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Template:Short description Template:Other uses Template:Use dmy dates Template:Use British English Template:Infobox language Template:Listen Template:Listen

Cockney is a dialect of the English language, mainly spoken in London and its environs, particularly by Londoners with working-class and lower middle class roots. The term Cockney is also used as a demonym for a person from the East End,<ref>Green, Jonathon "Cockney" Template:Webarchive. Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved 10 April 2017.</ref><ref>Miller, Marjorie (8 July 2001). "Say what? London's cockney culture looks a bit different". Chicago Tribune.</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> or, traditionally, born within earshot of Bow Bells.<ref name="phrase" /><ref>Template:Cite EB1911</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Estuary English is an intermediate accent between Cockney and Received Pronunciation, also widely spoken in and around London, as well as in wider South Eastern England.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Citation</ref> In multicultural areas of London, the Cockney dialect is, to an extent, being replaced by Multicultural London English—a new form of speech with significant Cockney influence.

Words and phrases

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Etymology of Cockney

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The earliest recorded use of the term is 1362 in passus VI of William Langland's Piers Plowman, where it is used to mean "a small, misshapen egg", from Middle English coken + ey ("a cock's egg").<ref name="oxoed">Template:Cite book</ref> Concurrently, the mythical land of luxury Cockaigne (attested from 1305) appeared under a variety of spellings, including Cockayne, Cocknay, and Cockney, and became humorously associated with the English capital London.<ref name="hott">Template:Cite book Cockney: a native of London. An ancient nickname implying effeminacy, used by the oldest English writers, and derived from the imaginary fool's paradise, or lubber-land, Cockaygne.</ref>Template:Refn

The current meaning of Cockney comes from its use among rural Englishmen (attested in 1520) as a pejorative term for effeminate town-dwellers,Template:Refn<ref name="oxoed" /> from an earlier general sense (encountered in "The Reeve's Tale" of Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales Template:Circa) of a "cokenay" as "a child tenderly brought up" and, by extension, "an effeminate fellow" or "a Template:Linktext".<ref name="cumberledge">Template:Cite book</ref> This may have developed from the sources above or separately, alongside such terms as "Template:Linktext" and "Template:Linktext" which both have the sense of "to make a Template:Linktext ... or the darling of", "to indulge or pamper".Template:Refn<ref>Oxford English Dictionary, 1st ed. "cocker, v.1" & "cock, v.6". Oxford University Press (Oxford), 1891</ref> By 1600, this meaning of Cockney was being particularly associated with the Bow Bells area.<ref name=phrase>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Rowlands, Samuel. The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head-Vaine. 1600.</ref> In 1617, the travel writer Fynes Moryson stated in his Itinerary that "Londoners, and all within the sound of Bow Bells, are in reproach called Cockneys."<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The same year, John Minsheu included the term in this newly restricted sense in his dictionary Ductor in Linguas.Template:Refn

Other terms

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Region

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Initially, when London consisted of little more than the walled City, the term applied to all Londoners, and this lingered into the 19th century.<ref name="hott" /> As the city grew, the definitions shifted to alternatives based on dialect or more specific areas; the East End and the area within earshot of Bow Bells.

The East End of London and the vicinity of Bow Bells are often used interchangeably, representing the identity of the East End. The region within the audible range of the bells varies depending on the direction of the wind, but there is a correlation between the two geographic definitions under the typical prevailing wind conditions. The term can apply to East Londoners who do not speak the dialect and those who do.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

London's East End

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The traditional core districts of the East End include the Middlesex towns of Bethnal Green, Whitechapel, Spitalfields, Shoreditch, Stepney, Wapping, Limehouse, Poplar, Haggerston, Shoreditch, Hackney, Hoxton, Bow and Mile End. Nearly all of these areas had originally been part of the Manor and Parish of Stepney. In the 1600s and 1700s a Cockney's Feast, also later known as the Stepney Feast was held in Stepney each May. The purpose of the event was to raise money so that Stepney boys could be apprenticed in the maritime trades.

