Editing Wage slavery

{{Short description|Dependence on wages or salary}}
{{Use American English|date=February 2022}}
{{Use mdy dates|date=February 2022}}
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[[File:Fast Food Workers' Right Demo at McDonald's.jpg|thumb|260px|Salary protest by the [[Bakers, Food and Allied Workers' Union]] in the [[United Kingdom]] in January 2016]]

'''Wage slavery''' is a term used to criticize [[Exploitation of labour|exploitation of labour]] by business, by keeping wages low or stagnant in order to maximize profits. The situation of wage slavery can be loosely defined as a person's dependence on [[wages]] (or a [[salary]]) for their [[livelihood]], especially when wages are low, treatment and conditions are poor, and there are few chances of [[upward mobility]].<ref name="merriam-webster.com">{{cite dictionary|title=wage slave|url=http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/wage%20slave|dictionary=[[Merriam Webster|merriam-webster.com]]|access-date=4 March 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite dictionary|title=wage slave|url=http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/wage%20slave|dictionary=[[dictionary.com]]|access-date=4 March 2013}}</ref> 

The term is often used by critics of [[Wage labor|wage-based employment]] to criticize the exploitation of labor and [[social stratification]], with the former seen primarily as unequal bargaining power between labor and capital, particularly when workers are paid comparatively low wages, such as in [[sweatshops]],<ref>{{Harvnb|Sandel|1996|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=_KdrTfTxqvgC&pg=PA184 184]}}.</ref> and the latter is described as a lack of [[workers' self-management]], fulfilling job choices and leisure in an economy.<ref name="globetrotter.berkeley.edu">{{cite web|url=http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people2/Chomsky/chomsky-con2.html|title=Conversation with Noam Chomsky|page=2|publisher=Globetrotter.berkeley.edu|access-date=28 June 2010}}</ref><ref name="HB">{{Harvnb|Hallgrimsdottir|Benoit|2007}}.</ref><ref name="spunk.org">{{cite web|title=The Bolsheviks and Workers Control, 1917–1921: The State and Counter-revolution|url=http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/russia/sp001861/bolintro.html|publisher=[[Spunk Library]]|access-date=4 March 2013}}</ref> The criticism of social stratification covers a wider range of employment choices bound by the pressures of a [[Social hierarchy|hierarchical]] society to perform otherwise unfulfilling work that deprives humans of their "species character"<ref>{{Harvnb|Avineri|1968|p=142}}.</ref> not only under threat of [[extreme poverty]] and [[starvation]], but also of [[social stigma]] and [[Social status|status]] [[wikt:diminution|diminution]].<ref name="Fitzhugh 1857">{{Harvnb|Fitzhugh|1857}}.</ref><ref name="schalkenbach1">{{Harvnb|George|1981|loc=[http://schalkenbach.org/library/henry-george/social-problems/sp15.html "Chapter 15"]}}.</ref><ref name="globetrotter.berkeley.edu" /> Historically, many socialist organisations and activists have espoused workers' self-management or [[worker cooperative]]s as possible alternatives to wage labor.<ref name="HB" /><ref name="Geoffrey Ostergaard p. 133" />

Similarities between wage labor and slavery were noted as early as [[Cicero]] in Ancient Rome, such as in ''[[De Officiis]]''.<ref name="Cicero">{{cite book|last=Cicero|first=Marcus Tullius|author-link=Cicero|translator-last=Miller|translator-first=Walter|translator-link=Walter Miller (philologist)|orig-date=First written in October–November 44&nbsp;BC|chapter=Liber I|trans-chapter=Book I|chapter-url=https://www.loebclassics.com/view/marcus_tullius_cicero-de_officiis/1913/pb_LCL030.3.xml|editor-last=Henderson|editor-first=Jeffrey|title=De Officiis|trans-title=On Duties|url=https://www.loebclassics.com/view/LCL030/1913/volume.xml|url-status=live|series=[[Loeb Classical Library]] [LCL030]|language=la, en|volume=XXI|edition=Digital|location=Cambridge, MA|publisher=[[Harvard University Press]]|date=1 January 1913|pages=[https://www.loebclassics.com/view/marcus_tullius_cicero-de_officiis/1913/pb_LCL030.153.xml 152–153 (XLII)]|doi=10.4159/DLCL.marcus_tullius_cicero-de_officiis.1913|isbn=978-0-674-99033-3|oclc=902696620|ol=7693830M|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180406221818/https://www.loebclassics.com/view/marcus_tullius_cicero-de_officiis/1913/pb_LCL030.153.xml|archive-date=6 April 2018|quote=XLII. Now in regard to trades and other means of livelihood, which ones are to be considered becoming to a gentleman and which ones are vulgar, we have been taught, in general, as follows. First, those means of livelihood are rejected as undesirable which incur people's ill-will, as those of tax-gatherers and usurers. Unbecoming to a gentleman, too, and vulgar are the means of livelihood of all hired workmen whom we pay for mere manual labour, not for artistic skill; for in their case the very wage they receive is a pledge of their slavery. Vulgar we must consider those also who buy from wholesale merchants to retail immediately; for they would get no profits without a great deal of downright lying; and verily, there is no action that is meaner than misrepresentation. And all mechanics are engaged in vulgar trades; for no workshop can have anything liberal about it. Least respectable of all are those trades which cater for sensual pleasures[.]}}</ref> With the advent of the [[Industrial Revolution]], thinkers such as [[Pierre-Joseph Proudhon]] and [[Karl Marx]] elaborated the comparison between wage labor and slavery, and engaged in [[critique of work]]<ref>{{Harvnb|Proudhon|1890}}.</ref><ref name="Marx 1863 c7">{{Harvnb|Marx|1969|loc=[http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1863/theories-surplus-value/ch07.htm Chapter VII]}}.</ref> while [[Luddite]]s emphasized the [[dehumanization]] brought about by machines. The introduction of wage labor in 18th-century Britain was met with resistance, giving rise to the principles of [[syndicalism]] and [[anarchism]].<ref name="English Working Class p. 599">{{Harvnb|Thompson|1966|p=599}}.</ref><ref name="English Working Class p. 912">{{Harvnb|Thompson|1966|p=912}}.</ref><ref name="Geoffrey Ostergaard p. 133">{{Harvnb|Ostergaard|1997|p=133}}.</ref><ref name="Shop Floor p. 37">{{Harvnb|Lazonick|1990|p=37}}.</ref>

