Editing Chinese Indonesians

{{Short description|Ethnic group}}
{{redirect|Cindo|a person with six fingers|Polydactyly}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2020}}
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{{Infobox ethnic group
| group            = Chinese Indonesians
| native_name      = ''Orang Tionghoa Indonesia''<br />{{lang|zh-hant|印度尼西亞華人}}<br />{{lang|zh-hans|印度尼西亚华人}}
| image            = File:Sembahyang Imlek 2020.jpg
| image_upright    = 1.2
| caption          = Performing rituals for the 2020 Chinese New Year's eve in Indonesia
| population       = '''2,832,510''' (2010) ''Official estimation''<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.culturaldiplomacy.org/academy/index.php?chinese-diaspora|title = Chinese Diaspora}}</ref>
<br>'''6,000,000''' (2018 estimate) ''Unofficial estimation'' (Including Overseas Chinese Indonesians and Mixed Chinese Indonesians)<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.refworld.org/reference/countryrep/mrgi/2018/en/120313#:~:text=World%20Directory%20of%20Minorities%20and%20Indigenous%20Peoples%20%2D%20Indonesia%20%3A%20Chinese,-Hide%20Details&text=Nearly%20all%20Chinese%20in%20Indonesia,were%20Hokkien%2C%20Hakka%20and%20Cantonese.|title =World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples - Indonesia : Chinese}}</ref>
| popplace         = {{flagicon|IDN}} '''[[Indonesia]]'''<br />'''Throughout Indonesia''' <br /> Primarily in [[Java]], [[Sumatra]], [[Riau Islands]], [[Bangka Belitung Islands]] and [[Kalimantan]], with a significant population in [[Eastern Indonesia]], especially in parts of [[Sulawesi]], [[Lesser Sunda Islands]] and the [[Maluku Islands]]<br />
'''Significant diaspora populace in''':<br />{{flag|Australia}}<ref>{{cite web|url=http://stories.anmm.gov.au/blackarmada/chinese-indonesian-australian-family-histories/|title=A Complicated Journey: Chinese, Indonesian, and Australian Family Histories|author=Stephen Gapps|publisher=[[Australian National Maritime Museum]]|access-date=22 April 2018|archive-date=6 May 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180506133557/http://stories.anmm.gov.au/blackarmada/chinese-indonesian-australian-family-histories/|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://dictionaryofsydney.org/entry/indonesians|title=Indonesians|author=Terri McCormack|publisher=[[Dictionary of Sydney]]|year=2008|access-date=22 April 2018}}</ref><br />{{flag|Canada}}<br />{{flag|China}}<br />{{flag|Hong Kong}}<br />{{flag|Malaysia}}<ref name="CN Indo">{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1998/12/12/news/indonesias-ethnic-chinese-find-a-haven-for-now-but-their-future-is.html|title=Indonesia's Ethnic Chinese Find a Haven For Now, But Their Future Is Uncertain: Malaysia's Wary Welcome|author=Thomas Fuller|work=[[The New York Times]]|date=12 December 1998|access-date=22 April 2018}}</ref><br />{{flag|Netherlands}}<br />{{flag|Singapore}}<ref name="CN Indo"/><br />{{flag|Taiwan}}<ref name="immi">{{cite web|url=http://www.immigration.gov.tw/ct.aspxItem=1095285&ctNode=29699&mp=1|title=Statistics|publisher=National Immigration Agency, ROC|access-date=2011-02-13|language=zh}}</ref> <br />{{flag|United States}}
| langs            = '''Primarily'''<br />[[Indonesian language|Indonesian]] (lingua franca)<br />'''Mother tongue languages'''<br />
[[Indonesian language|Indonesian]], [[Betawi Language|Betawi]], [[Javanese language|Javanese]], [[Sundanese language|Sundanese]], [[Minangkabau language|Minangkabau]], [[Batak languages|Batak]], [[Acehnese language|Acehnese]], [[Balinese language|Balinese]], [[Malay language|Malay]] and its [[Malay trade and creole languages|varieties]] and other [[languages of Indonesia]] <br /> '''Secondary languages''' <br /> [[Hokkien]], [[Hakka Chinese|Hakka]], [[Teochew dialect|Teochew]], [[Cantonese]], [[Hokchew]], [[Pu-Xian Min|Henghwa]], [[Hainanese]], [[Taishanese]], [[Mandarin Chinese|Mandarin]]  and other [[varieties of Chinese]].
| rels             = {{flatlist |
'''Predominantly'''<br />
[[Buddhism]], [[Christianity]]<br />
'''Minority'''<br />
[[Islam]], [[Confucianism]], [[Taoism]], [[Hinduism]], and others.
}}
| related          = {{flatlist |
* [[South China|Southern Chinese]]
* [[Chinese in the Bangka Belitung Islands]]
* [[Peranakans]]
* [[Overseas Chinese]]
* [[Malaysian Chinese]]
* [[Chinese Singaporeans]]
* [[Chinese Filipinos]]
}}
}}
{{Infobox Chinese
| title = Chinese Indonesians
| t = 印度尼西亞華人
| s = 印度尼西亚华人
| l = Indonesian Chinese people
| p = Yìndùníxīyà huárén
| w = {{tone superscript|Yin4-tu4-ni2-hsi1-ya4 hua2-jen2}}
| mi = {{IPAc-cmn|yin|4|.|d|u|4|.|n|i|2|.|x|i|1|.|ya|4|-|h|ua|2|.|r|en|2}}
| bpmf = ㄧㄣˋ ㄉㄨˋ ㄋㄧˊ ㄒㄧ ㄧㄚˋ ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄖㄣˊ
| poj = Ìn-to͘-nî-se-a Hôa-lâng
| teo = ing<sup>3</sup> dou<sup>7</sup> ni<sup>5</sup> sai<sup>1</sup> a<sup>1</sup> hua<sup>5</sup> jin<sup>5</sup>
| buc = Éng-dô-nà̤-să̤-ā huà-nè̤ng
| phfs = Yin-thu-nì-sî-â fà-ngìn
| y = Yandouhnèihsāia wàhyàhn
| j = Jan3 dou6 nei4 sai1 aa3 waa4 jan4
| ci = {{IPAc-yue|j|an|3|.|d|ou|6|.|n|ei|4|.|s|ai|1|.|aa|3|-|w|aa|4|.|j|an|4}}
}}

'''Chinese Indonesians''' ({{langx|id|Orang Tionghoa Indonesia}}), or simply '''''Orang Tionghoa''''' or '''''Tionghoa''''',<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.thejakartapost.com/youth/2016/08/30/why-its-important-to-talk-about-chinese-indonesians-or-cindo.html|title=Why it's important to talk about Chinese-Indonesians or Cindo|author= Kenneth Utama|newspaper=The Jakarta Post|date=30 August 2016|access-date=9 March 2021}}</ref> are [[Indonesians]] whose ancestors arrived from [[China]] at some stage in the last eight centuries. Chinese Indonesians are the fourth largest community of [[Overseas Chinese]] in the world after [[Thai Chinese|Thailand]], [[Malaysian Chinese|Malaysia]], and the [[Chinese Americans|United States]].

Chinese people and their Indonesian descendants have lived in the Indonesian archipelago since at least the 13th century. Many came initially as sojourners (temporary residents), intending to return home in their old age.<ref>{{cite book|author=Wang Gungwu|chapter=Sojourning: the Chinese experience in Southeast Asia|editor=Anthony Reid|title=Sojourners and settlers: histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese|location=Honolulu|publisher=University of Hawai'i Press|date= 1996|pages=1–9}}</ref> Some, however, stayed in the region as [[economic migrants]]. Their population grew rapidly during the colonial period when workers were contracted from their home provinces in Southern China.

[[Discrimination against Chinese Indonesians]] has occurred since the start of Dutch colonialism in the region, although government policies implemented since 1998 have attempted to redress this. Resentment of ethnic Chinese economic aptitude grew in the 1950s as [[Native Indonesians|Native Indonesian]] merchants felt they could not remain competitive. Under the [[Suharto]] government backed by the United States during the Cold War, systematic massacres against ethnic Chinese occurred in the name of "anti-communism". Later, government action propagated the stereotype that ethnic Chinese-owned [[Conglomerate (company)|conglomerates]] were corrupt. Although the [[1997 Asian financial crisis]] severely disrupted their business activities, reform of government policy and legislation removed most if not all political and social restrictions on Chinese Indonesians.

The development of local Chinese society and culture is based upon three pillars: clan associations, ethnic media and Chinese-language schools.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=74}}{{sfn|Hoon|2006|p=96}} These flourished during the period of [[Chinese nationalism]] in the final years of China's [[Qing dynasty]] and through the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]]; however, differences in the objective of nationalist sentiments brought about a split in the population. One group supported political reforms in China, while others worked towards improved status in local politics. The [[New Order (Indonesia)|New Order]] government (1967–1998) dismantled the pillars of ethnic Chinese identity in favor of [[Cultural assimilation|assimilation]] policies as a solution to the so-called "Chinese Problem".

The Chinese Indonesian population of [[Java]] accounts for nearly half of the group's national population. They are generally more urbanized than [[Native Indonesians|Indonesia's indigenous population]] but significant rural and agricultural communities still exist throughout the country. Declining fertility rates have resulted in an upward shift in the [[population pyramid]], as the median age increases. Emigration has contributed to a shrinking population and communities have emerged in more industrialized nations in the second half of the 20th century. Some have participated in repatriation programs to the People's Republic of China, while others emigrated to neighboring Singapore, Taiwan, and Western countries to escape anti-Chinese sentiment.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/23/world/asia/an-ethnic-chinese-christian-breaking-barriers-in-indonesia.html|title=An Ethnic Chinese Christian, Breaking Barriers in Indonesia|author=Joe Cochrane|newspaper=The New York Times|date=22 November 2014|access-date=22 April 2018}}</ref> Among the overseas residents, their identities are noticeably more Indonesian than Chinese.{{sfn|Cunningham|2008|p=104}}

== Classification ==
The term Chinese Indonesian has never been clearly defined, especially for the period before 1900. There was no Indonesian identity or nationality before the 20th century. The ethno-political category [[Han Chinese]] was also poorly defined before the rise of modern Chinese nationalism in the late 19th century.{{citation needed|date=December 2022}} At its broadest, the term Chinese Indonesian is used to refer to anyone from, or having an ancestor from, the present-day territory of China and Taiwan. This usage is problematic because it conflates Han Chinese with other ethnic groups under Chinese rule. For instance, Admiral [[Zheng He]] (1371–1433), who led several Chinese maritime expeditions into Southeast Asia, was a Muslim from Yunnan and was not of Chinese ancestry, yet he is generally characterized as Chinese. This broad use is also problematic because it prioritizes a line of descent from China over all other lines and may conflict with an individual's own self-identity. Many people who identify as Chinese Indonesian are of mixed Chinese and Indonesian descent. Indonesia's 4th president [[Abdurrahman Wahid]] (1940–2009) is of [[Arab Indonesians|Arab]], Chinese, and [[Javanese people|Javanese]] ancestry.<ref name="Chinese1">{{cite book|last1=Lindsey|first1=Tim|last2=Pausacker|first2=Helen|title=Chinese Indonesians: Remembering, Distorting, Forgetting|year=2005|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qkaWBgAAQBAJ&q=Abdurrahman+Wahid+chinese+ancestry&pg=PA102|page=102|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |isbn=9789812303035}}</ref><ref name="Chinese2">{{cite book|last1=Lim|first1=Hua Sing|title=Japan and China in East Asian Integration|year=2008|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MJv6eO2Izm8C&q=Abdurrahman+Wahid+chinese+ancestry&pg=PA290|page=290|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |isbn=9789812307446}}</ref>

Some narrower uses of the term focus on culture, defining as Chinese Indonesian those who choose to prioritize their Chinese ancestry, especially those who have [[Chinese name]]s or follow aspects of [[Religion in China|Chinese religion]] or [[Chinese culture|culture]]. Within this cultural definition, a distinction has commonly been made between ''[[peranakan]]'' and ''[[totok]]'' Chinese. Peranakan were generally said to have mixed Chinese and local ancestry and to have developed a hybrid culture that included elements from both Chinese and local cultures. ''Totoks'' were generally said to be first-generation migrants and to have retained a strong Chinese identity.

Other definitions focus on the succession of legal classifications that have separated Chinese from other inhabitants of the archipelago. Both the [[Dutch East India Company]] and the [[Dutch East Indies|Dutch colonial government]] (from 1815) applied complex systems of ethnic classification to their subjects, based on religion, culture and place of origin. Chinese Indonesians were sometimes classified as Natives, sometimes as Chinese, sometimes as Foreign Orientals, a category that included Arabs, Indians and Siamese.<ref>C. Fasseur, 'Cornerstone and Stumbling Block: Racial Classification and the Late Colonial State in Indonesia', in Robert Cribb (ed.), The Late Colonial State in Indonesia: political and economic foundations of the Netherlands Indies, 1880-1942 (Leiden: KITLV, 1994), pp. 31-56.</ref> After independence, the community was divided between those who accepted Indonesian citizenship and those who did not. Under the New Order of President [[Suharto]], citizens of Chinese descent were formally classified as "Indonesian citizens of foreign descent" (''Warga Negara Indonesia keturunan asing''). In public discourse, they were distinguished from [[native Indonesians]] as non''-pribumi'' (lit., non-native).