The informal definition of the East End has gradually expanded to areas including as Canary Wharf, Stratford, West Ham and Canning Town, as these have formed part of London's growing conurbation.

Bow Bells' audible range

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File:StMaryLeBowChurch.jpg
The church of St Mary-le-Bow

The church of St Mary-le-Bow is one of the oldest, largest, and historically most important churches in the City of London. The definition based on being born within earshot of the bells,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> cast at the Whitechapel Bell Foundry, reflects the early definition of the term as relating to all of London.

The audible range of the Bells is dependent on geography and wind conditions. The east is mostly low lying, a factor which combines with the strength and regularity of the prevailing wind, blowing from west-south-west for nearly three-quarters of the year,<ref>Prevailing wind al LHR https://www.heathrow.com/content/dam/heathrow/web/common/documents/company/local-community/noise/reports-and-statistics/reports/community-noise-reports/CIR_Ascot_0914_0215.pdf Template:Webarchive</ref> to carry the sound further to the east, and more often. A 2012 study<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> showed that in the 19th century, and under typical conditions, the sound of the bells would carry as far as Clapton, Bow and Stratford in the east but only as far as Southwark to the south and Holborn in the west. An earlier study<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> suggested the sound would have carried even further. The 2012 study showed that in the modern era, noise pollution means that the bells can only be heard as far as Shoreditch. According to legend, Dick Whittington heard the bells 4.5 miles away at Highgate Hill, in what is now north London. The studies mean that it is credible that Whittington might have heard them on one of the infrequent days that the wind blows from the south.

The church of St Mary-le-Bow was destroyed in 1666 by the Great Fire of London and rebuilt by Sir Christopher Wren. Although the bells were destroyed again in 1941 in the Blitz, they had fallen silent on 13 June 1940 as part of the British anti-invasion preparations of World War II. Before they were replaced in 1961, there was a period when, by the "within earshot" definition, no "Bow Bell" Cockneys could be born.<ref>J. Swinnerton, The London Companion (Robson, 2004), p. 21.</ref> The use of such a literal definition produces other problems since the area around the church is no longer residential, and the noise pollution in that area combined with the absence of maternity wards there means that few are born within earshot.Template:Sfnp<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Blurred definitions

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Regional definitions are sometimes blurred. Ahead of the 2024–25 season, West Ham United released an away shirt which it called the "Cockney Kit". The promotional material celebrated a Cockney identity for East London based on a territory rather than dialect.

The kit featured the Bow Bells on the reverse as a symbol of the area, and the promotional video included the church of St Mary-le-Bow and parts of East London within earshot of the bells – such as Brick Lane, Upper Clapton and Stratford – as well as a scene in Romford, in suburban East London.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Dialect Template:Anchor

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Template:IPA notice Cockney speakers have distinctive accents and dialects and occasionally use rhyming slang. The Survey of English Dialects took a recording from a long-time resident of Hackney in the 1950s, and the BBC made another recording in 1999 which showed how the accent had changed.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> One of the characteristic pronunciations of Cockney is th-fronting.

The early development of Cockney vocabulary is obscure, but appears to have been heavily influenced by Essex and related eastern dialects,Template:Sfnp while borrowings from Yiddish, including kosher (originally Hebrew, via Yiddish, meaning legitimate) and shtum (Template:IPA originally German, via Yiddish, meaning mute),<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> as well as Romani, for example wonga (meaning money, from the Romani "wanga" meaning coal),<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and cushty (Kushty) (from the Romani kushtipen, meaning good) reflect the influence of those groups on the development of the speech.

File:MyOldDutch.ogg
Recording from 1899 of "My Old Dutch" by Albert Chevalier, a music hall performer who based his material on life as a Cockney costermonger in Victorian London.

John Camden Hotten, in his Slang Dictionary of 1859, refers to "their use of a peculiar slang language" when describing the costermongers of London's East End.