Before the [[American Civil War]], Southern defenders of keeping [[African Americans]] in [[Slavery in the United States|slavery]] invoked the concept of wage slavery to favourably compare the condition of their slaves to workers in the North.<ref>{{Harvnb|Foner|1995|p=xix}}.</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Jensen|2002}}.</ref> The United States abolished most forms of slavery after the Civil War, but labor union activists found the metaphor useful – according to historian [[Lawrence B. Glickman|Lawrence Glickman]], in the 1870s through the 1890s "[r]eferences abounded in the labor press, and it is hard to find a speech by a labor leader without the phrase".<ref>{{cite book|author=Lawrence B. Glickman|title=A Living Wage: American Workers and the Making of Consumer Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uaZeBhl2QLYC&pg=PA19|year=1999|publisher=Cornell U.P.|page=19|isbn=978-0-8014-8614-2}}</ref>

== History ==
[[File:Portrait Emma Goldman.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Emma Goldman]] denounced wage slavery by saying: "The only difference is that you are hired slaves instead of block slaves".<ref>{{Harvnb|Goldman|2003|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=0IF7CusxuMcC&pg=PA283 283]}}.</ref>]]
The view that working for wages is akin to slavery dates back to the ancient world.<ref>''The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia''. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1995. {{ISBN|0-8028-3784-0}}. p. 543.</ref> In ancient Rome, [[Cicero]] wrote that "the very wage [wage labourers] receive is a pledge of their slavery".<ref name="Cicero"/>

In 1763, the French journalist [[Simon-Nicholas Henri Linguet|Simon Linguet]] published an influential description of wage slavery:<ref name="Marx 1863 c7"/> {{quote|The slave was precious to his master because of the money he had cost him&nbsp;... They were worth at least as much as they could be sold for in the market&nbsp;... It is the impossibility of living by any other means that compels our farm labourers to till the soil whose fruits they will not eat and our masons to construct buildings in which they will not live&nbsp;... It is want that compels them to go down on their knees to the rich man in order to get from him permission to enrich him&nbsp;... what effective gain [has] the suppression of slavery brought [him ?] He is free, you say. Ah! That is his misfortune&nbsp;... These men&nbsp;... [have] the most terrible, the most imperious of masters, that is, need.&nbsp;... They must therefore find someone to hire them, or die of hunger. Is that to be free?}}

The view that wage work has substantial similarities with [[chattel slavery]] was actively put forward in the late 18th and 19th centuries by defenders of chattel slavery (most notably in the Southern states of the United States) and by opponents of capitalism (who were also critics of chattel slavery).<ref name="schalkenbach1"/><ref>{{Harvnb|Marx|1990|p=?}}.</ref> Some defenders of slavery, mainly from the [[Confederate States of America|Southern slave states]], argued that Northern workers were "free but in name – the slaves of endless toil" and that their slaves were better off.<ref name="urlThe Hireling and the Slave – Antislavery Literature Project">{{cite web|url=http://antislavery.eserver.org/proslavery/graysonhireling|title=The Hireling and the Slave – Antislavery Literature Project|access-date=25 January 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120619063124/http://antislavery.eserver.org/proslavery/graysonhireling|archive-date=19 June 2012}}</ref><ref name="PBS">[https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/general-article/lincolns-wage/ Wage Slavery], PBS.</ref> This contention has been partly corroborated by some modern studies that indicate slaves' material conditions in the 19th century were "better than what was typically available to free urban laborers at the time".<ref name="Margo Steckel">{{Harvnb|Margo|Steckel|1982}}.</ref><ref name="Fogel">{{Harvnb|Fogel|1994|p=391}}.</ref> In this period, [[Henry David Thoreau]] wrote that "[i]t is hard to have a Southern overseer; it is worse to have a Northern one; but worst of all when you are the slave-driver of yourself."<ref>{{Harvnb|Thoreau|2004|p=49}}.</ref>

[[Abolitionism in the United States|Abolitionists in the United States]] criticized the analogy as spurious.<ref name="Foner 1998 p66">{{Harvnb|Foner|1998|p=66}}.</ref> They argued that wage workers were "neither wronged nor oppressed".<ref name="Weininger 2002 p95">{{Harvnb|Weininger|2002|p=95}}.</ref> [[Abraham Lincoln]] and the [[History of the United States Republican Party|Republicans]] argued that the condition of wage workers was different from slavery as long as laborers were likely to develop the opportunity to work for themselves, achieving [[self-employment]].<ref name="Sandel 181">{{Harvnb|Sandel|1996|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=_KdrTfTxqvgC&pg=PA181 181–84]}}.</ref> The abolitionist and former slave [[Frederick Douglass]] initially declared "now I am my own master", upon taking a paying job.<ref name="Douglass 95">{{Harvnb|Douglass|1994|p=95}}</ref> However, later in life he concluded to the contrary, saying "experience demonstrates that there may be a slavery of wages only a little less galling and crushing in its effects than chattel slavery, and that this slavery of wages must go down with the other".<ref>{{Harvnb|Douglass|2000|pp=676}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Douglass|1886|pp=[https://archive.org/stream/threeaddresseson00dougrich/threeaddresseson00dougrich_djvu.txt 12–13]}}</ref> Douglass went on to speak about these conditions as arising from the unequal bargaining power between the ownership/capitalist class and the non-ownership/laborer class within a compulsory monetary market: <blockquote>No more crafty and effective devise for defrauding the southern laborers could be adopted than the one that substitutes orders upon shopkeepers for currency in payment of wages. It has the merit of a show of honesty, while it puts the laborer completely at the mercy of the land-owner and the shopkeeper.<ref>{{Harvnb|Douglass|1886|pp=[https://archive.org/stream/threeaddresseson00dougrich/threeaddresseson00dougrich_djvu.txt 16]}}</ref></blockquote>[[File:CottonNegrosSouth.jpg|thumb|upright|[[African American]] wage workers picking cotton on a plantation in the South]]
Self-employment became less common as the [[artisan]] tradition slowly disappeared in the later part of the 19th century.<ref name="HB"/> In 1869, ''[[The New York Times]]'' described the system of wage labor as "a system of slavery as absolute if not as degrading as that which lately prevailed at the South".<ref name="Sandel 181"/> [[E. P. Thompson]] notes that for British workers at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries, the "gap in status between a 'servant,' a hired wage-laborer subject to the orders and discipline of the master, and an artisan, who might 'come and go' as he pleased, was wide enough for men to shed blood rather than allow themselves to be pushed from one side to the other. And, in the value system of the community, those who resisted degradation were in the right".<ref name="English Working Class p. 599"/> A "Member of the Builders' Union" in the 1830s argued that the trade unions "will not only strike for less work, and more wages, but will ultimately abolish wages, become their own masters and work for each other; labor and capital will no longer be separate but will be indissolubly joined together in the hands of workmen and work-women".<ref name="English Working Class p. 912"/> This perspective inspired the [[Grand National Consolidated Trades Union]] (UK) of 1834 which had the "two-fold purpose of syndicalist unions – the protection of the workers under the existing system and the formation of the nuclei of the future society" when the unions "take over the whole industry of the country".<ref name="Geoffrey Ostergaard p. 133"/> [[William Lazonick]], summarized:<blockquote>Research has shown, that the 'free-born Englishman' of the eighteenth century – even those who, by force of circumstance, had to submit to agricultural wage labour – tenaciously resisted entry into the capitalist workshop.<ref name="Shop Floor p. 37" /></blockquote>The use of the term "wage slave" by labor organizations may originate from the labor protests of the [[Lowell mill girls]] in 1836.<ref>{{Harvnb|Laurie|1997}}.</ref> The imagery of wage slavery was widely used by labor organizations during the mid-19th century to object to the lack of workers' self-management. However, it was gradually replaced by the more neutral term "wage work" towards the end of the 19th century as labor organizations shifted their focus to raising wages.<ref name="HB"/> [[Karl Marx]] described capitalist society as infringing on individual [[autonomy]] because it is based on a materialistic and commodified concept of the body and its liberty (i.e. as something that is sold, rented, or [[Social alienation|alienated]] in a [[class society]]). According to [[Friedrich Engels]]:<ref>{{Harvnb|Engels|1969}}.</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/11/prin-com.htm|author=Engels, Friedrich|date=October–November 1847|publisher=Marxists.org|title=The Principles of Communism}}</ref> {{quote|The slave is sold once and for all; the proletarian must sell himself daily and hourly. The individual slave, property of one master, is assured an existence, however miserable it may be, because of the master's interest. The individual proletarian, property as it were of the entire bourgeois class which buys his labor only when someone has need of it, has no secure existence.}}