== History ==

{{see also|History of Indonesia}}

=== Early interactions ===
[[File:Jan Huyghen van Linschoten Ship of China and Java.jpg|thumb|200px|16th century depiction of a Chinese-Javanese vessel]]
The first recorded movement of people from China into [[Maritime Southeast Asia]] was the arrival of [[Mongol Empire|Mongol]] forces under [[Kublai Khan]] that culminated in the [[Mongol invasion of Java|invasion of Java]] in 1293. Their intervention hastened the decline of the classical kingdoms such as [[Singhasari]] and precipitated the rise of the [[Majapahit]] empire.{{sfn|Reid|2001|p=17}}

[[Hui people|Chinese Muslim]] traders from the eastern coast of China arrived at the coastal towns of Indonesia and [[Malaysia]] in the early 15th century. They were led by the mariner [[Zheng He]], who commanded [[Treasure voyages|several expeditions to Southeast Asia]] between 1405 and 1430. In the book ''[[Yingya Shenglan]],'' his translator [[Ma Huan]] documented the activities of the Chinese Muslims in the archipelago and the legacy left by Zheng He and his men.{{sfn|Ma|2005|p=115}} These traders settled along the northern coast of [[Java]], but there is no documentation of their settlements beyond the 16th century. The Chinese Muslims were likely to have been absorbed into the majority Muslim population.{{sfn|Tan|2005|p=796}} Between 1450 and 1520, the [[Ming dynasty]]'s interest in southeastern Asia reached a low point and trade, both legal and illegal, rarely reached the archipelago.{{sfn|Reid|1999|p=52}} The [[The Portuguese in Indonesia (1512–1850)|Portuguese]] made no mention of any resident Chinese minority population when they arrived in Indonesia in the early 16th century.{{sfn|Reid|2001|p=33}} Trade from the north was re-established when China legalized private trade in 1567 through licensing 50 [[Junk (ship)|junks]] a year. Several years later silver began flowing into the region, from Japan, Mexico, and Europe, and trade flourished once again. Distinct Chinese colonies emerged in hundreds of ports throughout southeastern Asia, including the pepper port of [[Banten]].{{sfn|Reid|1999|p=52}}

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM De Chinese zeilschepen Yonken Sin Tong Heng (links) en Tek Hwa Seng bij Poeloe Samboe TMnr 10010680.jpg|thumb|alt=Black and white view of the ocean with an island visible on the horizon to the right. A sailing ship on the left (three sails visible) shows the full length of its hull while another on the right (two sails visible) shows its forward bow.|Chinese junks ''Sin Tong Heng'' and ''Tek Hwa Seng'' in the [[Sambu Island]], [[Singapore Strait]], {{circa}} 1936]]
Some Chinese traders avoided [[Portuguese Malacca]] after it fell to the Portuguese in the [[Capture of Malacca (1511)|1511 Capture of Malacca]].{{sfn|Guillot|Lombard|Ptak|1998|p=179}} Many Chinese, however, cooperated with the Portuguese for the sake of trade.{{sfn|Borschberg|2004|p=12}} Some Chinese in [[Java]] assisted in Muslim attempts to reconquer the city using ships. The Javanese–Chinese participation in retaking Malacca was recorded in "The Malay Annals of Semarang and Cerbon".{{sfn|Guillot|Lombard|Ptak|1998|p=179}}

Han Chinese in Indonesia forbid [[Parallel and cross cousins|parallel cousin]] marriage which Han culture bans.<ref>{{cite book |last=Hidayah |first=Zulyani |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XXDgDwAAQBAJ&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PA86 |title=A Guide to Tribes in Indonesia: Anthropological Insights from the Archipelago |date=2020 |publisher=Springer Nature |isbn=978-9811518355 |location= |page=86 |quote=According to general Chinese tradition, a forbidden marriage is one between two people who share the same clan. Aside from that, a woman cannot marry before her elder sister is married. On the contrary, a younger sister may marry before .. |author-link=}}</ref> Hui Muslims marry parallel cousins.

=== Chinese in the archipelago under Dutch East India Company rule (1600–1799) ===
{{see also|Kongsi republic}}

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Optocht tijdens het Tjap Go Meh feest TMnr 3728-838.jpg|thumb|left|230px|[[Lantern Festival|Cap Go Meh]] festival painting in [[Java Island]] by Dutch painter, circa 1883 and 1889]]

By the time the Dutch arrived in the early 17th century, major Chinese settlements existed along the north coast of Java. Most were traders and merchants, but they also practiced agriculture in inland areas. The Dutch contracted many of these immigrants as skilled artisans in the [[History of Jakarta|construction of Batavia (Jakarta)]] on the northwestern coast of Java.{{sfn|Tan|2005|p=796}} A recently created harbor was selected as the new headquarters of the [[Dutch East India Company]] (''{{lang|nl|Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie}}'', VOC) in 1609 by [[Jan Pieterszoon Coen]]. It grew into a major hub for trade with China and India. Batavia became home to the largest Chinese community in the archipelago and remains so in the 21st century.{{sfn|Heidhues|1999|p=152}} Coen and other early [[governor-general of the Dutch East Indies|governors-general]] promoted the entry of Chinese immigrants to new settlements "for the benefit of those places and for the purpose of gathering spices like [[clove]]s, [[nutmeg]], and mace".{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=9}} The port's Chinese population of 300–400 in 1619 had grown to at least 10,000 by 1740.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=7}} The VOC ruled migrant ethnic groups in Batavia using 'officers' drawn from each community, usually with the title [[Kapitan Cina|''kapitan'']] or ''majoor''. These officers had a high degree of authority over their community and undertook negotiations between the community and VOC authorities.<ref>Leonard Blusse and Chen Menghong, "Introduction", in Leonard Blusse and Chen Menghong, ''The Archives of the Kong Koan of Batavia'' (Leiden: Brill, 2003), pp. 1-3.</ref> Dutch colonial rule saw the beginning of anti-Chinese policies, including killings and ghettoization.<ref>{{cite news |last=Glionna |first=John M. |date=4 July 2010 |title=In Indonesia, 1998 violence against ethnic Chinese remains unaddressed |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2010-jul-04-la-fg-indonesia-chinese-20100704-story.html |work=Los Angeles Times |location=Jakarta, Indonesia}}</ref>

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Pas in Nederlands-Indië aangekomen Chinese arbeiders wachten op het terrein van de Deli Planters Vereniging (DPV) op het opmaken van de immigratiecontracten TMnr 60014328.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Several dozen men are in squatting positions in front of building. Inside, men dressed in white are sitting behind tables and standing by.|Chinese workers from [[Shantou|Swatow]], [[Guangdong|Canton]] province, [[China]], await the preparation of their contracts by immigration officials at Medan's labor inspectorate, [[Belawan]], [[North Sumatra]] {{circa}} 1920–1940]]

Most of those who settled in the archipelago had already severed their ties with the mainland and welcomed favorable treatment and protection under the Dutch.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=8}} Some became revenue farmers, middlemen within the corporate structure of the VOC, tasked with collecting [[tariff|export–import duties]] and managing the harvest of natural resources;{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=10}} although this was highly profitable, it earned the enmity of the ''pribumi'' population. Others worked as [[opium]] farmers.{{sfn|Reid|2007|pp=44–47}} Following the [[1740 Batavia massacre]] and [[Java War (1741—1743)|ensuing war]], in which the Chinese rebelled against the Dutch,{{sfn|Setiono|2003|pp=125–137}} the Dutch attempted to place a quota on the number of Chinese who could enter the Indies. [[Xiamen|Amoy]] was designated as the only immigration port to the archipelago, and ships were limited to a specified number of crew and passengers depending on size. This quota was adjusted at times to meet demand for overseas workers, such as in July 1802 when sugar mills near Batavia were in need of workers.{{sfn|Hellwig|Tagliacozzo|2009|p=168}}

Han Chinese ''peranakan'' rebels and Javanese Muslims both fought against the Dutch in the Java war in 1741 while Madurese Muslims allied with the Dutch. The Javanese Susuhunan Pakubuwana II joined the Chinese against the Dutch while the Dutch relieved the Madurese prince of his allegiance to the Susuhunan.<ref>{{cite book |last=Raffles |first=Thomas Stamford |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FOhCAAAAcAAJ&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PA219 |title=The History of Java, Volume 2 |date=1817 |publisher= |isbn= |location= |page=219 |quote=... and accepted by the Pangéran , who being married to a sister of the Susúnan , returned his wife back to her brother . No sooner had he declared himself the ally of the Dutch , than he ordered all the Chinese on the island of Madúra ... |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Remmelink |first=Willem G. J. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_ZVuAAAAMAAJ&q=madurese+sister+married+chinese |title=The Chinese War and the Collapse of the Javanese State, 1725-1743, Volume 163 |date=1994 |publisher=KITLV Press |isbn=906718067X |volume=162 of Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Leiden: Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde |location= |page=60 |issn=1572-1892 |quote=The present Pangeran Cakraningrat of Madura showed all signs of following the path of his forebears . ... Cakraningrat had married Raden Ayu Bengkring , Pakubuwana's only sister german , who was very close to her brother . |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Raffles |first=Thomas Stamford |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=49ZaDwAAQBAJ&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PA720 |title=The History of Java: Volume I, Volume 1 |date=2018 |publisher=BoD – Books on Demand |isbn=978-3732673445 |location= |page=720 |quote=The Chinese, besides laying siege to Semárang, had also[Vol II Pg241] by this time taken and destroyed Rémbang. ... and accepted by the Pangéran, who being married to a sister of the Susúnan, returned his wife back to ... |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Remmelink |first=Willem Gerrit Jan |title=Emperor Pakubuwana II, Priyayi & Company and the Chinese War |date=1990 |publisher=W.G.J. Remmelink |isbn= |location= |page=260 |quote=Married to a daughter of the sister of the wife of Danureja . During the Sunan's flight ... chosen the side of the Company and chased out the Madurese . ... He was married to a sister of Wiratmaja the 260 Pakubuwana II and the Chinese War. |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Raffles |first=Sir Thomas Stamford |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gJEC2q7DzpQC&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PA241 |title=The History of Java, Volume 2 |date=1830 |publisher=J. Murray |isbn= |edition=2 |location= |page=241 |quote=... and accepted by the Pangéran, who being married to a sister of the Susúnan, returned his wife back to her brother. No sooner had he declared himself the ally of the Dutch, than he ordered all the Chinese on the island of Madúra ... |author-link=}}</ref>

[[Han Siong Kong]] founded the [[Han family of Lasem]] at this time.<ref>{{cite book |last=Reeve |first=David |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MX_wBgAAQBAJ&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PA257 |title= The Politics of the Periphery in Indonesia: Social and Geographical Perspectives|date=2009 |publisher=NUS Press |isbn=978-9971694791 |editor1-last=Walker |editor1-first=John H. |edition=illustrated |location= |page=257 |chapter=Chapter 13 "More Indonesian than the Indonesians": A Chinese-Indonesian Identity |quote=In the eighth generation of Han Siong Kong's descendants in Java, one Han Loen Nio married Tan Hie Sioe from a successful ... Ong's great-grandfather is thought to have been a schoolteacher in Madura, who later moved to East Java. |author-link= |editor2-last=Banks |editor2-first=Glenn |editor3-last=Sakai |editor3-first=Minako}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Kumar |first=Ann |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UiRTAQAAQBAJ&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PA210 |title=Java and Modern Europe: Ambiguous Encounters |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1136790850 |location= |page=210 |quote=Wiraguna's sister was Pangeran Patih's widow, who subsequently married the Panembahan of Madura, but then asked the ... a wild and sometimes impenetrable wilderness.35 Production of birds' nests was leased to a Chinese for 850 Spanish ... |author-link=}}</ref>

Chinese who married local Javanese women and converted to Islam created a distinct Chinese Muslim ''[[peranakan]]'' community in Java.<ref name="Ooi2004">{{cite book |author=Ooi |first=Keat Gin |author-link=Keat Gin Ooi |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QKgraWbb7yoC&pg=PA1057 |title=Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor |publisher=ABC-CLIO |year=2004 |isbn=978-1-57607-770-2 |pages=1057–}}</ref> Chinese rarely had to convert to Islam to marry Javanese ''[[abangan]]'' women but a significant amount of their offspring did, and Batavian Muslims absorbed the Chinese Muslim community which was descended from converts.<ref name="ReidAlilunas-Rodgers1996">{{cite book|author1=Anthony Reid|author2=Kristine Alilunas-Rodgers|title=Sojourners and Settlers: Histories of Southeast China and the Chinese|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YFIGVqZ9ZKsC&pg=PA75|year=1996|publisher=University of Hawaii Press|isbn=978-0-8248-2446-4|pages=75–}}</ref> Adoption of Islam back then was a marker of ''peranakan'' status which it no longer means. The Semaran Adipati and the Jayaningrat families were of Chinese origin.<ref name="Remmelink1990">{{cite book|author=Willem G. J. Remmelink|title=Emperor Pakubuwana II, Priyayi & Company and the Chinese War|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H6wuAQAAIAAJ&q=The+general+term+for+Javanized+Chinese+was+peranakan,+which+nowadays+simply+means+locally+born,+but+at+the+time+also|year=1990|publisher=W.G.J. Remmelink|page=136}}</ref><ref name="Remmelink1994">{{cite book|author=Willem G. J. Remmelink|title=The Chinese war and the collapse of the Javanese state, 1725-1743|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_ZVuAAAAMAAJ&q=The+general+term+for+Javanized+Chinese+was+peranakan,+which+nowadays+simply+means+locally+born,+but+at+the+time+also|year=1994|publisher=KITLV Press|isbn=978-90-6718-067-2|page=136}}</ref>