Migration and evolution

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A dialectological study of Leytonstone in 1964 found that the area's dialect was very similar to that recorded in Bethnal Green by Eva Sivertsen, but there were still some features that distinguished Leytonstone speech from Cockney.<ref>Template:Cite thesis</ref>

Linguistic research conducted in the early 2010s suggests that today, some aspects of the Cockney accent are declining in usage within multicultural areas, where some traditional features of Cockney have been displaced by Multicultural London English, a multiethnolect particularly common amongst young people from diverse backgrounds.<ref name="ReferenceB">Template:Cite web</ref> Nevertheless, the glottal stop, double negatives, and the vocalisation of the dark L (and other features of Cockney speech) are among the Cockney influences on Multicultural London English, and some rhyming slang terms are still in common usage.

An influential July 2010 report by Paul Kerswill, professor of sociolinguistics at Lancaster University, Multicultural London English: the emergence, acquisition, and diffusion of a new variety, predicted that the Cockney accent would disappear from London's streets within 30 years.<ref name="ReferenceB" /> The study, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, said that the accent, which has been around for more than 500 years, is being replaced in London by a new hybrid language. "Cockney in the East End is now transforming itself into Multicultural London English, a new, melting-pot mixture of all those people living here who learned English as a second language", Kerswill said.<ref name="ReferenceB" />

A series of new and expanded towns have often had a strong influence on local speech. Many areas beyond the capital have become Cockney-speaking to a greater or lesser degree, including the new towns of Hemel Hempstead, Basildon, and Harlow, and expanded towns such as Grays, Chelmsford and Southend. However, this is, except where least mixed, difficult to discern because of common features: linguistic historian and researcher of early dialects Alexander John Ellis in 1890 stated that Cockney developed owing to the influence of Essex dialect on London speech.Template:Sfnp

Writing in 1981, the dialectologist Peter Wright identified the building of the Becontree estate in Dagenham as influential in the spread of the Cockney dialect. This vast estate was built by the Corporation of London to house poor East Enders in a previously rural area of Essex. The residents typically kept their Cockney dialect rather than adopt an Essex dialect.Template:Sfnp Wright also reports that the Cockney dialect spread along the main railway routes to towns in the surrounding counties as early as 1923, spreading further after World War II when many refugees left London owing to the bombing, and continuing to speak Cockney in their new homes.Template:Sfnp

A more distant example where the accent stands out is Thetford in Norfolk, which tripled in size from 1957 in a deliberate attempt to attract Londoners by providing social housing funded by the London County Council.<ref>The Cockneys of Thetford Template:Webarchive, The Economist, 21 December 2019</ref>

Typical features

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File:Cockney short monophthong chart.svg
Ranges of the short monophthongs of Cockney on a vowel chart, from Template:Harvcoltxt. The schwa Template:IPA is the word-internal variety; the word-final variety often overlaps with Template:IPA or even Template:IPA, which do not occur word-finally. Template:IPA can overlap with Template:IPA in the Template:IPAblink region.
File:Cockney long monophthong chart.svg
Long monophthongs of Cockney on a vowel chart, from Template:Harvcoltxt. Template:IPA can feature a centering glide: Template:IPA. Template:IPA has an alternative pronunciation Template:IPA, shown on the chart. The Template:Sc2 vowel Template:IPA is not shown.
File:Cockney diphthong chart.svg
Diphthongs of Cockney on a vowel chart, from Template:Harvcoltxt. Template:IPA and Template:IPA are shown on the chart with an unrounded mid central starting point: Template:IPA. Template:IPA too begins more open: Template:IPA, in the Template:Sc2 area.

As with many accents of the United Kingdom, Cockney is non-rhotic. A final -er is pronounced Template:IPAblink or lowered Template:IPAblink in broad Cockney. As with all or nearly all non-rhotic accents, the paired lexical sets COMMA and LETTER, PALM/BATH and START, THOUGHT and NORTH/FORCE, are merged. Thus, the last syllable of words such as cheetah can be pronounced Template:IPAblink as well in broad Cockney.Template:Sfnp<ref name="ic.arizona.edu">Template:Cite web</ref>Template:Sfnp

A broad Template:IPA is used in words such as bath, grass and demand. This originated in London in the 16th–17th centuries and is also part of Received Pronunciation (RP).Template:Sfnp