=== Similarities of wage work with slavery ===
{{slavery|Contemporary}}
Critics of wage work have drawn several similarities between wage work and slavery:
# Since the chattel slave is property, his value to an owner is in some ways higher than that of a worker who may quit, be fired or replaced. The chattel slave's owner has made a greater investment in terms of the money paid for the slave. For this reason, in times of recession chattel slaves could not be fired like wage laborers. A "wage slave" could also be harmed at no (or less) cost. American chattel-slaves in the 19th century had improved their standard of living from the 18th century<ref name="Margo Steckel"/> and – according to historians Fogel and Engerman – plantation records show that slaves worked less, were better fed and whipped only occasionally – their material conditions in the 19th century being "better than what was typically available to free urban laborers at the time".<ref name="Fogel"/> This was partially due to slave psychological strategies under an economic system different from capitalist wage-slavery. According to Mark Michael Smith of the Economic History Society, "although intrusive and oppressive, paternalism, the way masters employed it, and the methods slaves used to manipulate it, rendered slaveholders' attempts to institute capitalistic work regimens on their plantation ineffective and so allowed slaves to carve out a degree of autonomy".<ref>{{Harvnb|Smith|1998|p= 44}}.</ref>
# Unlike a chattel slave, a wage laborer can (barring [[unemployment]] or lack of job offers) choose between employers, but those employers usually constitute a minority of owners in the population for which the wage laborer must work while attempts to implement [[workers' control]] on employers' businesses may be considered an act of theft or insubordination and thus be met with violence, imprisonment or other legal and social measures. The wage laborer's starkest choice is to work for an employer or to face poverty or starvation or turn to crime. If a chattel slave refuses to work, a number of punishments are also available; from beatings to food deprivation – although economically rational slave-owners practiced positive [[reinforcement]] to achieve best results and before losing their investment by killing an expensive slave.<ref>{{Cite web |url= http://niahd.wm.edu/index.php?browse=entry&id=3089 |title= The Gray Area: Dislodging Misconceptions about Slavery |access-date= 27 September 2008 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20090114032053/http://niahd.wm.edu/index.php?browse=entry&id=3089 |archive-date= 14 January 2009 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url= http://home.triad.rr.com/warfford/Roman_Empire/slavery.html |title= Roman Household Slavery |access-date= 27 September 2008 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20080928184135/http://home.triad.rr.com/warfford/Roman_Empire/slavery.html |archive-date= 28 September 2008 }}</ref>
# Historically, the range of occupations and status positions held by chattel slaves has been nearly as broad as that held by free persons, indicating some similarities between chattel slavery and wage slavery as well.<ref>[http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/548305/slavery/24172/Slave-occupations "The sociology of slavery: Slave occupations"]. ''Encyclopædia Britannica''. "The highest position slaves ever attained was that of slave minister [...] A few slaves even rose to be monarchs, such as the slaves who became sultans and founded dynasties in Islām. At a level lower than that of slave ministers were other slaves, such as those in the [[Roman Empire]], the Central Asian [[Samanid Empire|Samanid domains]], [[Ch'ing]] China, and elsewhere, who worked in government offices and administered provinces. [...] The stereotype that slaves were careless and could only be trusted to do the crudest forms of manual labor was disproved countless times in societies that had different expectations and proper incentives".</ref>
# Like chattel slavery, wage slavery does not stem from some immutable "human nature", but represents a "specific response to material and historical conditions" that "reproduce[s] the inhabitants, the social relations... the ideas... [and] the social form of daily life".<ref name="Perlman 2002 p2">{{Harvnb|Perlman|2002|p= 2}}.</ref>
# Similarities became blurred when proponents of wage labor won the [[American Civil War]] of 1861–1865, in which they competed for legitimacy with defenders of chattel slavery. Each side presented an over-positive assessment of their own system while denigrating the opponent.<ref name="Fitzhugh 1857"/><ref name="Foner 1998 p66"/><ref name="Weininger 2002 p95"/>

According to American [[Anarcho-syndicalism|anarcho-syndicalist]] philosopher [[Noam Chomsky]], workers themselves noticed the similarities between chattel and wage slavery. Chomsky noted that the 19th-century Lowell mill girls, without any reported knowledge of European [[Marxism]] or [[anarchism]], condemned the "degradation and subordination" of the newly emerging industrial system and the "new spirit of the age: gain wealth, forgetting all but self", maintaining that "those who work in the mills should own them".<ref>{{Harvnb|Chomsky|2000}}.</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Chomsky|2011}}.</ref> They expressed their concerns in a [[Protest songs in the United States|protest song]] during their 1836 strike:<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.library.csi.cuny.edu/dept/americanstudies/lavender/liberty.html|title=Liberty|work=American Studies|publisher=CSI|access-date=2007-12-01|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120626072157/http://www.library.csi.cuny.edu/dept/americanstudies/lavender/liberty.html|archive-date=2012-06-26}}</ref>

{{Poem quote|Oh! isn't it a pity, such a pretty girl as I
Should be sent to the factory to pine away and die?
Oh! I cannot be a slave, I will not be a slave,
For I'm so fond of liberty,
That I cannot be a slave.}}

[[File:Wage slavery.jpg|thumb|right]]