Dayak women were married by the first Chinese men to settle in Borneo and this was recorded in the Hailu by Xie Qinggao (1765–1822) who was a merchant. After growing their initial population through this they began marrying each other's daughters.<ref>{{cite book |last=Andaya |first=Barbara Watson |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5cBEAAAQBAJ&dq=%22they+do+not+know+modesty+or+shame%22%22&pg=PA146 |title=The Flaming Womb: Repositioning Women in Early Modern Southeast Asia |date=2006 |publisher=University of Hawaii Press |isbn=0824864727 |edition=illustrated |series=UPCC book collections on Project MUSE |location= |page=146 |quote=They do not know modesty or shame." He was happy to be able to report that "when the population had grown," the Chinese began "to arrange marriages among ... |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://epdf.pub/the-flaming-womb-repositioning-women-in-early-modern-southeast-asia.html | title=The Flaming Womb: Repositioning Women in Early Modern Southeast Asia - PDF Free Download}}</ref>

Peranakan community formed from local women in Java, Batavia marrying Hokkien Chinese migrants and they followed Chinese folk religion.<ref>{{cite book |last=Dobbin |first=Christine |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kUEYAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA57 |title=Asian Entrepreneurial Minorities: Conjoint Communities in the Making of the World Economy, 1570-1940 |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1136786938 |location= |page=57=}}</ref> Pure blood totok Chinese dominated Semarang after swamping out Peranakan Chinese when migrating in the late 18th century. However they intermarried with Peranakans from Batavia. Han Siong Kong of the [[Han family of Lasem]] moved to Lasem in east Java, from his home of Zhangzhou in Fujian and his wife was not Chinese. Four of his sons married Peranakan women and one son of his married a Javanese woman and converted to Islam.<ref>{{cite book |last=Dobbin |first=Christine |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kUEYAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA57 |title=Asian Entrepreneurial Minorities: Conjoint Communities in the Making of the World Economy, 1570-1940 |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1136786938 |location= |page=57}}</ref>

===Chinese in the archipelago under Dutch colonial rule to 1900===

[[File:Een Chinese familie 16. Midden Bali (titel op object), RP-F-2001-17-33.jpg|thumb|[[Balinese Chinese|Chinese family in Bali]] 1900s]]

When the VOC was nationalized on 31 December 1799, many freedoms the Chinese experienced under the corporation were eliminated by the Dutch government. Among them was the Chinese monopoly on the salt trade which had been granted by the VOC administration.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=11}} An 1816 regulation introduced a requirement for the indigenous population and Chinese traveling within the territory to obtain a travel permit. Those who did not carry a permit faced arrest by security officers. The governor-general also introduced a resolution in 1825 which forbade foreign Asians in Java, such as [[Ethnic Malays|Malays]], [[Bugis|Buginese]] and Chinese, from living within the same neighborhood as the native population.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=12}} Following the costly [[Java War]] (1825–1830) the Dutch introduced a new agrarian and cultivation system that required farmers to "yield up a portion of their fields and cultivate crops suitable for the European market". Compulsory cultivation restored the economy of the colony, but ended the system of revenue farms established under the VOC.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=13}}

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Onderwijs op Java TMnr 10000809.jpg|thumb|alt=An adult man speaks to several dozen children who are seated on school benches. Behind them on the wall are hanging posters containing various diagrams.|The first Dutch Chinese Schools were established in 1892 following a split in curriculum from the native population.]]

[[File:Een optocht tijdens traditioneel Chinees feest Cap Go Meh. Mannen, vrouwen en ki, Bestanddeelnr 491-6-5.jpg|thumb|left|[[Lantern Festival|Cap Go Meh]] celebration in [[Padang]], [[West Sumatra]], circa 1948]]

The Chinese were perceived as temporary residents and encountered difficulties in obtaining land rights. Europeans were prioritized in the choice of plantation areas, while colonial officials believed the remaining plots must be protected and preserved for the indigenous population. Short-term and renewable leases of varying lengths{{efn|According to {{harvtxt|Heidhues|2001|p=179}}, the length of the leases depended on the location. Bangka had 25-year leases, while several areas offered 50-year leases.}} were later introduced as a temporary measure, but many Chinese remained on these lands upon expiration of their contracts and became squatters.{{sfn|Heidhues|2001|p=179}} At the beginning of the 20th century, the colonial government began to implement the "[[Dutch Ethical Policy|Ethical Policy]]" to protect the indigenous population, casting the Chinese as the "foremost enemy of the natives". Under the new policy, the administration increased restrictions on Chinese economic activities, which they believed exploited the native population.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=14}}

Powerful Chinese families were described as the [[Cabang Atas|''cabang atas'']] (lit., upper branch) of colonial society, forming influential bureaucratic and business dynasties, such as the [[Kwee family of Ciledug]] and the [[Tan family of Cirebon]].

In western [[Borneo]], the Chinese established their first major mining settlement in 1760. Ousting Dutch settlers and the local Malay princes, they joined into a new republic known as [[Lanfang Republic|Lanfang]], led by ethnic Hakka, [[Luo Fangbo|Lo Fang Pak]]. By 1819, they came into conflict with the new Dutch government and were seen as incompatible with its objectives, yet indispensable for the development of the region.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|p=16}} The [[Bangka–Belitung Islands]] also became examples of major settlements in rural areas. In 1851, 28 Chinese were recorded on the islands and by 1915, the population had risen to nearly 40,000 and fishing and tobacco industries had developed. [[Coolie]]s brought into the region after the end of the 19th century were mostly hired from the [[Straits Settlements]] owing to recruiting obstacles that existed in China.{{sfn|Phoa|1992|pp=17–18}}

Lowland Chinese in 1904 sold Beaumont and Winchester rifles in Sumatra to Bataks who were attacking and fighting the Dutch.<ref>{{cite book |last=Tagliacozzo |first=Eric |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AMhAb3XGmH4C&dq=%22Sumatra+local+chiefs+were+still+procuring%22&pg=PA276 |title=Secret Trades, Porous Borders: Smuggling and States Along a Southeast Asian Frontier, 1865-1915 |date=2008 |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn=978-0300128123 |edition=illustrated |series=Yale Historical Publications Series |location= |page=276 |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.scribd.com/document/373549060/Document|title=Document &#124; PDF &#124; Smuggling &#124; Borneo|website=Scribd}}</ref>

=== Divided nationalism (1900–1949) ===

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM De Tiong hoa hwe Kwan school in Soengailiat TMnr 60048700-edit.png|thumb|left|alt=Two men stand on the porch of a single story building behind an open gate lined with bushes|Chinese-language school owned by the Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan in [[Sungailiat]], Bangka]]
The Chinese revolutionary figure [[Sun Yat-sen]] visited southeast Asia in 1900,{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=5}} and, later that year, the socio-religious organization [[Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan]] ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[:wikt:中華|中華]][[:wikt:會館|會館]]}}), also known as the Chinese Association, was founded. Their goal was to urge ethnic Chinese in the Indies to support the revolutionary movement in China. In its effort to build Chinese-speaking schools the association argued that the teaching of the English and Chinese languages should be prioritized over Dutch, to provide themselves with the means of taking, in the words of [[Phoa Keng Hek]], "a two or three-day voyage (Java–[[Singapore]]) into a wider world where they can move freely" and overcome restrictions of their activities.{{sfn|Suryadinata|1997|pp=3, 10}} Several years later, the Dutch authorities abandoned its segregation policies, abolished travel permits for the ethnic Chinese, and allowed them to freely move throughout the colony. The 1911 [[Xinhai Revolution]] and the 1912 founding of the [[Republic of China (1912–1949)|Republic of China]] coincided with a growing Chinese–nationalist movement within the Indies.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=5}}

Although there was no recognizable [[Nationalism|nationalist movement]] among the indigenous population until 1908, Dutch authorities feared that nationalist sentiments would spread with the growth of ethnically mixed associations, known as ''[[kongsi]]''. In 1911, some Javanese members of the Kong Sing association in [[Surakarta]] broke away and clashed with the ethnic Chinese. This incident led to the creation of [[Sarekat Islam]], the first organized popular nationalist movement in the Indies. Indigenous groups saw the Chinese nationalist sentiment as haughty, leading to mutual antagonism.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=6}} The anti-Chinese sentiment spread throughout Java in 1918 and led to violent attacks orchestrated by members of Sarekat Islam on the ethnic Chinese in [[1918 Kudus riot|Kudus]].{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=7}} Following this incident, the [[Left-wing nationalism|left-wing]] Chinese nationalist daily [[Sin Po (newspaper)|''Sin Po'']] called on both sides to work together to improve living conditions because it considered most ethnic Chinese, like most of the indigenous population, to be poor.{{sfn|Suryadinata|1997|pp=10–11}}

[[File:IndonesiaRaya-SinPo1928.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=A document containing nine lines of musical scales with their accompanying lyrics. The words "Sin Po" and "Indonesia" are at the top of the document.|Early draft of the ''[[Indonesia Raya]]'', later adopted as a national anthem, in a 1928 weekly edition of the ''Sin Po'' newspaper{{sfn|Setiono|2003|pp=449–450}}]]
''Sin Po'' first went into print in 1910 and began gaining momentum as the leading advocate of Chinese political nationalism in 1917. The ethnic Chinese who followed its stream of thought refused any involvement with local institutions and would only participate in politics relating to mainland China.{{sfn|Suryadinata|1997|p=xv}} A second stream was later formed by wealthy ethnic Chinese who received an education at Dutch-run schools. This Dutch-oriented group wished for increased participation in local politics, Dutch education for the ethnic Chinese, and the furthering of ethnic Chinese economic standing within the colonial economy. Championed by the [[Volksraad (Dutch East Indies)|Volksraad]]'s Chinese representatives, such as [[Hok Hoei Kan]], [[Loa Sek Hie]] and [[Phoa Liong Gie]], this movement gained momentum and reached its peak with the Chung Hwa Congress of 1927 and the 1928 formation of the ''[[Chung Hwa Hui]]'' party, which elected Kan as its president. The editor-in-chief of the ''Madjallah Panorama'' news magazine criticized ''Sin Po'' for misguiding the ethnic Chinese by pressuring them into a Chinese-nationalist stance.{{sfn|Suryadinata|1997|p=33}}

[[File:Bevrijding van Bagan Siapi-api (Sumatra). De Chinese Politie Keamanan te Bagan, Bestanddeelnr 15074.jpg|thumb|left|[[Pao An Tui]] or "The Chinese Police" in [[Bagansiapiapi]], which played a major role in maintaining peace and order among Chinese community]]
In 1932, pro-Indonesian counterparts founded the ''{{lang|id|Partai Tionghoa Indonesia}}'' to support absorption of the ethnic Chinese into the Javanese population and support the call for [[Self-determination|self-government]] of Indonesia. Members of this group were primarily {{lang|id|peranakan}}.{{sfn|Suryadinata|1997|p=50}} This division resurfaced at the end of the period of [[Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies|Japanese occupation]] (1942–1945).{{sfn|Suryadinata|1997|p=70}} Under the occupation ethnic Chinese communities were attacked by Japanese forces, in part owing to suspicions that they contained sympathizers of the [[Kuomintang]] as a consequence of the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]]. When the Dutch returned, following the end of World War II, the chaos caused by advancing forces and retreating revolutionaries also saw radical Muslim groups attack ethnic Chinese communities.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=7}}

As the Dutch implemented a war of attrition and scorch earth, they forced Chinese on Java to flee inland and the Dutch destroyed all important assets including Chinese factories and property. Local Indonesians joined in on the Dutch violence against the Chinese looting Chinese property and trying to attack Chinese. However, when the Japanese troops landed and seized control of Java from the Dutch, to people's surprise, the Japanese forced the native Indonesians to stop looting and attacking Chinese and warned the Indonesians they would not tolerate anti-Chinese violence in Java. The Japanese viewed the Chinese in Java and their economic power specifically as important and vital to Japanese war effort so they did not physically harm the Chinese of Java with no execution or torture of Chinese taking place unlike in other places. There was no violent confrontation between Japanese and Chinese on Java, unlike in [[British Malaya]]. The Japanese also allowed Chinese of Java in the Federation of Overseas-Chinese Associations (''Hua Chiao Tsung Hui'') to form the Keibotai, their own armed Chinese defense corps for protection with Japanese military instructors training them how to shoot and use spears. The Chinese viewed this as important to defending themselves from local Indonesians. The majority of Chinese of Java did not die in the war. It was only after the war ended when Japanese control fell and then the native Indonesians again started attacks against the Chinese of Java when the Japanese were unable to protect them.<ref>{{cite book |last=Touwen-Bouwsma |first=Elly   |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NZWqvMBu80kC&pg=PA57 |title=Southeast Asian Minorities in the Wartime Japanese Empire |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1136125065 |editor-last=Kratoska |editor-first=Paul H. |pages=57–61 |chapter=Four : Japanese Policy towards the Chinese on Java, 1942-1945: A Preliminary Outline}}</ref>

The Japanese recruited help from local collaborator police of all ethnicities to recruit Javanese girls as [[comfort women]], with one account accusing Chinese recruiters of tricking a Javanese regent into sending good Javanese girls into prostitution for the Japanese in May 1942.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4t95DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA191 |title=The Encyclopedia of Indonesia in the Pacific War: In cooperation with the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation |date=2009 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-9004190177 |editor-last=Post |editor-first=Peter   |volume=19 of Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 3 Southeast Asia |page=191 |author-link=}}</ref> In Bali, the Japanese sexually harassed Balinese women when they came and started forcing Balinese women into brothels for prostitution, with Balinese men and Chinese men used as recruiters for the Balinese women. All of the brothels in Bali were staffed by Balinese women.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4t95DwAAQBAJ&dq=chinese+men+and+a+couple+of+balinese+men&pg=PA192 |title=The Encyclopedia of Indonesia in the Pacific War: In cooperation with the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation |date=2009 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-9004190177 |editor-last=Post |editor-first=Peter   |volume=19 of Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 3 Southeast Asia |page=193 |author-link=}}</ref> Eurasians, Indians, Chinese, Dutch, Menadonese, Bataks, Bugis, Dayaks, Javanese, Arabs and Malays were arrested and massacred in the [[Pontianak incidents|Mandor affair]].<ref>{{cite magazine |last=Hului |first=Patricia |date=September 18, 2019 |title=The Mandor Affair, the massacres in West Kalimantan during WWII |url=https://kajomag.com/the-mandor-affair-the-massacres-in-west-kalimantan-during-wwii/ |magazine=Kajo Mag |location= }}</ref>