The accent features T-glottalisation, with use of the glottal stop as an allophone of Template:IPA in various positions,Template:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp including after a stressed syllable. Glottal stops also occur, albeit less frequently, for Template:IPA and Template:IPA, and occasionally for mid-word consonants. For example, Richard Whiteing spelled "Hyde Park" as Hy' Par'. Like and light can be homophones. "Clapham" can be said as Cla'am (i.e., Template:IPA).Template:Sfnp This feature results in Cockney being often mentioned in textbooks about Semitic languages while explaining how to pronounce the glottal stop. Template:IPA may also be flapped intervocalically, e.g. utter Template:IPA. London Template:IPA are often aspirated in intervocalic and final environments, e.g., upper Template:IPA, utter Template:IPA, rocker Template:IPA, up Template:IPA, out Template:IPA, rock Template:IPA, where RP is traditionally described as having the unaspirated variants. Also, in broad Cockney at least, the degree of aspiration is typically greater than in RP, and may often also involve some degree of affrication Template:IPA. Affricatives may be encountered in initial, intervocalic, and final position.Template:SfnpTemplate:Sfnp

Cockney also demonstrates:

Template:Harvcoltxt</ref>

Vowels of CockneyTemplate:Sfnp
Front Central Back
Short Long Short Long Short Long
Close Template:IPA link Template:IPA link Template:IPA link (Template:IPA link)
Mid Template:IPA link Template:IPA link Template:IPA link Template:IPA link Template:IPA link (Template:IPA link)
Near-open Template:IPA link Template:IPA link
Open Template:IPA link Template:IPA link
Diphthongs Template:IPA

Phonemic correspondence

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Phonetic realisation

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The diphthong offsets are only fully close in Template:IPA and Template:IPA: Template:IPA. In all other cases, they are more similar to Template:IPA or Template:IPA. According to Beaken, Template:IPA and Template:IPA typically glide towards Template:IPAblink: Template:IPA, Template:IPA towards Template:IPAblink: Template:IPA, Template:IPA and the wide allophone of Template:IPA towards Template:IPAblink: Template:IPA, whereas Template:IPA and Template:IPA both towards Template:IPAblink: Template:IPA.Template:Sfnp According to Mott, Template:IPA do not occur at all as glides: Template:IPA (he does not show Template:IPA on his charts).Template:Sfnp Furthermore, Wells remarks on the laxness of the unrounded offset of Template:IPA, which is a kind of a centralised Template:IPAblink: Template:IPA.Template:Sfnp

In the rest of the article, this is treated as a simple allophonic rule and only Template:Angbr IPA and Template:Angbr IPA are used for the diphthong offsets. In narrow phonetic transcription, their rounded and unrounded counterparts are written with Template:Angbr IPA and Template:Angbr IPA (phonetically Template:IPA and Template:IPA in fully narrow transcription). Only the central offglides Template:IPA and Template:IPA are transcribed as non-syllabic vowels due to the lack of appropriate glide symbols.

Diphthong alterations in Cockney are:Template:Sfnp

Other vowel differences include

The dialect uses the vocalisation of dark L, hence Template:IPA for Millwall. The actual realisation of a vocalised Template:IPA is influenced by surrounding vowels, and it may be realised as Template:IPA, Template:IPA, Template:IPA or Template:IPA. It is also transcribed as a semivowel Template:IPA by some linguists, e.g., Coggle and Rosewarne.Template:Sfnp However, according to Template:Harvcoltxt, the vocalised dark l is sometimes an unoccluded lateral approximant, which differs from the RP Template:IPA only by the lack of the alveolar contact.Template:Sfnp Relatedly, there are many possible vowel neutralisations and absorptions in the context of a following dark L (Template:IPA) or its vocalised version; these include:Template:Sfnp