Defenses of both wage labor and chattel slavery in the literature have linked the subjection of man to man with the subjection of man to [[nature]] – arguing that [[hierarchy]] and a social system's particular [[relations of production]] represent [[human nature]] and are no more coercive than the reality of [[human condition|life itself]]. According to this narrative, any well-intentioned attempt to fundamentally change the ''status quo'' is naively [[utopia]]n and will result in more oppressive conditions.<ref>{{Harvnb|Carsel|1940}}; {{Harvnb|Fitzhugh|1857}}; {{Harvnb|Norberg|2003}}.</ref> Bosses in both of these long-lasting systems argued that their respective systems [[wealth creation|created a lot of wealth and prosperity]]. In some sense, both did create jobs, and their investment entailed risk. For example, slave-owners risked losing money by buying chattel slaves who later became ill or died; while bosses risked losing money by hiring workers (wage slaves) to make products that did not sell well on the market. Marginally, both chattel and wage slaves may become bosses; sometimes by working hard. The "rags to riches" story occasionally comes to pass in capitalism; the "slave to master" story occurred in places like colonial Brazil, where slaves could buy their own freedom and become business owners, self-employed, or slave-owners themselves.<ref>{{Harvnb|Metcalf|2005|p= 201}}.</ref> Thus, critics of the concept of wage slavery do not regard [[social mobility]], or the hard work and risk that it may entail, as a redeeming factor.<ref>McKay, Iain. B.7.2 Does social mobility make up for class inequality? An Anarchist FAQ: Volume 1</ref>

Anthropologist [[David Graeber]] has noted that historically the first wage-labor contracts we know about – whether in ancient Greece or Rome, or in the Malay or [[:Category:Swahili city-states|Swahili city-states]] in the Indian Ocean – were in fact contracts for the rental of chattel slaves (usually the owner would receive a share of the money and the slaves another, with which to maintain their living expenses). According to Graeber, such arrangements were quite common in [[New World slavery]] as well, whether in the United States or in Brazil. [[C. L. R. James]] (1901–1989) argued that most of the techniques of human organization employed on factory workers during the [[Industrial Revolution]] first developed on [[slave plantation]]s.<ref>
{{Harvnb|Graeber|2004|p= [http://www.eleuthera.it/files/materiali/David_Graeber_Fragments_%20Anarchist_Anthropology.pdf 37]
}}.
</ref>
Subsequent work "traces the innovations of modern [[management]] to the slave plantation".<ref>
{{cite book
 | last1 = Beckert
 | first1 = Sven
 | author-link1 = Sven Beckert
 | last2 = Rockman
 | first2 = Seth
 | chapter = Introduction: Slavery's Capitalism
 | editor1-last = Beckert
 | editor1-first = Sven
 | editor1-link = Sven Beckert
 | editor2-last = Rockman
 | editor2-first = Seth
 | title = Slavery's Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development
 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=PBbBDAAAQBAJ
 | series = Early American Studies
 | location = Philadelphia
 | publisher = University of Pennsylvania Press
 | date = 2016
 | page = 15
 | isbn = 978-0-8122-9309-8
 | access-date = 1 December 2018
 | quote = [[Caitlin Rosenthal]] traces the innovations of modern management to the slave plantation [...]. Rosenthal is among several scholars who have urged the centrality of slavery in the histories of management and accounting.
}}
</ref>

=== Changes in the use of the term ===
[[File:Wage Slavery Use Study.svg|thumb|upright=1.5|By the end of the 19th century, both the use of the term "wage slavery" and its meaning declined.]]
At the end of the 19th century, North American labor rhetoric turned towards consumerist and economics-based politics, from its previously radical, [[producerist]] vision. Whereas labor organizations once referred to powerless disenfranchisement from the rise of industrial capitalism as "wage slavery", the phrase had fallen out of favor by 1890 as those organizations adopted pragmatic politics and phrases like "wage work".{{sfn|Hallgrimsdottir|Benoit|2007|p=1393}} American producerist labor politics emphasized the control of production conditions as being the guarantor of self-reliant, personal freedom. As factories began to bring artisans in-house by 1880, wage dependence replaced wage freedom as standard for skilled, unskilled, and unionized workers alike.{{sfn|Hallgrimsdottir|Benoit|2007|pp=1401–1402}}

As Hallgrimsdottir and Benoit point out: {{quote|[I]ncreased centralization of production&nbsp;... declining wages&nbsp;... [an] expanding&nbsp;... labor pool&nbsp;... intensifying competition, and&nbsp;... [t]he loss of competence and independence experienced by skilled labor" meant that "a critique that referred to all [wage] work as slavery and avoided demands for wage concessions in favor of supporting the creation of the producerist republic (by diverting strike funds towards funding&nbsp;... co-operatives, for example) was far less compelling than one that identified the specific conditions of slavery as low wages|sign=|source={{harvnb|Hallgrimsdottir|Benoit|2007|pp=1397, 1404, 1402}} }}

In more general English-language usage, the phrase "wage slavery" and its variants became more frequent in the 20th century.<ref>
[https://books.google.com/ngrams/graph?content=wage+slavery%2Cwage-slavery%2Cwage+slave%2Cwage-slave&year_start=1800&year_end=2019&corpus=26&smoothing=3&direct_url=t1%3B%2Cwage%20slavery%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cwage%20-%20slavery%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cwage%20slave%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cwage%20-%20slave%3B%2Cc0#t1%3B%2Cwage%20slavery%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cwage%20-%20slavery%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cwage%20slave%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cwage%20-%20slave%3B%2Cc0 Statistical table of frequency of use]
</ref>

== Treatment in various economic systems ==
[[File:AdamSmith.jpg|thumb|upright|left|[[Adam Smith]]]]
Some anti-capitalist thinkers claim that the [[elite]] maintain wage [[slavery]] and a divided working class through their influence over the media and entertainment industry,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/10/19/144225|title=Democracy Now|website=[[Democracy Now!]]|date=19 October 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071113204609/http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07%2F10%2F19%2F144225|archive-date=13 November 2007}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/1992----02.htm|title=Interview|year=1992|author=Chomsky, Noam|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060721164116/http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/1992----02.htm|archive-date=21 July 2006}}</ref> educational institutions, unjust laws, nationalist and [[corporate propaganda]], pressures and incentives to internalize values serviceable to the power structure, [[State (polity)|state]] violence, fear of unemployment, and a historical legacy of exploitation and profit accumulation/transfer under prior systems, which shaped the development of economic theory. [[Adam Smith]] noted that employers often conspire together to keep wages low and have the upper hand in conflicts between workers and employers:{{quote|The interest of the dealers&nbsp;... in any particular branch of trade or manufactures, is always in some respects different from, and even opposite to, that of the public... [They] have generally an interest to deceive and even to oppress the public&nbsp;... We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters, though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject. Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labor above their actual rate&nbsp;... It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties must, upon all ordinary occasions, have the advantage in the dispute, and force the other into a compliance with their terms.}}