Although revolutionary leaders were sympathetic toward the ethnic Chinese, they were unable to stop the sporadic violence. Those who were affected fled from the rural areas to Dutch-controlled cities, a move many Indonesians saw as proof of pro-Dutch sentiments.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=8}} There was evidence, however, that Chinese Indonesians were represented and participated in independence efforts. Four members of the [[Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence]] (BPUPK) were Chinese: [[Liem Koen Hian]], [[Oey Tiang Tjoei]], [[Oey Tjong Hauw]] and [[Tan Eng Hoa]]. [[Yap Tjwan Bing]] was the sole Chinese member of the [[Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence]] (PPKI).{{sfn|Tan|2008|p=6}} [[Ong Eng Die]] became a government minister in the Indonesian Republic. Other examples include Kwee Thiam Hiong member of {{ill|Jong Sumatranen Bond|id}}, Abubakar Tjan Kok Tjiang and Thung Tjing Ek (Jakub Thung) exploits in [[Kaimana Regency|Kaimana]]<ref name="Meteray 2022">{{cite journal |last1=Meteray |first1=Bernada |date=2022-07-25 |title=Klaim Kerajaan Majapahit dan Penyemaian Nasionalisme Indonesia di Kaimana |url= https://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/JurnalIlmiahHubunganInternasiona/article/download/5969/3783|journal=Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (Unpar)|volume= |issue=Edisi Khusus Papua|pages=1–15 |doi=10.26593/jihi.v0i00.5969.1-15 |s2cid=251076287 |access-date=2022-11-17|doi-access=free}}</ref> and [[Yapen Islands Regency|Serui]] respectively,<ref name="Tan 2021">{{cite news | last=Tan | first=Ependi | title=Thung Tjing Ek Pahlawan Keturunan Tionghoa di Papua | work=InHua.Net | date=2021-12-16 | url=https://inhua.net/thung-tjing-ek-pahlawan-keturunan-tionghoa-di-papua/ | access-date=2023-01-04}}</ref> BPRT (''Barisan Pemberontak Rakjat Tionghoa'') which was founded in [[Surakarta]] on 4 January 1946, LTI (''Lasjkar Tionghoa Indonesia'') in [[Pemalang Regency|Pemalang]], and in [[Kudus Regency|Kudus]] Chinese descents became members of Muria Territorial Command called ''Matjan Poetih'' troops, a platoon size force under Mayor Kusmanto.<ref name="Jo 2018">{{cite web | last=Jo | first=Hendi | title=Pemuda Tionghoa Pun Berjuang | website=Historia | date=2018-02-19 | url=https://historia.id/politik/articles/pemuda-tionghoa-pun-berjuang-PyRRr | language=id | access-date=2023-01-04}}</ref><ref name="MURIANEWS 2022">{{cite news | title=Kesurupan Mbah Kamito jadi 'Sirine' Pasukan Macan Putih Muria | work=MURIANEWS | date=2022-08-06 | url=https://www.murianews.com/amp/2022/08/06/307009/kesurupan-mbah-kamito-jadi-sirine-pasukan-macan-putih-muria | access-date=2023-01-04}}</ref>

=== Loyalty in question (1950–1966) ===

[[File:Collectie NMvWereldculturen, TM-60042230, Foto- Winkelen in een Chinese wijk in een stad, Java, 1940-1950.jpg|thumb|right|230px|
Shopping street in the Chinese districts on Java island, circa 1940–1950]]

The Netherlands relinquished its territorial claims in the archipelago (with the exception of [[West Papua (region)|West Papua]]) following the [[Dutch–Indonesian Round Table Conference|1949 Round Table Conference]]. In the same year that the [[Kuomintang]] retreated to Taiwan, allowing the [[Chinese Communist Party]] to take control of mainland China. Most Chinese Indonesians considered a communist China less attractive than a newly independent Indonesia, but in the archipelago their loyalties were questioned. Ethnic Chinese born in the Dutch East Indies whose parents were [[Domicile (law)|domiciled]] under Dutch administration were regarded as citizens of the new state according to the principle of ''[[jus soli]]'' (lit., right of the soil).{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=8}} However, Chinese law considered a person as a Chinese citizen according to the principle of ''[[jus sanguinis]]'' (lit., right of blood). This meant that all Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent were also claimed as citizens by the People's Republic of China. After several attempts by both governments to resolve this issue, Indonesia and China signed a [[Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty|Dual Nationality Treaty]] on the sidelines of the 1955 [[Asian–African Conference]] in [[Bandung]]. One of its provisions permitted Indonesians to renounce Chinese citizenship if they wished to hold Indonesian citizenship only.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=9}}

{{quote box
| quote  = They had thought they were unwanted in Southeast Asia because they were Chinese; then they were rejected in China because they were Indonesian.
| width  = 25%
| align  = left
| source =&nbsp;—[[Charles Coppel]]{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=337}}
}}

As many as 390,000 ethnic Chinese, two-thirds of those with rightful claims to Indonesian citizenship, renounced their Chinese status when the treaty came into effect in 1962.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=9}} On the other hand, an estimated 60,000 ethnic Chinese students left for the People's Republic of China in the 1950s and early 1960s.{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=336}} The first wave of students were almost entirely educated in Chinese-language schools, but were not able to find opportunities for tertiary education in Indonesia. Seeking quality scientific professions, they entered China with high hopes for their future and that of the mainland.{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=337}} Subsequent migrations occurred in 1960 as part of a repatriation program and in 1965–1966 following a series of [[Indonesian killings of 1965–1966|anti-communist violence]] that also drew anger toward the ethnic Chinese. As many as 80% of the original students who entered the mainland eventually became refugees in Hong Kong.{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=336}} During China's [[Cultural Revolution]] (1966–1976), [[Red Guards]] questioned the loyalty of the returned overseas Chinese because of their foreign connections.{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=357}} They were attacked as "imperialists", "capitalists", "spies", "half-breeds", and "foreign devils".{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=337}}As most had grown up in an urban environment they were sent to the countryside, told to "rebel against their own class background", and eventually lost contact with their families.{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=350}}

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Glodok wijk te Djakarta TMnr 10014951.jpg|thumb|alt=Crowd at a busy street intersection. There are horse-drawn carriages in the foreground while a three-story building (with the sign "Kam Leng") and a single story building (with the sign "Chunghua Bioscoop") stand in the background on adjacent corners of the intersection.|Busy activity in [[Glodok]] chinatown, [[Jakarta]], 1953. Restrictions on rural non-indigenous retail businesses in 1959 led to rapid urbanization of the ethnic Chinese community.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2008|p=11}}]]

In 1959, following the introduction of soft-[[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] rule through [[Guided Democracy in Indonesia|Guided Democracy]], the Indonesian government and military began placing restrictions on [[Alien (law)|alien]] residence and trade. These regulations culminated in the enactment of [[PP 10/1959|Presidential Regulation 10]] in November 1959, banning retail services by non-indigenous persons in rural areas. Ethnic Chinese, [[Arab Indonesians|Arab]], and Dutch businessmen were specifically targeted during its enforcement to provide a more favorable market for indigenous businesses.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=11}} This move was met with protests from the Chinese government and some circles of Indonesian society. Javanese writer [[Pramoedya Ananta Toer]] later criticized the policies in his 1961 book ''[[Hoakiau di Indonesia]]''. An [[Racial integration|integrationist]] movement, led by the Chinese-Indonesian organisation [[Baperki]] (''{{lang|id|Badan Permusjawaratan Kewarganegaraan Indonesia}}''), began to gather interest in 1963, including that of President [[Sukarno]]. However, a series of attacks on ethnic Chinese communities in [[West Java]] in May proved it to be short-lived, despite the government's condemnation of the violence.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=13}} When Baperki was branded a communist organization in 1965 the ethnic Chinese were implicated by association; this was exacerbated in the public mind by the People's Republic of China's communism. As many as 500,000 people, the majority of them Javanese [[Abangan]] Muslims and Balinese Indonesians but including a minority of several thousand ethnic Chinese, were killed in [[Indonesian killings of 1965–1966|the anti-communist purge]]{{efn|{{harvtxt|Purdey|2006|p=14}} writes that, as ethnic Chinese constituted two percent of Indonesia's population at the time, a similar number of Chinese Indonesians may have been killed in the purges. She qualifies this, however, by noting that most of the killings were in rural areas, while the Chinese were concentrated in the cities.}}  which followed the [[G30S|failed coup d'état]], suspected as being communist-led, on 30 September 1965.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=14}}

Dayaks were tricked by the Indonesian military into attacking Chinese. The land the Chinese fled from was not taken by Dayaks but by Madurese settlers, who were later massacred by the Dayaks.<ref>{{cite magazine |last=Hului |first=Patricia |date=12 October 2020 |title=Mangkok Merah 1967, the Dayak-Chinese conflict in Kalimantan |url=https://kajomag.com/mangkok-merah-1967-the-dayak-chinese-conflict-in-kalimantan/ |magazine=Kajo Mag |location= }}</ref> Dayaks and Malays killed and raped Madurese throughout 1996, 1997, 1999 and 2001.<ref>{{cite magazine |last=Hului |first=Patricia |date=19 September 2019 |title=The Dayak-Madurese conflicts in Kalimantan, and what led up to them |url=https://kajomag.com/the-dayak-madurese-conflicts-in-kalimantan-and-what-led-up-to-them/ |magazine=Kajo Mag |location= }}</ref>

=== Managing the "Chinese Problem" (1967–1998) ===
[[File:Old Indonesian Peng family.jpg|thumb|1967 photo of a Chinese-Indonesian family of Hubei ancestry]]
{{see also|Legislation on Chinese Indonesians}}
When the [[New Order (Indonesia)|New Order]] government of General [[Suharto]] came into power in 1966–1967, it introduced a political system based only on the [[Pancasila (politics)|Pancasila]] (five principles) ideology. To prevent the ideological battles that occurred during Sukarno's presidency from resurfacing, Suharto's Pancasila democracy sought a depoliticized system in which discussions of forming a cohesive ethnic Chinese identity were no longer allowed.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=15}} A government committee was formed in 1967 to examine various aspects of the "[[Chinese Problem]]" (''{{lang|id|Masalah Cina}}'') and agreed that forced emigration of whole communities was not a solution: "The challenge was to take advantage of their economic aptitude whilst eliminating their perceived economic dominance."{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=20}} The semi-governmental Institute for the Promotion of National Unity (''{{lang|id|Lembaga Pembina Kesatuan Bangsa}}'', LPKB) was formed to advise the government on facilitating assimilation of Chinese Indonesians. This process was done through highlighting the differences between the ethnic Chinese and the indigenous ''[[Native Indonesians|pribumi]]'', rather than seeking similarities. Expressions of Chinese culture through language, religion, and traditional festivals were banned and the ethnic Chinese were pressured to adopt [[Chinese Indonesian surname|Indonesian-sounding names]].{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=21}}{{sfn|Tan|2008|p=27}}

During the 1970s and 1980s, Suharto and his government brought in Chinese Indonesian businesses to participate in the economic development programs of the New Order while keeping them highly vulnerable to strengthen the central authority and restrict political freedoms. Patron–client relationships, mainly through the exchange of money for security, became an accepted norm among the ethnic Chinese as they maintained a social contract through which they could claim a sense of belonging in the country. A minority of the economic elite of Indonesian society, both those who were and were not ethnic Chinese, secured relationships with Suharto's family members and members of the military for protection, while small business owners relied on local law enforcement officials.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=21}} Stereotypes of the wealthy minority became accepted as generalized facts but failed to acknowledge that said businessmen were few in number compared to the small traders and shop owners. In a 1989 interview conducted by scholar Adam Schwarz for his book ''A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia's Search for Stability'', an interviewee stated that, "to most Indonesians, the word 'Chinese' is synonymous with corruption".{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=22}} The economic role of the ethnic Chinese was contradictory because it did not translate to acceptance of their status in the greater society. They were politically weak and often faced social harassment.{{sfn|Robison|1986|p=271}}

In 1973, native Indonesian anger against Japan was boiling over, over predatory Japanese investment and economic policy that was described as colonialism. Native Indonesians hated Japanese businessmen for discriminating against native Indonesians and treating them badly while the Japanese favored Chinese Indonesian business partners over native Indonesians due to their experience, contacts and skills. The Japanese used Southeast Asians like native Indonesians for cheap labour and natural resources to make money while the natives lived on subsistence.<ref>{{cite news |last=Schanberg   |first=Sydney H. |date=Dec 20, 1973 |title=Japanese Stir Anger in Indonesia |work=The New York Times |location=JAKARTA, Indonesia |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1973/12/20/archives/japanese-stiranger-in-indonesia-complaints-are-numerous-businessmen.html}}</ref> Indonesians engaged in violent anti-Japanese protests in January 1974 when Japan's Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka came to Jakarta to visit Suharto.<ref>{{cite news |last=Halloran   |first=Richard   |date=Jan 15, 1974 |title=Japanese Premier, Ending Tour, Runs Into Indonesian Protesters |work=The New York Times   |location=JAKARTA, Indonesia |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1974/01/15/archives/japanese-premier-ending-tour-runs-into-indonesian-protesters-proest.html}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Halloran |first= Richard |date=Jan 16, 1974 |title=Violent Crowds in Jakarta Protest the Visit by Tanaka |work=The New York Times |location=JAKARTA, Indonesia |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1974/01/16/archives/violent-crowds-in-jakarta-protest-the-visit-by-tanaka-thousands.html}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Halloran   |first=Richard |date=Jan 21, 1974 |title=Tanaka's Explosive Trip |work=The New York Times |location=Tokyo |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1974/01/21/archives/tanakas-explosive-trip-roots-of-the-antijapanese-outbursts-in.html}}</ref>