  • In broad Cockney, and to some extent in general popular London speech, a vocalised Template:IPA is entirely absorbed by a preceding Template:IPA: e.g., salt and sort become homophones (although the contemporary pronunciation of salt Template:IPA<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> would prevent this from happening), and likewise fault-fought-fort, pause-Paul's, Morden-Malden, water-Walter. Sometimes such pairs are kept apart, in a more deliberate speech at least, by a kind of length difference: Template:IPA Morden vs. Template:IPA Malden.
  • A preceding Template:IPA is also fully absorbed into vocalised Template:IPA. The reflexes of earlier Template:IPA and earlier Template:IPA are thus phonetically similar or identical; speakers are usually ready to treat them as the same phoneme. Thus awful can best be regarded as containing two occurrences of the same vowel, Template:IPA. The difference between musical and music-hall, in an H-dropping broad Cockney, is thus nothing more than a matter of stress and perhaps syllable boundaries.
  • With the remaining vowels, a vocalised Template:IPA is not absorbed but remains phonetically present as a back vocoid in such a way that Template:IPA and Template:IPA are kept distinct.
  • The clearest and best-established neutralisations are those of Template:IPA and Template:IPA. Thus rill, reel and real fall together in Cockney as Template:IPA; while full and fool are Template:IPA and may rhyme with cruel Template:IPA. Before clear (i.e., prevocalic) Template:IPA the neutralisations do not usually apply, thus Template:IPA silly but Template:IPA ceiling-sealing, Template:IPA fully but Template:IPA fooling.
  • In some broader types of Cockney, the neutralisation of Template:IPA before non-prevocalic Template:IPA may also involve Template:IPA, so that fall becomes homophonous with full and fool Template:IPA.
  • The other pre-Template:IPA neutralisation which all investigators agree on is that of Template:IPA. Thus, Sal and sale can be merged as Template:IPA, fail and fowl as Template:IPA, and Val, vale-veil and vowel as Template:IPA. The typical pronunciation of railway is Template:IPA.
  • According to Siversten, Template:IPA and Template:IPA can also join in this neutralisation. They may, on the one hand, neutralize concerning one another so that snarl and smile rhyme, both ending Template:IPA, and Child's Hill is in danger of being mistaken for Charles Hill; or they may go further into a fivefold neutralisation with the one just mentioned, so that pal, pale, foul, snarl and pile all end in Template:IPA. But these developments are restricted to broad Cockney, not being found in London speech in general.
  • A neutralisation discussed by Beaken (1971) and Bowyer (1973), but ignored by Siversten (1960), is that of Template:IPA. It leads to the possibility of doll, dole and dull becoming homophonous as Template:IPA or Template:IPA. Wells' impression is that the doll-dole neutralisation is rather widespread in London, but that involving dull less so.
  • One further possible neutralisation in the environment of a following non-prevocalic Template:IPA is that of Template:IPA and Template:IPA, so that well and whirl become homophonous as Template:IPA.

Cockney has been occasionally described as replacing Template:IPA with Template:IPA, for example, Template:Not a typo (or fwee) instead of three, Template:Not a typo instead of frosty. Peter Wright, a Survey of English Dialects fieldworker, concluded that this was not a universal feature of Cockneys but that it was more common to hear this in the London area than elsewhere in Britain.Template:Sfnp This description may also be a result of mishearing the labiodental R as Template:IPA, when it is still a distinct phoneme in Cockney.

An unstressed final -ow may be pronounced Template:IPAblink. In broad Cockney, this can be lowered to Template:IPAblink.<ref name="ic.arizona.edu" />Template:Sfnp This is common to most traditional, Southern English dialects except for those in the West Country.Template:Sfnp

Regarding grammar, Cockney uses me instead of my, for example, Template:" 'At's me book you got 'ere" Template:IPA. (where Template:' 'ere' means 'there'). It cannot be used when "my" is emphasised; e.g., Template:" 'At's my book you got 'ere" Template:IPA. It also uses the term ain't, as well as double negatives, for example, "I didn't see nuffink".Template:Sfnp

By the 1980s and 1990s, most of the features mentioned above had partly spread into more general south-eastern speech, giving the accent called Estuary English; an Estuary speaker will use some but not all of the Cockney sounds.<ref name="D Rosewarne">Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name=alt>Template:Cite web</ref>