=== Capitalism ===
[[File:Pinkerton escorts hocking valley leslies.jpg|thumb|[[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton guards]] escort strikebreakers in Buchtel, Ohio, 1884]]
[[File:Kronstadt attack.JPG|thumb|[[Red Army]] troops attack [[Kronstadt]] [[libertarian socialist]] "wage slavery" critics who had demanded among other things that "handicraft production be authorized provided it does not utilize wage labour".<ref>{{Harvnb|Brendel|1971}}.</ref>]]
The concept of wage slavery could conceivably be traced back to pre-capitalist figures like [[Gerrard Winstanley]] from the radical Christian [[Diggers]] movement in England, who wrote in his 1649 pamphlet, ''The New Law of Righteousness'', that there "shall be no buying or selling, no fairs nor markets, but the whole earth shall be a common treasury for every man" and "there shall be none Lord over others, but every one shall be a Lord of himself".<ref name="Graham-2005">{{Harvnb|Graham|2005}}.</ref>

[[Aristotle]] stated that "the citizens must not live a mechanic or a mercantile life (for such a life is ignoble and inimical to virtue), nor yet must those who are to be citizens in the best state be tillers of the soil (for leisure is needed both for the development of virtue and for active participation in politics)",<ref>Aristotle, ''[[Politics (Aristotle)|Politics]]'' 1328b–1329a, H. Rackham trans.</ref> often paraphrased as "all paid jobs absorb and degrade the mind".<ref name="quotationspage.com">{{cite web | url=http://www.quotationspage.com/quote/1097.html | title=The Quotations Page: Quote from Aristotle}}</ref> [[Cicero]] wrote in 44 BC that "vulgar are the means of livelihood of all hired workmen whom we pay for mere manual labour, not for artistic skill; for in their case the very wage they receive is a pledge of their slavery".<ref name="Cicero"/> Somewhat similar criticisms have also been expressed by some proponents of [[liberalism]], like [[Silvio Gesell]] and [[Thomas Paine]];<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ssa.gov/history/paine4.html|title=Social Security History|website=www.ssa.gov}}</ref> [[Henry George]], who inspired the economic philosophy known as [[Georgism]];<ref name="schalkenbach1" /> and the [[Distributism|Distributist]] school of thought within the [[Catholic Church]].

To [[Karl Marx]] and anarchist thinkers like [[Mikhail Bakunin]] and [[Peter Kropotkin]], wage slavery was a [[Class (social)|class condition]] in place due to the existence of [[private property]] and the [[Sovereign state|state]]. This class situation rested primarily on:
# The existence of property not intended for active use;
# The concentration of ownership in few hands;
# The lack of direct access by workers to the [[means of production]] and consumption goods; and
# The perpetuation of a [[Reserve army of labour|reserve army of unemployed workers]].
And secondarily on:
# The waste of workers' efforts and resources on producing useless luxuries;
# The waste of goods so that their price may remain high; and
# The waste of all those who sit between the producer and consumer, taking their own shares at each stage without actually contributing to the production of goods, i.e. the [[Reseller|middle man]].

=== Fascism ===
Fascist economic policies were more hostile to independent trade unions than modern economies in Europe or the United States.<ref>{{Harvnb|De Grand|2004|pp=48–51}}.</ref> [[Fascism]] was more widely accepted in the 1920s and 1930s, and foreign corporate investment (notably from the United States) in Germany increased after the fascists took power.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://web.mit.edu/thistle/www/v13/3/oil.html|title=A People's History of the United States|website=web.mit.edu}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Kolko|1962|pp=725–726}}: "General Motors' involvement in Germany's military preparations was the logical outcome of its forthright export philosophy of seeking profits wherever and however they might be made, irrespective of political circumstances. [...] By April 1939, G.M. had applied its credo to its fullest limits, for Opel, its wholly owned subsidiary, was (along with Ford) Germany's largest tank producer. [...] The details of additional American business involvement with German industry fill dozens of volumes of government hearings".</ref>

Fascism has been perceived by some notable critics, like [[Buenaventura Durruti]], to be a last resort weapon of the privileged to ensure the maintenance of wage slavery: {{quote|No government fights fascism to destroy it. When the [[bourgeoisie]] sees that power is slipping out of its hands, it brings up fascism to hold onto their privileges.<ref>Quote from an interview with Pierre van Paassen (24 July 1936), published in the ''Toronto Daily Star'' (5 August 1936)</ref>}}

== Psychological effects ==
[[File:WilhelmvonHumboldt.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Wilhelm von Humboldt]]]]
According to [[Noam Chomsky]], analysis of the psychological implications of wage slavery goes back to the [[Age of Enlightenment|Enlightenment]] era. In his 1791 book ''[[The Limits of State Action]]'', classical liberal thinker [[Wilhelm von Humboldt]] explained how "whatever does not spring from a man's free choice, or is only the result of instruction and guidance, does not enter into his very nature; he does not perform it with truly human energies, but merely with mechanical exactness" and so when the laborer works under external control, "we may admire what he does, but we despise what he is".<ref>{{Harvnb|Chomsky|1993|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=DIpW10rWZFAC&pg=PA19 19]}}.</ref> Because they explore human authority and obedience, both the [[Milgram experiment|Milgram]] and [[Stanford prison experiment|Stanford experiments]] have been found useful in the psychological study of wage-based workplace relations.<ref>{{Harvnb|Thye|Lawler|2006}}.</ref>

=== Self-identity problems and stress ===
According to research,<ref name="auto">{{Harvnb|Price|Friedland|Vinokur|1998}}.</ref> modern work provides people with a sense of personal and social identity that is tied to:
# The particular work role, even if unfulfilling; and
# The social role it entails e.g. family bread-winning, friendship forming and so on.
Thus job loss entails the loss of this identity.<ref name="auto"/>

[[Erich Fromm]] argued that if a person perceives himself as being what he owns, then when that person loses (or even thinks of losing) what he "owns" (e.g. the good looks or sharp mind that allow him to sell his labor for high wages) a fear of loss may create anxiety and authoritarian tendencies because that person's sense of identity is threatened. In contrast, when a person's sense of self is based on what he experiences in a "state of being" with a less materialistic regard for what he once had and lost, or may lose, then less authoritarian tendencies prevail. In his view, the state of being flourishes under a worker-managed workplace and economy, whereas self-ownership entails a materialistic notion of self, created to rationalize the lack of worker control that would allow for a state of being.<ref>{{Harvnb|Fromm|1995|p=?}}.<br />You can see Fromm discussing these ideas [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o7GpHrdXOFI here].</ref>