[[File:Jakarta riot 14 May 1998.jpg|thumb|left|250px|alt=A man wearing a buttoned shirt, pants, and flip-flops throws an office chair into a burning pile of other chairs in the middle of a city street. Behind him, several dozen people gather in front of a building with broken windows.|Anti-Chinese sentiment reached its peak in May 1998, when [[May 1998 riots of Indonesia|major riots]] swept over Jakarta.<ref name="unofficial estimates"/>]]
Anti-Chinese sentiment gathered intensity through the 1990s. President Suharto gathered the most powerful businessmen—mostly Chinese Indonesians—in a nationally televised 1990 meeting at his private ranch, calling on them to contribute 25% of their shares to [[cooperative]]s. Commentators described the spectacle as "good theatre", as it only served to reinforce resentment and suspicion of the ethnic Chinese among the indigenous population. Major riots broke out in [[Situbondo]] (October 1996), [[Tasikmalaya]] (December 1996), and [[Rengasdengklok]] (January 1997).{{sfn|Purdey|2006|pp=23–24}}

When Suharto entered his seventh term as president, following an uncontested election on 10 March 1998, Indonesian students began a series of major demonstrations in protest of the New Order regime which continued for weeks and culminated in the [[Trisakti shootings|shootings of four students]] by security forces at [[Trisakti University]] in May.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|pp=106–107}} The incident sparked [[May 1998 riots of Indonesia|major violence]] in several cities during 12–15 May. Property and businesses owned by Chinese Indonesians were targeted by mobs, and over 100 women were [[Sexual assault|sexually assaulted]];<ref name="unofficial estimates"/> this aspect of the riots, though generally accepted as true,{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=108}} has been denied by several Indonesian groups.<ref name="hermawanjp"/> In the absence of security forces, large groups of men, women, and children looted and burned the numerous shopping malls in major cities. In Jakarta and [[Surakarta]] over 1,000 people—both Chinese and non-Chinese—died inside shopping malls.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=108}} Tens of thousands of ethnic Chinese fled the country following these events,<ref name="BBC 23 June 1998" /> and bankers estimated that US$20 billion of capital had left the country in 1997–1999 to overseas destinations such as Singapore, Hong Kong, and the United States.<ref name="Napier 9 November 1999" />

In the late 1990s and early 2000s during the fall of Suharto there was mass ethnic violence with Catholic [[Dayaks]] and Malays in west Borneo killing the state sponsored [[Madurese people|Madurese]] settlers. The Malays and Madurese were both Muslims but the Malays [[Takfir|declared the Madurese as apostates]] to justify the killings. The local Chinese in western Borneo supported the Dayaks and Malays in their anti-Madurese killings. One Dayak during the riot expressed his hatred of the Madurese while he had a Chinese married to his sister which he liked.<ref>{{cite book |last=Parry |first=Richard Lloyd |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dsf6FxxS8dsC&dq=madurese+sister+married+chinese&pg=PT47 |title=In The Time Of Madness |date=2012 |publisher=Random House |isbn=978-1448130542 |edition=reprint |location= |page= |quote=He liked the Chinese, he told Budi. His sister was married to a Chinese. 'What about Madurese?' I asked. Budi chuckled anxiously as he translated the question, and there was more unconvincing giggling over the reply. |author-link=}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Pjp23eeKs6wC&q=madurese+sister+married+chinese |title=What Young Men Do |date=1998 |publisher=Granta USA |isbn=0140141545 |editor-last=Jack |editor-first=Ian |series=Granta (Viking) |location= |page=122 |quote=He liked the Chinese , he told Budi . His sister was married to a Chinese . ' What about Madurese ? ' I asked . Budi chuckled anxiously as he translated the question , and there was more unconvincing giggling over the reply . |author-link=}}</ref>

=== Social policy reforms (1999–present) ===
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Suharto resigned on 21 May 1998, one week after he returned from a [[Group of 15]] meeting in [[Cairo]], which took place during the riots.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=106}} The reform government formed by his successor [[B. J. Habibie|Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie]] began a campaign to rebuild the confidence of Chinese Indonesians who had fled the country, particularly businessmen. Along with one of his envoys [[James Riady]], son of financial magnate [[Mochtar Riady]], Habibie appealed to Chinese Indonesians seeking refuge throughout East Asia, Australia, and North America to return and promised security from various government ministries as well as other political figures, such as [[Abdurrahman Wahid]] and [[Amien Rais]]. Despite Habibie's efforts he was met with skepticism because of remarks he made, as vice president and as president, which suggested that the message was insincere.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=175}} One special envoy described Chinese Indonesians as the key to restoring badly needed capital and economic activity, prioritizing businessmen as the target of their pleas. Others, including economist [[Kwik Kian Gie]], saw the government's efforts as perpetuating the myth of Chinese economic domination rather than affirming the ethnic Chinese identity.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=176}}

Symbolic reforms to Chinese Indonesian rights under Habibie's administration were made through two presidential instructions. The first abolished the use of the terms ''[[Native Indonesians|pribumi]]'' and non-''pribumi'' in official government documents and business. The second abolished the ban on the study of [[Mandarin Chinese]]{{efn|Suharto's government had banned Mandarin-language schools in July 1966 {{harv|Tan|2008|p=10}}. Mandarin-language press and writings were severely limited that year. {{harv|Setiono|2003|p=1091}} According to {{harvtxt|Tan|2008|p=11}}, many families taught Mandarin to their children in secret.}} and reaffirmed a 1996 instruction that abolished the use of the SBKRI to identify citizens of Chinese descent. Habibie established a task force to investigate the May 1998 violence, although his government later dismissed its findings.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=179}} As an additional legal gesture Indonesia ratified the 1965 [[Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination]] on 25 May 1999.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=180}} In 2000 the newly elected President Wahid abolished the ban on public displays of Chinese culture and allowed Chinese traditions to be practised freely, without the need of a permit. Two years later President [[Megawati Sukarnoputri]] declared that the [[Chinese New Year]] (''{{lang|id|Imlek}}'') would be marked as a [[Public holidays in Indonesia|national holiday]] from 2003.{{sfn|Setiono|2003|p=1099}} Moreover, during President Wahid's presidency, the Indonesian Government initiated the first National Chinese New Year Celebration (''Perayaan Imlek Nasional''). Since then, the National Chinese New Year Celebration has been held annually, attended by the President of Indonesia and related officials. Currently, the [[Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in Indonesia]] is the organizer of the event.<ref>[https://ditsmp.kemdikbud.go.id/sejarah-perayaan-imlek-yang-kini-menjadi-hari-libur-nasional/ Sejarah Perayaan Imlek yang Kini Menjadi Hari Libur Nasional] {{in lang|id}}</ref>

Furthermore, in addition to President Habibie's directive on the term ''pribumi'', the legislature passed a new citizenship law in 2006 defining the word ''[[wikt:asli#Indonesian|asli]]'' (lit., indigenous) in the [[Constitution of Indonesia|Constitution]] as a natural born person, allowing Chinese Indonesians to be eligible to run for president. The law further stipulates that children of foreigners born in Indonesia are eligible to apply for Indonesian citizenship.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2008|p=12}}

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The post-Suharto era saw the end of discriminatory policy against Chinese Indonesians. Since then, numbers of Chinese Indonesians began to take part in the nation's politics, government and administrative sector. The [[Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono]] presidency (2004–2014) saw the first female Chinese Indonesian minister [[Mari Elka Pangestu]] as Minister of Trade (2004–2011) and Minister of Tourism and Creative Economy (2011–2014).<ref>{{cite web | title = Indonesia, US collaborate to develop creative industry | date = 5 May 2014 | work = Antara News | url = http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/93891/indonesia-us-collaborate-to-develop-creative-industry}}</ref> Another notable Chinese Indonesian in Indonesian politics is [[Basuki Tjahaja Purnama]], former [[East Belitung Regency|Regent of East Belitung]] (2005–2006) and first [[governor of Jakarta]] (2014–2017) of Chinese descent.

However, discrimination and prejudice against Chinese Indonesians continues in the 21st century. On 15 March 2016, Indonesian Army General Suryo Prabowo commented that the incumbent governor of Jakarta, [[Basuki Tjahaja Purnama]], should "know his place lest the Indonesian Chinese face the consequences of his action". This controversial comment was considered to hearken back to previous violence against the Indonesian Chinese.<ref>{{cite news|title=Sustaining anti-Chinese sentiment in Jakarta |date=18 March 2016 |url=http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2016/03/18/sustaining-anti-chinese-sentiment-in-jakarta/ |publisher=Australia National University |access-date=17 April 2016}}</ref> On 9 May 2017, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama was sentenced to two years in prison after being found guilty of committing a criminal act of [[blasphemy]], a move that was widely criticized by many as an attack on free speech.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/may/09/jakarta-governor-ahok-found-guilty-of-blasphemy-jailed-for-two-years|title=Jakarta governor Ahok found guilty of blasphemy, jailed for two years|work=The Guardian|date=9 May 2017}}</ref>

== Origins ==

{{see also|Chinese emigration}}
Chinese immigrants to the Indonesian archipelago almost entirely originated from various ethnic groups especially the [[Tanka people]] of what are now the [[Fujian]] and [[Guangdong]] provinces in southern China, areas known for their regional diversity.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=101}} Nearly all Chinese Indonesians are either [[Patrilineality|patrilineal]] descendants of these early immigrants or new immigrants born in [[mainland China]].{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=97}}

[[File:Chinese Indonesian origin distribution.png|thumb|right|220px|The distribution map of the origins of Chinese Indonesians. Majority of their ancestral are from [[Fujian]] or [[Guangdong]] province origins with small community from [[Hainan]] island, [[Guangxi]] and the rest are from other provinces in [[Northern China]].]]
The first group of Chinese people to settle in large numbers to escape the coastal ban were the most affected [[Tanka people|Tanka boat people]], other came in much smaller numbers, [[Teochews]] from [[Chaozhou]],<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=g_KIDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA142|title=商道:中國式的經商哲學|page=142|isbn=9789866498756|author1=謝洪波作|date=April 2010|publisher=德威國際文化}}</ref> the [[Hakkas]] from Chengxiang county (now [[Meixian District|Meixian]]), Huizhou (pronounced Fuizhew in Hakka) and rural county of [[Dabu County|Dabu]] (pronounced Thaipo in Hakka), the [[Cantonese people|Cantonese]] from Guangdong and various different ethnic dialect groups who left the trading city ports of southern Fujian including the ethnic [[Tanka people|Tanka]], Hakkas, etc. Descendants of Hokkien Tanka are the dominant group in eastern Indonesia, [[Central Java|Central]] and [[East Java]] and the western coast of [[Sumatra]]. [[Teochew people|Teochews]], southern neighbors of the Hokkien, are found throughout the eastern coast of Sumatra, in the [[Riau Archipelago]], and in western Borneo. They were preferred as plantation laborers in Sumatra but have become traders in regions where the Hokkien are not well represented.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=102}}

From 1628 to 1740, there were more 100,000 Hakkas from Huizhou living in Batavia and Java island.<ref>[{{cite book| title=惠州华侨志|quote=惠州府有 10 万多人冒险南渡,有的流落到爪哇岛搭茅寮栖身,围以 坚固的寨棚,形成特殊的区域,开荒种植甘蔗;有的去到巴达维亚|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fDZ8AAAAIAAJ|page=24|date=1998}}]</ref>

The [[Hakka people|Hakka]], unlike the Hokkien and the Teochew, originate from the mountainous inland regions of Guangdong and do not have a maritime culture.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=102}} Owing to the unproductive terrain of their home region, the Hakka emigrated out of economic necessity in several waves from 1850 to 1930 and were the poorest of the Chinese immigrant groups. Although they initially populated the mining centers of western Borneo and [[Bangka Island]], Hakkas became attracted to the rapid growth of Batavia and [[West Java]] in the late 19th century.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=103}}

The Cantonese people, like the Hakka, were well known throughout Southeast Asia as mineworkers. Their migration in the 19th century was largely directed toward the [[tin]] mines of Bangka, off the east coast of Sumatra. Notable traditionally as skilled artisans, the Cantonese benefited from close contact with Europeans in Guangdong and Hong Kong by learning about machinery and industrial success. They migrated to Java about the same time as the Hakka but for different reasons. In Indonesia's cities, they became artisans, machine workers, and owners of small businesses such as restaurants and hotel-keeping services. The Cantonese are evenly dispersed throughout the archipelago and number far less than the Hokkien or the Hakka. Consequently, their roles are of secondary importance in the Chinese communities.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=103}}
{{clear}}