Perception

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The Cockney accent has long been regarded as an indicator of low status. For example, in 1909 the Conference on the Teaching of English in London Elementary Schools issued by the London County Council, stating that "the Cockney mode of speech, with its unpleasant twang, is a modern corruption without legitimate credentials, and is unworthy of being the speech of any person in the capital city of the Empire".<ref name="Attitudes towards Cockney">Template:Cite web</ref> Others defended the language variety: "The London dialect is really, especially on the South side of the Thames, a perfectly legitimate and responsible child of the old Kentish tongue [...] the dialect of London North of the Thames has been shown to be one of the many varieties of the Midland or Mercian dialect, flavoured by the East Anglian variety of the same speech".<ref name="Attitudes towards Cockney" /> Since then, the Cockney accent has been more accepted as an alternative form of the English language rather than a lesser one, though the low status mark remains.

In the 1950s, the only accent to be heard on the BBC (except in entertainment programs such as The Sooty Show) was the RP of Standard English, whereas nowadays many different accents, including Cockney or accents heavily influenced by it, can be heard on the BBC.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The Cockney accent often featured in films produced by Ealing Studios and was frequently portrayed as the typical British accent of the lower classes in movies by Walt Disney, though this was only so in London.

Spread

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Studies have indicated that the heavy use of South East England accents on television and radio may have caused the spread of Cockney English since the 1960s.<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="We fink, so we are from Glasgow">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="Scots kids rabbitin' like Cockneys">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="arts.gla.ac.uk">"Contributory factors in accent change in adolescents". Template:Webarchive.</ref> Cockney is becoming increasingly influential, and some claim that in the future, many features of the accent may become standard.<ref name="rogalinski11">Template:Cite book</ref>

Scotland

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Studies have indicated that working-class adolescents in areas such as Glasgow have begun to use certain aspects of Cockney and other Anglicisms in their speech.<ref>Is TV a contributory factor in accent change in adolescents? – ESRC Society Today</ref> infiltrating the traditional Glasgow patter.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> For example, TH-fronting is commonly found, and typical Scottish features such as the postvocalic Template:IPA are reduced.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Research suggests the use of English speech characteristics is likely to be a result of the influence of London and South East England accents featuring heavily on television, such as the popular BBC One soap opera EastEnders.<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk" /><ref name="We fink, so we are from Glasgow" /><ref name="Scots kids rabbitin' like Cockneys" /><ref name="arts.gla.ac.uk" /> However, such claims have been criticised.<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English, Volume 1, p. 185.</ref>

England

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Certain features of Cockney – Th-fronting, L-vocalisation, T-glottalisation, and the fronting of the GOAT and GOOSE vowels – have spread across the south-east of England and, to a lesser extent, to other areas of Britain.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> However, Clive Upton has noted that these features have occurred independently in some other dialects, such as TH-fronting in Yorkshire and L-vocalisation in parts of Scotland.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

The term Estuary English has been used to describe London pronunciations slightly closer to RP than Cockney. The variety first came to public prominence in an article by David Rosewarne in the Times Educational Supplement in October 1984.<ref name=rosewarne>Template:Cite web</ref> Rosewarne argued that it may eventually replace Received Pronunciation in the south-east. The phonetician John C. Wells collected media references to Estuary English on a website. Writing in April 2013, Wells argued that research by Joanna Przedlacka "demolished the claim that EE was a single entity sweeping the southeast. Rather, we have various sound changes emanating from working-class London speech, each spreading independently".<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Pearly tradition

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File:Pearlykingandqueen.jpg
A costume associated with Cockneys is that of the pearly King or Queen, worn by London costermongers who sew thousands of pearl buttons onto their clothing in elaborate and creative patterns.

The Pearly Kings and Queens are famous as an East End institution, but that perception is not wholly correct as they are found in other places across London, including Peckham and Penge in south London.Template:Citation needed

Notable Cockneys

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Use in films and media

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See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Template:English dialects by continent Template:Authority control

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