Investigative journalist [[Robert Kuttner]] analyzed the work of public-health scholars Jeffrey Johnson and Ellen Hall about modern conditions of work and concludes that "to be in a life situation where one experiences relentless demands by others, over which one has relatively little control, is to be at risk of poor health, physically as well as mentally". Under wage labor, "a relatively small elite demands and gets empowerment, self-actualization, autonomy, and other work satisfaction that partially compensate for long hours" while "epidemiological data confirm that lower-paid, lower-status workers are more likely to experience the most clinically damaging forms of stress, in part because they have less control over their work".<ref>{{Harvnb|Kuttner|1997|pp=153–54}}.</ref>

Wage slavery and the educational system that precedes it "implies power held by the leader. Without power the leader is inept. The possession of power inevitably leads to corruption&nbsp;... in spite of&nbsp;... good intentions&nbsp;... [Leadership means] power of initiative, this sense of responsibility, the self-respect which comes from expressed manhood, is taken from the men, and consolidated in the leader. The sum of their initiative, their responsibility, their self-respect becomes his&nbsp;... [and the] order and system he maintains is based upon the suppression of the men, from being independent thinkers into being 'the men'&nbsp;... In a word, he is compelled to become an autocrat and a foe to democracy". For the "leader", such marginalisation can be beneficial, for a leader "sees no need for any high level of intelligence in the rank and file, except to applaud his actions. Indeed such intelligence from his point of view, by breeding criticism and opposition, is an obstacle and causes confusion".<ref>{{Harvnb|Ablett|1991|pp=15–17}}.</ref> Wage slavery "implies erosion of the human personality&nbsp;... [because] some men submit to the will of others, arousing in these instincts which predispose them to cruelty and indifference in the face of the suffering of their fellows".<ref>quoted by Jose Peirats, The CNT in the Spanish Revolution, vol. 2, p. 76</ref>

=== Psychological control ===
{{anarchism sidebar|economics}}

==== Higher wages ====
In 19th-century discussions of labor relations, it was normally assumed that the threat of starvation forced those without property to work for wages. Proponents of the view that modern forms of employment constitute wage slavery, even when workers appear to have a range of available alternatives, have attributed its perpetuation to a variety of social factors that maintain the [[cultural hegemony|hegemony]] of the employer class.<ref name="Perlman 2002 p2"/><ref>Gramsci, A. (1992) ''Prison Notebooks''. New York : Columbia University Press, pp. 233–38</ref>

In an account of the Lowell mill girls, Harriet Hanson Robinson wrote that generously high wages were offered to overcome the degrading nature of the work: {{quote|At the time the Lowell cotton mills were started the caste of the factory girl was the lowest among the employments of women.&nbsp;... She was represented as subjected to influences that must destroy her purity and selfrespect. In the eyes of her overseer she was but a brute, a slave, to be beaten, pinched and pushed about. It was to overcome this prejudice that such high wages had been offered to women that they might be induced to become millgirls, in spite of the opprobrium that still clung to this degrading occupation.<ref>Robinson, Harriet H. "[http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/robinson-lowell.asp Early Factory Labor in New England]," in Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Fourteenth Annual Report (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1883), pp. 38082, 38788, 39192.</ref>}}

In his book ''[[Disciplined Minds]]'', [[Jeff Schmidt (writer)|Jeff Schmidt]] points out that professionals are trusted to run organizations in the interests of their employers. Because employers cannot be on hand to manage every decision, professionals are trained to "ensure that each and every detail of their work favors the right interests–or skewers the disfavored ones" in the absence of overt control: {{quote|The resulting professional is an obedient thinker, an intellectual property whom employers can trust to experiment, theorize, innovate and create safely within the confines of an assigned ideology.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schmidt|2000|p=16}}.</ref>}}

[[Parecon]] (participatory economics) theory posits a social class "between labor and capital" of higher paid professionals such as "doctors, lawyers, engineers, managers and others" who monopolize empowering labor and constitute a class above wage laborers who do mostly "obedient, rote work".<ref>{{cite web|last=Tedrow|first=Matt<!-- Don't know where 'DC' comes from. You can look up Tedrow on Twitter. He's also currently (05/3/2013) doctoral student at Texas. -->|date=4 July 2007|title=Parecon and Anarcho-Syndicalism: An Interview with Michael Albert|url=http://www.zcommunications.org/parecon-and-anarcho-syndicalism-an-interview-with-michael-albert-by-michael-albert|publisher=[[ZNet]]|access-date=5 March 2013}}</ref>

==== Lower wages ====
The terms "employee" or "worker" have often been replaced by "associate" or "partner". This plays up the allegedly voluntary nature of the interaction while playing down the subordinate status of the wage laborer as well as the worker-boss class distinction emphasized by labor movements. Billboards as well as television, Internet and newspaper advertisements consistently show low-wage workers with smiles on their faces, appearing happy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ehrenreich|2009}}.</ref>

Job interviews and other data on requirements for lower skilled workers in developed countries – particularly in the growing service sector – indicate that the more workers depend on low wages and the less skilled or desirable their job is, the more employers screen for workers without better employment options and expect them to feign unremunerative motivation.<ref name="Ehrenreich 2011">{{Harvnb|Ehrenreich|2011}}.</ref> Such screening and feigning may not only contribute to the positive self-image of the employer as someone granting desirable employment, but also signal wage-dependence by indicating the employee's willingness to feign, which in turn may discourage the dissatisfaction normally associated with job-switching or union activity.<ref name="Ehrenreich 2011"/>

At the same time, employers in the service industry have justified unstable, part-time employment and low wages by playing down the importance of service jobs for the lives of the wage laborers (e.g. just temporary before finding something better, student summer jobs and the like).<ref>{{Harvnb|Klein|2009|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=Yq_WAUXqRAEC&pg=PA232 232]}}.</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=McClelland|first=Mac|title=I Was a Warehouse Wage Slave|url=https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/02/mac-mcclelland-free-online-shipping-warehouses-labor|journal=[[Mother Jones (magazine)|Mother Jones]]|issue=March/April 2012|access-date=4 March 2013}}</ref>

In the early 20th century, "scientific methods of strikebreaking"<ref>{{Harvnb|Steuben|1950}}.</ref> were devised – employing a variety of tactics that emphasized how strikes undermined "harmony" and "Americanism".<ref>{{Harvnb|Chomsky|2002|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=Y5Ouy4XoXPsC&pg=PA229 229]}}.</ref><!-- "Early 20th century", but sources are early 21st century? -->