== Demographics ==
{{see also|Demographics of Indonesia}}
[[File:Chinese Indonesian population pyramid 2000.png|thumb|300px|alt=A two-sided horizontal bar graph. Bars on the left are colored blue; bars on the right are colored pink.|During the 2000 census, the peak of the ethnic Chinese population pyramid occurred in the 15–19 age group.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=83}} The male population is shown in blue, and the female is in pink.]]
Indonesia's [[Indonesian population census, 2000|2000 census]] reported 2,411,503 citizens (1.20% of the total population) as ethnic Chinese.{{efn|{{Harvtxt|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=77}} used the 31 published volumes of data on the 2000 census and reported 1,738,936 ethnic Chinese citizens, but this figure did not include their population in 19 provinces. Space restrictions in the census publication limited the ethnic groups listed for each province to the eight largest. {{Harvtxt|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=23}} improved upon this figure by calculating directly from the raw census data.}} An additional 93,717 (0.05%) ethnic Chinese living in Indonesia were reported as foreign citizens, mostly those of the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China, who may not be able to pay the cost of becoming an Indonesian citizen.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=76}} Because the census employed the method of self-identification, those who refused to identify themselves as ethnic Chinese, or had assumed the identity of other ethnic groups, either because of assimilation or mixed-parentage, or fear of persecution,{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=75}} were recorded as non-Chinese.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=74}} It is also likely that there are around 2.8&nbsp;million Chinese living in Indonesia according to several external estimates.<ref>One of them being Republic of Indonesia's [[Overseas Community Affairs Council]] which estimates more than [http://www.ocac.gov.tw/OCAC/File/Attach/10/File_54.pdf 8 million Chinese Indonesian]</ref>

Past estimates on the exact number of Chinese Indonesians relied on the 1930 Dutch East Indies census, which collected direct information on ethnicity.{{sfn|Heidhues|1999|p=151}} This census reported 1.23&nbsp;million self-identified ethnic Chinese living in the colony, representing 2.03% of the total population, and was perceived to be an accurate account of the group's population.{{sfn|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=20}} Ethnic information would not be collected again until the 2000 census and so was deduced from other census data, such as language spoken and religious affiliation, during the intermediate years.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=73}} In an early survey of the Chinese Indonesian minority, anthropologist [[G. William Skinner]] estimated that between 2.3&nbsp;million (2.4%) and 2.6&nbsp;million (2.7%) lived in Indonesia in 1961.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=97}} Former foreign minister [[Adam Malik]] provided a figure of 5&nbsp;million in a report published in the ''[[Harian Indonesia]]'' daily in 1973.<ref name="Adam Malik" /> Many media and academic sources subsequently estimated between 4 and 5% of the total population as ethnic Chinese regardless of the year.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=73}} Estimates during the 2000s have placed the figure between 6 and 7&nbsp;million,<ref name="Johnston 3 March 2005" /> and the [[Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission]] of the Republic of China estimated a population as high as 7.67&nbsp;million in 2006.<ref name="roc">{{cite web |url=http://ebooks.lib.ntu.edu.tw/1_file/ocac/31/Indonesia.pdf |script-title=zh:印尼 2005 年華人人口統計推估 |website=ebooks.lib.ntu.edu.tw |date=October 2006 |language=zh |access-date=16 October 2017 |archive-date=5 May 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210505063848/http://ebooks.lib.ntu.edu.tw/1_file/ocac/31/Indonesia.pdf |url-status=dead}}</ref>

[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Straatgezicht met Chinese winkels TMnr 10015055.jpg|thumb|left|250px|alt=High angle view of a street lined with two and three-story structures. The street is filled with crowds, including horse-drawn and hand-pulled carriages.|The Chinese district of Medan, North Sumatra, in 1925; the city is home to the largest Chinese population by number in [[Sumatra]], also the second largest nationally after Jakarta.]]

According to 2010 population census, 22.3% of Chinese Indonesians lived in the capital city of [[Jakarta]], located on the island of Java. When the island's other provinces—[[Banten]], West Java, Central Java, [[Yogyakarta]], and East Java—are included, this population accounted for around half (51.8%) of all Chinese Indonesians.<ref name="census 2010"/> This data does not count the number of ethnic Chinese that have foreign citizenship. 8.15% of West Kalimantan's population is ethnic Chinese, followed by Bangka–Belitung Islands (8.14%), Riau Islands (7.66%), Jakarta (6.58%), North Sumatra (5,75%), Riau (1.84%). In each of the remaining provinces, Chinese Indonesians account for 1% or less of the provincial population.{{sfn|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=27}} Most Chinese Indonesians in North Sumatra lived in the provincial capital of [[Medan]]; they are one of major ethnic groups in the city with the Bataks and Javanese people, but in the province, they constituted only a small percentage because of the relatively large population of the province, the sizeable Chinese population also has presence in [[Binjai]], [[Tanjungbalai (city)|Tanjungbalai]] and [[Pematangsiantar]] city.{{sfn|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=26}} Bangka–Belitung, West Kalimantan, and Riau are grouped around the hub of ethnic Chinese economic activity in [[Singapore]] and, with the exception of Bangka–Belitung, these settlements existed long before Singapore's founding in 1819.{{sfn|Heidhues|1999|p=160}}
[[File:Red Lanterns Pekanbaru.jpg|250px|thumb|right|The Chinese New Year celebration in Chinese Town in Senapelan, [[Pekanbaru]], [[Riau]]]]
The ethnic Chinese population in Indonesia grew by an average of 4.3% annually between 1920 and 1930. It then slowed owing to the effects of the [[Great Depression]] and many areas experienced a net emigration. Falling growth rates were also attributed to a significant decrease in the number of Chinese immigrants admitted into Indonesia since the 1950s.{{sfn|Heidhues|1999|p=151}} The population is relatively old according to the 2000 census, having the lowest percentage of population under 14 years old nationwide and the second-highest percentage of population over 65. Their [[population pyramid]] had a narrow base with a rapid increase until the 15–19 age group, indicating a rapid decline in [[total fertility rate]]s. This was evidenced by a decline in the absolute number of births since 1980. In Jakarta and West Java the population peak occurred in the 20–24 age group, indicating that the decline in fertility rates began as early as 1975. The upper portion of the pyramid exhibited a smooth decline with increasing population age.{{sfn|Suryadinata|Arifin|Ananta|2003|p=80}} It is estimated that 60.7% of the Chinese Indonesian population in 2000 constitutes the generation that experienced political and social pressures under the New Order government. With an average life expectancy of 75 years, those who spent their formative years prior to this regime will completely disappear by 2032.{{sfn|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=28}}

According to the last 2010 population census, the self-identified Chinese Indonesian population is 2,832,510. There is a growth of 17.5% from 2000 census, although some of them are because the census bureau improved its counting methodology between 2000 and 2010. During the 2000 census, it only published data for the eight largest ethnic groups in each province. Because Chinese Indonesians in some provinces did not have a large enough population, they were left off the list. This error was only corrected in 2008 when Aris Ananta, Evi Nuridya Arifin, and Bakhtiar from the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore published a report that accounted for all Chinese Indonesian populations using raw data from BPS.

=== Emigrant communities ===
{{main|Overseas Indonesians}}
[[File:Chinese Indonesian Restaurant Java, Amsterdam (2021) 04.jpg|thumb|right|240px|Chinese Indonesian restaurant in [[Amsterdam]], [[Netherlands]]]]
Emigration by Chinese Indonesians became significant after Indonesian independence in 1945. Large numbers of Chinese Indonesians repatriated to China, Taiwan and Hong Kong throughout the following years, while others moved to more industrialized regions around the world.

Although these migrants have Chinese ancestry, they were often not identified as such; this trend has continued into the modern day.{{sfn|McKeown|2005|p=73}}  In a scientific research article, Kusuma mentioned the cultural development and life philosophy of the descendants of modern immigrant Hakka people in "The History of Hakka Diaspora in Indonesia: Migration Waves and Negotiations with National Identity.", saying the concept of "Hakka Heart" emphasizes the Chinese identity of Hakkas and other ethnic groups within the framework of Indonesian nationalism.<ref>Kusuma, Bayu Mitra A., and Theresia Octastefani. “The History of Hakka Diaspora in Indonesia: Migration Waves and Negotiations with National Identity.” International Journal of Cultural and Art Studies, vol. 6, no. 2, 2022, pp. 96–107, https://doi.org/10.32734/ijcas.v6i2.8928.</ref> There have been several independent estimates made of the Chinese Indonesian population living in other countries. [[James Jupp]]'s ''The Australian People'' encyclopedia estimated that half of over 30,000 Indonesians living in Australia in the late 1990s are ethnic Chinese, and they have since merged with other Chinese communities.{{sfn|Penny|Gunawan|2001|p=440}} In New Zealand, many migrants reside in the suburbs of [[Auckland]] after some 1,500 sought asylum from the 1998 upheaval, of which two-thirds were granted residency.{{sfn|Walrond|2009}}

Australian scholar [[Charles Coppel]] believes Chinese Indonesian migrants also constitute a large majority of returned overseas Chinese living in Hong Kong. Though it is impossible to accurately count this number, news sources have provided estimates ranging from 100,000 to 150,000,{{efn|The estimate of 100,000 was published in ''[[Asiaweek]]'' on 3 June 1983}} while the estimate of 150,000 was published in the ''[[The Standard (Hong Kong)|Hong Kong Standard]]'' on 21 December 1984. {{Harv|Coppel|2002|p=356}}.

Of the 57,000 Indonesians living in the United States in 2000, one-third were estimated to be ethnic Chinese.{{sfn|Cunningham|2008|p=106}} Locally knowledgeable migrants in [[Southern California]] estimate that 60% of [[Indonesian American]]s living in the area are of Chinese descent.{{sfn|Cunningham|2008|p=95}} In Canada, only a minority of the emigrant Chinese Indonesian community speak Chinese. Although families are interested in rediscovering their ethnic traditions, their Canadian-born children are often reluctant to learn either Chinese mother tongue.{{sfn|Nagata|1999|p=725}}

== Society ==

[[File:Peranakan and Totok Populations.png|thumb|300px|alt=Five pairs of vertical bar graphs. Each pair has a red colored bar on the left and a pink colored bar on the right.|Population estimates of the ''peranakan'' (shown in red) and ''totok'' (in pink) throughout the 20th century{{sfn|Suryadinata|1984|p=96}}]]
{{blockquote|1=It may be stated as a general rule that if a given area of Indonesia was settled by Chinese in appreciable numbers prior to this [20th] century, Chinese society there is in some degree dichotomous today. In one sector of the society, adults as well as children are Indonesia-born, the orientation toward China is attenuated, and the influence of the individual culture is apparent. In the other sector of the society, the population consists of twentieth-century immigrants and their immediate descendants, who are less acculturated and more strongly oriented toward China. The significance and pervasiveness of the social line between the two sectors varies from one part of Indonesia to another.|2=[[G. William Skinner]]|3="The Chinese Minority", ''Indonesia'' pp. 103–104}}

Scholars who study Chinese Indonesians often distinguish members of the group according to their racial and sociocultural background: the ''totok'' and the ''peranakan''. The two terms were initially used to racially distinguish the pure-blooded Chinese from those with mixed ancestry. A secondary meaning to the terms later arose that meant the ''totok'' were born in China and anyone born in Indonesia was considered ''peranakan''.{{efn|{{Harvtxt|Dawis|2009|p=77}} cited a presentation by Charles Coppel at the 29th International Congress of Orientalists for information on the initial usage of the two terms. {{Harvtxt|Skinner|1963|pp=105–106}} further noted that ''{{lang|id|totok}}'' is an Indonesian term specifically for foreign-born immigrants but is extended to include the descendants oriented toward their country of origin. ''{{lang|id|Peranakan}}'', on the other hand, means "children of the Indies".}} Segmentation within ''totok'' communities occurs through division in speech groups, a pattern that has become less apparent since the turn of the 20th century. Among the indigenized ''peranakan'' segmentation occurs through social class, which is graded according to education and family standing rather than wealth.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=110}}

=== Gender and kinship ===
{{See also|Chinese Indonesian surname|Peranakan Chinese}}
[[File:Cina Benteng wedding.jpg|thumb|right|230px|[[Benteng Chinese]] wedding in Jakarta, 2012. Benteng people are one of Peranakan community that still exist until today, mostly concentrated in [[Tangerang]], Jakarta and its outskirt area.]]
[[Kinship]] structure in the ''totok'' community follows the [[Patrilineality|patrilineal]], [[Patrilocal residence|patrilocal]], and [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] traditions of Chinese society, a practice which has lost emphasis in ''peranakan'' familial relationships. Instead, kinship patterns in indigenized families have incorporated elements of [[Matrilocal residence|matrilocal]], [[Matrilineality|matrilineal]], and [[Matriarchy|matrifocal]] traditions found in Javanese society. Within this community, both sons and daughters can inherit the family fortune, including ancestral tablets and ashes.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=77}} Political, social, and economic authority in ''peranakan'' families is more evenly distributed between the two genders than in ''totok'' families. Kin terms do not distinguish between maternal and paternal relatives and [[polygyny]] is strongly frowned upon. Western influence in ''peranakan'' society is evidenced by the high proportion of childless couples. Those who did have children also had fewer of them than "''totok''" couples.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=107}}

Despite their break from traditional kinship patterns, ''peranakan'' families are closer to some traditional Chinese values than the ''totok''. Because the indigenized population have lost much of the connection to their ancestral homes in the coastal provinces of China, they are less affected by the 20th-century modernization patterns that transformed the region. The ''peranakan'' have a stricter attitude toward divorce, though the separation rates among families in both segments are generally lower than other ethnic groups. [[Arranged marriage]]s are more common in ''peranakan'' families, whose relationships tend to be more [[Nepotism|nepotistic]]. Secularization among the ''totok'' meant that their counterparts carry out ancestral rituals to a higher degree, and ''peranakan'' youth tend to be more religious. Through education provided by high-quality Catholic and Protestant schools, these youth are much more likely to convert to Christianity.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=108}}

In the 21st century, the conceptual differences of ''totok'' and ''peranakan'' Chinese are slowly becoming outdated as some families show a mixture of characteristics from both cultures.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=80}} [[Interracial marriage]] and cultural assimilation often prevent the formation a precise definition of Chinese Indonesians in line with any simple racial criterion. Use of a [[Chinese surname]], in some form or circumstance, is generally a sign of cultural self-identification as ethnic Chinese or alignment with a Chinese social system.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=97}}

