua New Guineans have become celebrities by representing their country or playing in an overseas professional league. Even Australian rugby league players who have played in the annual State of Origin series, which is celebrated every year in PNG, are among the most well-known people throughout the nation. State of Origin is a highlight of the year for most Papua New Guineans,Template:Citation needed although the support is so passionate that people have died in violent clashes supporting their team.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The Papua New Guinea national rugby league team usually plays against the Australian Prime Minister's XIII (a selection of NRL players) each year, normally in Port Moresby.
Malinowski, Bronislaw.Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (2002) famous anthropological account of the Trobriand Islanders; based on fieldwork in the 1910s onlineTemplate:Webarchive
Visser, Leontine, ed. Governing New Guinea: An Oral History of Papuan Administrators, 1950–1990 (2012)
Whitaker, J.L. et al. eds. Documents and readings in New Guinea history: Pre-history to 1889 (1975)
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