== Workers' self-management ==
{{anarcho-communism sidebar|concepts}}
Some social activists objecting to the [[market system]] or [[price system]] of wage working historically have considered [[syndicalism]], [[worker cooperative]]s, [[workers' self-management]] and [[workers' control]] as possible alternatives to the current wage system.<ref name="globetrotter.berkeley.edu"/><ref name="HB"/><ref name="spunk.org"/><ref name="Geoffrey Ostergaard p. 133"/>

=== Labor and government ===
The American philosopher [[John Dewey]] believed that until "industrial feudalism" is replaced by "[[industrial democracy]]", politics will be "the shadow cast on society by big business".<ref>"As long as politics is the shadow cast on society by big business, the attenuation of the shadow will not change the substance", in "The Need for a New Party" (1931), Later Works 6, p. 163</ref> [[Thomas Ferguson (academic)|Thomas Ferguson]] has postulated in his [[investment theory of party competition]] that the undemocratic nature of economic institutions under capitalism causes elections to become occasions when blocs of investors coalesce and compete to control the state.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ferguson|1995}}.</ref>

[[Noam Chomsky]] has argued that political theory tends to blur the 'elite' function of government: 

{{quote|Modern political theory stresses Madison's belief that "in a just and a free government the rights both of property and of persons ought to be effectually guarded." But in this case too it is useful to look at the doctrine more carefully. There are no rights of property, only rights to property that is, rights of persons with property,...

In representative democracy, as in, say, the United States or Great Britain [...] there is a monopoly of power centralized in the state, and secondly – and critically – [...] the representative democracy is limited to the political sphere and in no serious way encroaches on the economic sphere [...] That is, as long as individuals are compelled to rent themselves on the market to those who are willing to hire them, as long as their role in production is simply that of ancillary tools, then there are striking elements of coercion and oppression that make talk of democracy very limited, if even meaningful.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/19760725.htm|title=The Relevance of Anarcho-syndicalism|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|date=July 25, 1976}}</ref>}}

In this regard, Chomsky has used Bakunin's theories about an "instinct for freedom",<ref name="Chomsky">{{cite web|url=http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20070921.htm|title=A Revolution is Just Below the Surface|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|date=21 September 2007}}</ref> the militant history of labor movements, Kropotkin's mutual aid evolutionary principle of survival and [[Marc Hauser]]'s theories supporting an innate and universal moral faculty,<ref>{{Harvnb|Hauser|2006}}.</ref> to explain the incompatibility of oppression with certain aspects of human nature.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-3740467851698161135|title=On Just War Theory at West Point Academy: Hauser's theories "could some day provide foundations for a more substantive theory of just war," expanding on some of the existing legal "codifications of these intuitive judgments" that are regularly disregarded by elite power structures. (min 26–30)}}</ref><ref name="Chomsky 2004">{{cite web|url=http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20040714.htm|title=Interview|author=Chomsky, Noam|date=14 July 2004}}</ref>

=== Influence on environmental degradation ===
[[Loyola University New Orleans|Loyola University]] philosophy professor John Clark and libertarian socialist philosopher [[Murray Bookchin]] have criticized the system of wage labor for encouraging environmental destruction, arguing that a self-managed industrial society would better manage the environment. Like other anarchists,<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.infoshop.org/page/AnarchistFAQSectionE|title=An Anarchist FAQ Section E – What do anarchists think causes ecological problems?|access-date=2011-04-05|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110510073028/http://www.infoshop.org/page/AnarchistFAQSectionE|archive-date=2011-05-10}}</ref> they attribute much of the Industrial Revolution's pollution to the "hierarchical" and "competitive" economic relations accompanying it.<ref>{{Harvnb|Bookchin|1990|p=44}}; {{Harvnb|Bookchin|2001|pp=1–20}}; {{Harvnb|Clark|1983|p=114}}; {{Harvnb|Clark|2004}}.</ref>

=== Employment contracts ===
Some criticize wage slavery on strictly contractual grounds, e.g. [[David Ellerman]] and [[Carole Pateman]], arguing that the [[employment contract]] is a legal fiction in that it treats human beings juridically as mere tools or inputs by abdicating responsibility and [[self-determination]], which the critics argue are inalienable. As Ellerman points out, "[t]he employee is legally transformed from being a co-responsible partner to being only an input supplier sharing no legal responsibility for either the input liabilities [costs] or the produced outputs [revenue, profits] of the employer's business".<ref>{{Harvnb|Ellerman|2005|p=16}}.</ref> Such contracts are inherently invalid "since the person remain[s] a ''de facto'' fully capacitated adult person with only the contractual role of a non-person" as it is impossible to physically transfer self-determination.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ellerman|2005|p=14}}.</ref> As Pateman argues: 
{{quote|The contractarian argument is unassailable all the time it is accepted that abilities can 'acquire' an external relation to an individual, and can be treated as if they were property. To treat abilities in this manner is also implicitly to accept that the 'exchange' between employer and worker is like any other exchange of material property ... The answer to the question of how property in the person can be contracted out is that no such procedure is possible. Labour power, capacities or services, cannot be separated from the person of the worker like pieces of property.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ellerman|2005|p=32}}.</ref>}}

In a modern liberal capitalist society, the employment contract is enforced while the enslavement contract is not; the former being considered valid because of its consensual/non-coercive nature and the latter being considered inherently invalid, consensual or not. The noted economist [[Paul Samuelson]] described this discrepancy: {{quote|Since slavery was abolished, human earning power is forbidden by law to be capitalized. A man is not even free to sell himself; he must rent himself at a wage.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://ellerman.org/Davids-Stuff/Econ&Pol-Econ/Inalienable-rights-and-contracts.pdf|title=Ellerman, David, ''Inalienable Rights and Contracts'', 21|access-date=2020-07-09|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081120120938/http://www.ellerman.org/Davids-Stuff/Econ%26Pol-Econ/Inalienable-rights-and-contracts.pdf|archive-date=2008-11-20}}</ref>}}

Some advocates of [[right-libertarianism]], among them philosopher [[Robert Nozick]], address this inconsistency in modern societies arguing that a consistently libertarian society would allow and regard as valid consensual/non-coercive enslavement contracts, rejecting the notion of inalienable rights: {{quote|The comparable question about an individual is whether a free system will allow him to sell himself into slavery. I believe that it would.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ellerman|2005|p=2}}.</ref>}}

Other economists including [[Murray Rothbard]] allow for the possibility of [[debt slavery]], asserting that a lifetime labour contract can be broken so long as the slave pays appropriate damages: {{quote|[I]f A has agreed to work for life for B in exchange for 10,000 grams of gold, he will have to return the proportionate amount of property if he terminates the arrangement and ceases to work.<ref>{{Harvnb|Rothbard|2009|p=164 n.34}}.</ref>}}