===Identity===
[[File:The Hong Eng, ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, ID card during Japanese occupation, 1943.jpg|thumb|upright|left|alt=An old document made of one sheet of paper showing two outlined boxes, one in the top half and one on the bottom. The top box has writing in Japanese with a translation and a small head shot of a woman with a thumbprint below it. There are several small square imprints in red ink from a stamp. The bottom box is split into two vertical halves, one in Japanese and the other in Indonesian.|Identity card of The Hong Eng, {{circa}} 1943, indicating her Chinese ethnicity during the occupation of the Dutch East Indies by Japan]]

Ethnic Chinese in the 1930 Dutch East Indies census were categorized as foreign orientals, which led to separate registration.{{sfn|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=20}} Citizenship was conferred upon the ethnic Chinese through a 1946 citizenship act after Indonesia became independent, and it was further reaffirmed in 1949 and 1958. However, they often encountered obstacles regarding the legality of their citizenship. Chinese Indonesians were required to produce an [[Proof of Citizenship of the Republic of Indonesia|Indonesian Citizenship Certificate]] (''{{lang|id|Surat Bukti Kewarganegaraan Republik Indonesia}}'', SBKRI) when conducting business with government officials.{{sfn|Tan|2005|p=805}} Without the SBKRI, they were not able to make passports and [[Indonesian identity card|identity cards]] (''{{lang|id|Kartu Tanda Penduduk}}'', KTP); register birth, death, and marriage certificates; or register a business license.{{sfn|Tan|2005|p=806}} The requirement for its use was abolished in 1996 through a presidential instruction which was reaffirmed in 1999, but media sources reported that local authorities were still demanding the SBKRI from Chinese Indonesians after the instructions went into effect.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=179}}

Other terms used for identifying sectors of the community include ''{{lang|id|[[:wikt:peranakan|peranakan]]}}'' and ''{{lang|id|totok}}''. The former, traditionally used to describe those born locally, is derived from the root [[Indonesian language|Indonesian]] word ''{{lang|id|[[:wikt:anak|anak]]}}'' (lit., child) and thus means "child of the land". The latter is derived from [[Javanese language|Javanese]], meaning new or pure, and is used to describe the foreign born and new immigrants.{{sfn|Tan|2008|p=1}} A significant number of Chinese Indonesians also live in the People's Republic of China and Hong Kong; they are considered part of the population of "returned overseas Chinese" ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[:wikt:歸|歸]][[:wikt:國|國]][[:wikt:華僑|華僑]]}}).{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=357}} To identify the varying sectors of Chinese Indonesian society, Tan contends they must be differentiated according to nationality into those who are citizens of the host country and those who are [[Alien (law)|resident aliens]], then further broken down according to their cultural orientation and social identification.{{sfn|Kahin|1991|p=119}} In her doctoral dissertation, Aimee Dawis notes that such definitions, based on cultural affinity and not nation of origin, have gained currency since the early 1990s, although the old definition is occasionally used.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|pp=78–82}}

Sociologist [[Mely G. Tan]] asserts that scholars studying ethnic Chinese emigrants often refer to the group as a "monolithic entity": the [[overseas Chinese]].{{sfn|Kahin|1991|p=119}} Such treatment also persists in Indonesia; a majority of the population referred to them as ''{{lang|id|orang Cina}}'' or ''{{lang|id|orang Tionghoa}}'' (both meaning "Chinese people", {{lang|zh-Hant|[[:wikt:中華|中華]][[:wikt:人|人]]}}), or ''{{lang|id|hoakiau}}'' ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[:wikt:華僑|華僑]]}}).{{efn|The latter two terms are derived from the [[Hokkien]] Chinese. Sociologist [[Mely G. Tan]] argued that these terms "only apply to those who are alien, not of mixed ancestry, and who initially do not plan to stay in Indonesia permanently" {{Harv|Kahin|1991|p=119}}. She also noted that the terms ''{{lang|id|Cina}}'' (''{{lang|id|Tjina}}'' in older orthography) and ''{{lang|jv|Cino}}'' (''{{lang|id|Tjino}}'') carry a derogatory meaning to earlier generations of immigrants, especially those living on the island of Java. {{Harvtxt|Dawis|2009|p=75}} noted this connotation appears to have faded in later generations.}} They were previously described in [[Ethnography|ethnographic]] literature as the Indonesian Chinese, but there has been a shift in terminology as the old description emphasizes the group's Chinese origins, while the more recent one, its Indonesian integration.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2004|p=viii}} Aimee Dawis, citing prominent scholar [[Leo Suryadinata]], believes the shift is "necessary to debunk the stereotype that they are an exclusive group" and also "promotes a sense of nationalism" among them.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=xxii}}

=== Economic aptitude ===
{{see also|Bamboo network|Economy of Indonesia}}
[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Arbeiders in de tinmijn te Banka TMnr 10007202.jpg|thumb|left|alt=Six men plow the earth in a sinkhole while another walks carrying empty baskets. Three others are standing and walking in the background.|The tin mines of Bangka Island almost entirely employed Chinese workers.]]
Members of the ''totok'' community are more inclined to be entrepreneurs and adhere to the practice of ''[[guanxi]]'', which is based on the idea that one's existence is influenced by the connection to others, implying the importance of business connections.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=78}} In the first decade following Indonesian independence their business standing strengthened after being limited to small businesses in the colonial period. By the 1950s virtually all [[Retailing|retail stores]] in Indonesia were owned by ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs, whose businesses ranged from selling [[Grocery store|groceries]] to construction material. Discontentment soon grew among indigenous merchants who felt unable to compete with ethnic Chinese businesses.<ref name="Tempo 2007" /> Under pressure from indigenous merchants, the government enacted the [[Benteng program]] and [[PP 10/1959|Presidential Regulation 10 of 1959]], which imposed restrictions on ethnic Chinese importers and rural retailers. Ethnic Chinese businesses persisted, owing to their integration into larger networks throughout Southeast Asia, and their dominance continued despite continuous state and private efforts to encourage the growth of indigenous capital.{{sfn|Robison|1986|p=272}} Indonesian Chinese businesses are part of the larger [[bamboo network]], a network of [[overseas Chinese]] businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties.<ref name="Weidenbaum">{{cite book|author=Murray L Weidenbaum|title=The Bamboo Network: How Expatriate Chinese Entrepreneurs are Creating a New Economic Superpower in Asia|url=https://archive.org/details/bamboonetworkhow00weid|url-access=registration|date=1 January 1996|publisher=Martin Kessler Books, Free Press|isbn=978-0-684-82289-1|pages=[https://archive.org/details/bamboonetworkhow00weid/page/4 4]–8}}</ref>

[[File:Pantjoran PIK.jpg|thumb|right|240px|[[Pagoda]] in [[Pantai Indah Kapuk|PIK]], [[North Jakarta]]. PIK is often the most sought residential area for wealthy Chinese Indonesians, featuring large mansions in exclusive gated clusters.]]

Government policies shifted dramatically after 1965, becoming more favorable to economic expansion. In an effort to rehabilitate the economy, the government turned to those who possessed the capability to invest and expand corporate activity. Ethnic Chinese capitalists, called the ''{{lang|id|cukong}}'', were supported by the military, which emerged as the dominant political force after 1965.{{sfn|Robison|1986|p=272}} Indigenous businessmen once again demanded greater investment support from the government in the 1970s, but legislative efforts failed to reduce ethnic Chinese dominance.{{sfn|Robison|1986|p=275}} In a 1995 study published by the East Asia Analytical Unit of Australia's [[Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Australia)|Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade]], approximately 73% of the [[market capitalization]] value of [[Public company|publicly listed companies]] (excluding foreign and state-owned companies) were owned by Chinese Indonesians. Additionally, they owned 68 percent of the top 300 [[Conglomerate (company)|conglomerates]] and nine of the top ten private sector groups at the end of 1993.{{sfn|East Asia Analytical Unit|1995|p=41}} This figure propagated the general belief that ethnic Chinese—then estimated at 3% of the population—controlled 70% of the economy.<ref name="BusinessWorld" /><ref name="Mead 28 June 1998" /><ref name="Schmetzer 18 March 1998" /> Although the accuracy of this figure was disputed, it was evident that a [[Income inequality metrics|wealth disparity]] existed along ethnic boundaries. The image of an economically powerful ethnic Chinese community was further fostered by the government through its inability to dissociate itself from the [[patronage]] networks.{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=43}} The [[Fuzhou people|Hokchia]] group dominated the ethnic Chinese business scene during the Suharto government, although other groups emerged after 1998.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2008|p=11}}

The top five conglomerates in Indonesia prior to the [[1997 Asian financial crisis]]—the [[Salim Group]], [[Astra International]], the [[Sinar Mas Group]], [[Gudang Garam]], [[Sampoerna]] and the [[Lippo Group]]—were all owned by ethnic Chinese, with annual sales totaling [[Indonesian rupiah|Rp]]112 trillion (US$47&nbsp;billion).{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=147}} When the crisis finally hit the country, the rupiah's plunge severely disrupted corporate operations. Numerous conglomerates lost a majority of their assets and collapsed. Over the next several years, other conglomerates struggled to repay international and domestic debts.{{sfn|Chua|2008|pp=72–73}} Reforms introduced following 1998 were meant to steer the economy away from [[Oligarchy|oligarchic]] arrangements established under the New Order;{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=75}} however, plans for reform proved too optimistic. When President B.&nbsp;J. Habibie announced in a 19 July 1998 interview with ''[[The Washington Post]]'' that Indonesia was not dependent on ethnic Chinese businessmen, the rupiah's value plunged 5%.{{efn|Habibie said in the interview, "If the Chinese community doesn't come back because they don't trust their own country and society, I cannot force [them], nobody can force them. [...] Do you really think that we will then die? Their place will be taken over by others." {{Harv|Suryadinata|1999|p=9}}.}} This unexpected reaction prompted immediate changes in policies, and Habibie soon began enticing conglomerates for their support in the reform plans.{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=88}} Most were initially fearful of democratization, but the process of social demarginalization meant that the ethnic Chinese were regarded as equal members of society for the first time in the nation's history.{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=114}}{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=116}} Increased regional autonomy allowed surviving conglomerates to explore new opportunities in the outer provinces, and economic reforms created a freer market.{{sfn|Chua|2008|p=142}}

=== Political activity ===
Between the 18th and early 20th centuries, ethnic Chinese communities were dominated by the ''peranakan'' presence.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=105}} This period was followed by the growth of ''totok'' society. As part of a [[Sinicization|resinicization]] effort by the indigenized ethnic Chinese community, a new pan-Chinese movement emerged with the goal of a unified Chinese political identity. The movement later split in the 1920s when ''peranakan'' elites resisted the leadership of the ''totok'' in the nationalist movement, and the two groups developed their own objectives.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=79}} When it became apparent that unification was being achieved on ''totok'' terms, ''peranakan'' leaders chose to align their community with the Dutch, who had abandoned the segregation policies in 1908. The two communities once again found common ground in opposition to the invading Japanese when the occupying forces treated all Chinese groups with contempt.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=109}}

[[File:Gubernur DKI Basuki TP 鐘萬學.jpg|thumb|upright|200px|[[Basuki Tjahaja Purnama|Ahok]] or ''Chûng Van-ho̍k'' ({{lang-zh|鐘萬學}}), Chinese Indonesian [[Governor of Jakarta]] from 2014 to 2017]]

The issue of nationality, following independence, politicized the ethnic Chinese and led to the formation of [[Baperki]] in 1954, as the first and largest Chinese Indonesian mass organization. Baperki and its majority ''peranakan'' membership led the opposition against a draft law that would have restricted the number of ethnic Chinese who could gain Indonesian citizenship. This movement was met by the Islamic [[Masyumi Party]] in 1956 when it called for the implementation of [[affirmative action]] for indigenous businesses.{{sfn|Purdey|2006|p=9}} During the [[1955 Indonesian legislative election|1955 legislative election]], Baperki received 178,887 votes and gained a seat on the [[People's Representative Council]] (DPR). Later that year, two Baperki candidates were also [[1955 Indonesian Constituent Assembly election|elected]] to the [[Constitutional Assembly of Indonesia|Constitutional Assembly]].{{sfn|Suryadinata|2002|p=133}}

Ethnic-based political parties were banned under the government of President Suharto, leaving only the three indigenous-dominated parties of [[Golkar]], the [[United Development Party]] (PPP), and the [[Indonesian Democratic Party]] (PDI). The depoliticizing of Indonesian society confined ethnic Chinese activities to the economic sector. Chinese Indonesian critics of the regime were mostly ''peranakan'' and projected themselves as Indonesians, leaving the ethnic Chinese with no visible leaders.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2002|p=133}} On the eve of the [[1999 Indonesian legislative election|1999 legislative election]], after Suharto's resignation, the news magazine ''[[Tempo (Indonesia magazine)|Tempo]]'' conducted a survey of likely Chinese Indonesian voters on their political party of choice for the election. Although respondents were able to choose more than one party, 70% favored the [[Indonesian Democratic Party&nbsp;– Struggle|Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle]] (''Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan'', PDIP), whose image of a nationalist party was considered favorable toward the ethnic Chinese. The party also benefited from the presence of economist [[Kwik Kian Gie]], who was well respected by both ethnic Chinese and non-ethnic-Chinese voters.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2002|pp=127–128}}