== Schools of economics ==
In the philosophy of mainstream, [[neoclassical economics]], [[wage labor]] is seen as the [[Labour economics|voluntary sale of one's own time and efforts]], just like a carpenter would sell a chair, or a farmer would sell wheat. It is considered neither an antagonistic nor abusive relationship and carries no particular moral implications.<ref>{{Harvnb|Mankiw|2012}}.</ref>

[[Austrian economics]] argues that a person is not "free" unless they can sell their labor because otherwise that person has no [[self-ownership]] and will be owned by a "third party" of individuals.<ref>{{Harvnb|Mises|1996|pp=[https://www.mises.org/humanaction/pdf/ha_10.pdf 194–99]}}.</ref>

[[Post-Keynesian economics]] perceives wage slavery as resulting from [[inequality of bargaining power]] between labor and capital, which exists when the economy does not "allow labor to organize and form a strong countervailing force".<ref>{{Harvnb|Bober|2007|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=qb47lG7sf4AC&pg=PA41 41–42]}}. See also {{Harvnb|Keen|c. 1990}}.</ref>

The two main forms of [[socialist economics]] perceive wage slavery differently:
# [[Libertarian socialism]] sees it as a lack of [[workers' self-management]] in the context of substituting state and capitalist control with political and economic decentralization and [[confederation]].
# [[State socialism|State socialists]] view it as an injustice perpetrated by capitalists and solved through [[nationalization]] and [[social ownership]] of the [[means of production]].
{{clear}}

== Criticism ==
Some [[abolitionists]] in the United States regarded the analogy of wage workers as wage slaves to be spurious.<ref name="Foner, Eric 1998. p. 66">Foner, Eric. 1998. ''The Story of American Freedom''. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 66</ref> They believed that wage workers were "neither wronged nor oppressed".<ref name="McNall 95">{{cite book |last=McNall |first=Scott G. |display-authors=et al|title=Current Perspectives in Social Theory|page=95| isbn=978-0-7623-0762-3 | year=2002 | publisher=Emerald Group Publishing}}</ref> The abolitionist and former slave [[Frederick Douglass]] declared "Now I am my own master" when he took a paying job.<ref name="Douglass 95"/> Later in life, he concluded to the contrary "experience demonstrates that there may be a slavery of wages only a little less galling and crushing in its effects than chattel slavery, and that this slavery of wages must go down with the other".<ref>Douglass, Frederick. [https://archive.org/stream/threeaddresseson00dougrich/threeaddresseson00dougrich_djvu.txt ''Three Addresses on the Relations Subsisting Between the White and Colored People of the United States'']. p. 13</ref> However, [[Abraham Lincoln]] and the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republicans]] "did not challenge the notion that those who spend their entire lives as wage laborers were comparable to slaves", though they argued that the condition was different, as long as laborers were likely to develop the opportunity to work for themselves in the future, achieving [[self-employment]].<ref name="books.google.com">[https://books.google.com/books?id=_KdrTfTxqvgC&pg=PA183 p.181-184 Democracy's Discontent By Michael J. Sandel]</ref>
 
Some advocates of laissez-faire capitalism, among them philosopher [[Robert Nozick]], have said that inalienable rights can be waived if done so voluntarily, saying "the comparable question about an individual is whether a free system will allow him to sell himself into slavery. I believe that it would".<ref>Ellerman, David. [http://ellerman.org/Davids-Stuff/Econ&Pol-Econ/translatio-v-concessio-P-and-S-final.pdf ''Translatio versus Concessio'']. p. 2</ref>

Others such as the [[anarcho-capitalist]] economist [[Walter Block]] go further and maintain that all rights are in fact alienable, stating [[voluntary slavery]] and by extension wage slavery is legitimate.<ref>[http://mises.org/journals/jls/17_2/17_2_3.pdf "Toward a Libertarian Theory of Inalienability: A Critique of Rothbard, Barnett, Smith, Kinsella, Gordon, and Epstein"].</ref>

== See also ==
* [[Criticism of capitalism]]
* [[Critique of political economy]]
* [[Critique of work]]
* [[Forced labour]]
* [[Job strain]]
* [[Labor rights]]
* [[Precariat]]
* [[Proletariat]]
* [[Refusal of work]]
* [[Slavery]]

== Footnotes ==
{{reflist}}

== Bibliography ==
{{refbegin|2}}
* {{cite book|last=Ablett|first=Noah|author-link=Noah Ablett|year=1991|orig-date=1912|title=The Miners' Next Step|location=London|publisher=[[Phoenix Books]]|isbn=978-0-948984-21-1|title-link=The Miners' Next Step}}
* {{cite book|last=Avineri|first=Shlomo|author-link=Shlomo Avineri|year=1968|title=The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx|location=Cambridge|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|isbn=978-0-521-09619-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Bober|first=Stanley|year=2007|chapter=Marxian economics: its philosophy, message, and contemporary relevance|editor1-last=Mathew Forstater|editor2-last=Gary Mongiovi|editor3-last=Steven Pressman|editor3-link=Steven Pressman (economist)|title=Post Keynesian Macroeconomics: Essays in Honour of Ingrid Rima|location=Abingdon and New York, NY|publisher=[[Routledge]]|isbn=978-0-415-77231-0}}
* {{cite book|last=Bookchin|first=Murray|author-link=Murray Bookchin|year=1990|title=Remaking Society|url=https://archive.org/details/remakingsocietyp00book|url-access=registration|location=New York, NY|publisher=[[South End Press]]|isbn=978-0-89608-372-1}}
* {{cite book|last=Bookchin|first=Murray|year=2001|title=Which Way for the Ecology Movement?|location=Oakland, CA|publisher=[[AK Press]]|isbn=978-1-873176-26-9|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/whichwayforecolo0000book}}
* {{cite web|last=Brendel|first=Cajo|year=1971|title=Kronstadt: Proletarian Spin-off of the Russian Revolution|url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/brendel/1971/kronstadt.htm|publisher=[[Marxists Internet Archive]]|access-date=9 March 2013}}
* {{cite journal|last=Carsel|first=Wilfred|year=1940|title=The Slaveholders' Indictment of Northern Wage Slavery|journal=[[Journal of Southern History]]|volume=6|issue=4|pages=504–520|jstor=2192167|doi=10.2307/2192167}}
* {{cite journal|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|author-link=Noam Chomsky|year=1986|title=The Soviet Union Versus Socialism|url=http://s3.amazonaws.com/xlsuite_production/assets/9349007/VOL_17_02.pdf|journal=[[Our Generation (journal)|Our Generation]]|volume=17|issue=2|pages=47–52|access-date=5 March 2013}}
* {{cite book|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|year=1993|title=Year 501: The Conquest Continues|url=http://books.zcommunications.org/chomsky/year/year-overview.html|location=London|publisher=[[Verso Books]]|isbn=978-0-86091-406-8|access-date=9 March 2013}}
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{{refend}}

== External links ==
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