New ethnic political parties such as the Chinese Indonesian Reform Party (''{{lang|id|Partai Reformasi Tionghoa Indonesia}}'', PARTI) and the Indonesian Bhinneka Tunggal Ika Party (''{{lang|id|Partai Bhinneka Tunggal Ika Indonesia}}'', PBI) failed to garner much support in the 1999 election. Despite this result, the number of Chinese Indonesian candidates standing in national election increased from fewer than 50 in 1999 to almost 150 in 2004.<ref name="Tjhin 21 December 2008" /> Of the 58 candidates of Chinese descent who ran for office as representatives from Jakarta in the [[2009 Indonesian legislative election|2009 legislative election]], two won seats.<ref name="The Jakarta Post 12 June 2009" />

== Culture ==
=== Language ===
{{See also|Language and overseas Chinese communities#Indonesia}}
[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Restaurant Nan King in de Chinese wijk Batavia TMnr 60039025.jpg|thumb|right|Shophouses in [[Batavia, Dutch East Indies|Batavia]] with [[Chinese writing|Chinese]] signs along the front of the shophouse]]
Four major Chinese-speech groups are represented in Indonesia: [[Hokkien]] (Southern Min; Min Nan), [[Hainanese dialect|Hainanese]], [[Hakka Chinese|Hakka]] and [[Cantonese]]. In addition to these, the [[Teochew people]] speak [[Teochew dialect|their own dialect]] that has some degree of [[mutual intelligibility]] with [[Hokkien]]. Distinctions between the two, however, are accentuated outside of their regions of origin.{{sfn|Skinner|1963|p=102}} There were an estimated 2.2&nbsp;million [[native speaker]]s of various Chinese varieties in Indonesia in 1982: 1,300,000 speakers of [[Southern Min]] varieties (including [[Hokkien]] and [[Teochew dialect|Teochew]]); 640,000 [[Hakka]] speakers; 460,000 [[Hainanese]] speakers; 180,000 Cantonese speakers; and 20,000 speakers of the [[Eastern Min]] varieties (including [[Fuzhou dialect]]). Additionally, an estimated 20,000 spoke different dialects of the [[Indonesian language]].{{sfn|Lewis|2005|p=391}}

[[File:Indonesia Hakka Museum.JPG|thumb|250px|left|Hakka Museum in [[Taman Mini Indonesia Indah]], Jakarta]]
Many of the Chinese living in capital city [[Jakarta]] and other towns located in Java are not fluent in Chinese languages, due to New Order's banning of Chinese languages, but those who are living in non-Java cities especially in Sumatra, Sulawesi, Maluku as well as Kalimantan can speak Chinese and its dialects fluently. The Chinese along the North-Eastern coast of Sumatra, especially in [[Riau Islands]], [[North Sumatra]], [[Riau]] and [[Jambi]] are predominantly Hokkien (Min Nan) speakers, with populations also primarily found in [[West Sumatra]] especially the Minangkabau heartland of [[Padang]], and there are also two different variants of Hokkien being used, such as [[Medan Hokkien]], which is based on the [[Zhangzhou dialect]] and [[Riau Hokkien]], which is based on the [[Quanzhou dialect]]. There are also Hokkien speakers in Java (Semarang, [[Surakarta]], etc.), Sulawesi, particularly in [[Kendari]] of Southeast Sulawesi province, [[Bengkulu]], [[Denpasar, Bali]], Palembang, South Sumatra, Ambon, Manado and Makassar as well as Kalimantan (Borneo), particularly in [[East Kalimantan]] ([[Kutai Kartanegara Regency]] and the provincial capital of [[Samarinda]]). Meanwhile, the Hakkas are the majority dialect group in [[Aceh]], [[Bangka-Belitung]], [[Ambon, Maluku|Ambon]] of Maluku province, [[Palembang]] in [[South Sumatra]] and the northern region of [[West Kalimantan]] such as [[Singkawang]], [[Pemangkat]] and Mempawah, several Hakka communities also live in parts of Java island especially in [[Tangerang]] and Jakarta, to a lesser extent Pontianak in West Kalimantan, Jambi and [[Lampung]] in mainland Sumatra, [[Banjarmasin]] in [[South Kalimantan]], Manado, North Sulawesi, Batam in the Riau Islands archipelago as well as scattering pocketful minorities in [[Western New Guinea]] or the Indonesian part of Papua. The [[Cantonese people|Cantonese]] mainly live in big major cities like [[Jakarta]], [[Medan]], [[Batam]], [[Surabaya]], [[Makassar]], [[Semarang]] and [[Manado]]. The Teochew people are the majority within Chinese community in [[West Kalimantan]] province, especially in central to southern areas such as Kendawangan, [[Ketapang]] and [[Pontianak, Indonesia|Pontianak]], as well as in the Riau Islands, which include Batam and [[Karimun Islands|Karimun]]. There are sizable communities of [[Fuzhou people|Hokchia]] or Fuzhounese speakers in [[East Java]] as well as [[Central Java]], especially in Surabaya and Semarang. The [[Hainanese]] dialect group mostly inhabit the town of [[Pematangsiantar]] in North Sumatra province, which is the largest town outside Medan with a dominant minority Chinese population specifically of the said dialect group and to a lesser extent in other towns and provinces such as Manado, North Sulawesi (where the local Chinese minority population is mostly dominated by the Cantonese and Hakka subgroups) as well as the Riau region towns of [[Pekanbaru]] on the mainland part (Riau province) and Batam (Riau Islands).

[[File:Collectie NMvWereldculturen, RV-A41-1-29, Foto, 'Chinese familie woonachtig op Java', fotograaf Woodbury & Page, 1856-1878.jpg|thumb|230px|[[Peranakans|Chinese-peranakan]] (土生華人) family portrait in Java, circa 1856–1878; the usage of [[batik]] cloth was very common among peranakan ladies during colonial era.]]

Many Indonesians, including the ethnic Chinese, believe in the existence of a dialect of the [[Malay language]], Chinese Malay, known locally as ''{{lang|id|Melayu Tionghoa}}'' or ''{{lang|id|Melayu Cina}}''. The growth of ''peranakan'' literature in the second half of the 19th century gave rise to such a variant, popularized through ''[[silat]]'' (martial arts) stories translated from Chinese or written in Malay and Indonesian. However, scholars argue it is different from the mixture of spoken [[Javanese language|Javanese]] and Malay that is perceived to be "spoken exclusively by ethnic Chinese".{{efn|Indonesian scholar [[Dede Oetomo]] believed "the term 'Chinese Malay' is really a misnomer. There may be a continuity between 'Chinese Malay' and modern [[Indonesian language|Indonesian]], especially because the former was also used in the written discourse of members of ethnic groups besides the Chinese in the colonial period and well into the postindependence era" {{Harv|Kahin|1991|p=54}}.}}

{{blockquote|[E]xcept for a few loan words from Chinese, nothing about 'Chinese Malay' is uniquely Chinese. The language was simply low, bazaar Malay, the common tongue of Java's streets and markets, especially of its cities, spoken by all ethnic groups in the urban and multi-ethnic environment. Because Chinese were a dominant element in the cities and markets, the language was associated with them, but government officials, Eurasians, migrant traders, or people from different language areas, all resorted to this form of Malay to communicate.|Mary Somers Heidhues|''The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas''{{sfn|Heidhues|1999|p=154}}
}}

According to Ellen Rafferty, in [[Java]], the ''peranakan'' generally started to speak [[Malay trade and creole languages|Low Malay]] [Bazaar Malay] and some [[Javanese language|Javanese]] at home before 1800, while used the [[Malay trade and creole languages|Low Malay]] for extra-local communication. The ''peranakan'' showed the usage of some [[Javanese language|Javanese]] in written communication since 1800. The spoken [[Javanese language|Javanese]] was later identified as ''ngoko'' variant. After 1880, the written [[Javanese language|Javanese]] was replaced by written [[Malay trade and creole languages|Low Malay]]. Since 1945, the ''peranakan'' use [[Indonesian language|Indonesianised]]-[[Javanese language|Javanese]] in home, supplanted by ''ngoko'' [[Javanese language|Javanese]] in local speech and [[Indonesian language|Indonesian]] in extra-local communication and writing.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Rafferty |first=Ellen |year=1984 |title=Languages of the Chinese of Java—An Historical Review |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0021911800065621/type/journal_article |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |volume=43 |issue=2 |pages=247–272 |doi=10.2307/2055313 |jstor=2055313 |s2cid=163299613 |issn=0021-9118}}</ref>

Academic literature discussing Chinese Malay commonly note that ethnic Chinese do not speak the same dialect of Malay throughout the archipelago.{{sfn|Kahin|1991|p=55}} Furthermore, although the Dutch colonial government first introduced the Malay [[orthography]] in 1901, Chinese newspapers did not follow this standard until after independence.{{sfn|Kahin|1991|p=61}} Because of these factors, the ethnic Chinese played a "significant role" in the development of the modern Indonesian language as the largest group during the colonial period to communicate in a variety of Malay dialects.{{sfn|Kahin|1991|p=65}}

By 2018 the number of Chinese Indonesians studying Standard Mandarin increased.<ref>{{cite news|author=Tan-Johannes, Grace|url=https://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/families/article/2160779/three-reasons-more-chinese-indonesians-are-learning-mandarin-and|title=Why more Chinese Indonesians are learning Mandarin, and nurturing their children's sense of belonging to Chinese culture|newspaper=[[South China Morning Post]]|date=2018-08-23|access-date=2018-09-04}}</ref>

=== Literature ===
Chinese cultural influences can be seen in local Chinese Malay literature, which dates back to the late 19th century. One of the earliest and most comprehensive works on this subject, [[:id:Claudine Salmon|Claudine Salmon's]] 1981 book ''Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia: A Provisional Annotated Bibliography'', lists over 3,000 works. Samples of this literature were also published in a six-volume collection titled ''{{lang|id|Kesastraan Melayu Tionghoa dan Kebangsaan Indonesia}}'' (Chinese Malay Literature and the Indonesian Nation).{{sfn|Tan|2005|p=806}}

[[Kho Ping Hoo]] or Asmaraman Sukowati Kho Ping Hoo is a beloved Indonesian author of [[Overseas Chinese|Chinese]] ethnicity. He is well known in Indonesia for his martial arts fiction set in the background of China or [[Java]]. During his 30 years career, at least 120 stories have been published (according to [[Leo Suryadinata]]).{{Citation needed|date=May 2008}} However, ''Forum'' magazine claimed at least Kho Ping Hoo had 400 stories with the background of China and 50 stories with the background of Java.{{Citation needed|date=May 2008}}

=== Media ===
[[File:Cover page of Tjhoen Tjhioe newspaper from December 27, 1918.png|thumb|left|[[Tjhoen Tjhioe]] ({{lang-zh|春秋}}) was one of a [[Baba Malay|Chinese Peranakan]] newspaper during colonial era.]]

All Chinese-language publications were prohibited under the assimilation policy of the Suharto period, with the exception of the government-controlled daily newspaper ''[[Harian Indonesia]]''.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=3}} The lifting of the Chinese-language ban after 1998 prompted the older generation of Chinese Indonesians to promote its use to the younger generation; according to Malaysian-Chinese researcher of the Chinese diaspora, Chang-Yau Hoon, they believed they would "be influenced by the virtues of Chinese culture and [[Confucianism|Confucian values]]".{{sfn|Hoon|2006|p=113}} One debate took place in the media in 2003, discussing the Chinese ''mu yu'' ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[:wikt:母語|母語]]}}, mother tongue) and the Indonesian ''guo yu'' ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[:wikt:國語|國語]]}}, national language).{{sfn|Hoon|2006|p=113}} [[Nostalgia]] was a common theme in the Chinese-language press in the period immediately following Suharto's government. The rise of China's political and economic standing at the turn of the 21st century became an impetus for their attempt to attract younger readers who seek to rediscover their cultural roots.{{sfn|Hoon|2006|p=114}}
[[File:Ouw peh tjoa.jpg|thumb|right|180px|[[Ouw Peh Tjoa]] (水淹金山), one of early [[Chinese mythology|Chinese folktale-based]] story which was made and released in the colonial Indonesia, directed by [[The Teng Chun]]]]
During the first three decades of the 20th century, ethnic Chinese owned most, if not all, movie theaters in cities throughout the Dutch East Indies. Films from China were being imported by the 1920s, and a film industry began to emerge in 1928 with the arrival of the three [[Wong brothers]] from Shanghai—their films would dominate the market through the 1930s.{{sfn|Sen|2006|p=121}} These earliest films almost exclusively focused on the ethnic Chinese community, although a few examined [[Miscegenation|inter-ethnic relations]] as a main theme.{{sfn|Sen|2006|p=123}} The later ban on the public use of the Chinese language meant that imported films and television programs were required to be dubbed in English with [[Subtitle (captioning)|subtitles]] in Indonesian. When martial arts serials began appearing on national television in 1988, they were dubbed in Indonesian. One exception was the showing of films from Hong Kong in Chinese—limited to ethnic Chinese districts and their surroundings—because of an agreement between importers and the film censor board.{{sfn|Dawis|2009|p=14}}

=== Religion ===
{{Pie chart
|caption = Religion of Chinese Indonesians (2010 census)<ref name="2010 census">{{cite book|first1=Aris|last1=Ananta|first2=Evi Nurvidya|last2=Arifin|first3=M. Sairi|last3=Hasbullah|first4=Nur Budi|last4=Handayani|title=Demography of Indonesia's Ethnicity|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=crKfCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA273|pages=271|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies|date=14 July 2015|isbn=9789814519878|via=Google Books|first5=Agus|last5=Pramono}}</ref>
|label1 = [[Buddhism]]
|value1 = 45
|color1 = Gold
|label2 = [[Protestantism]]
|value2 = 27
|color2 = Blue
|label3 = [[Roman Catholic]]
|value3 = 21
|color3 = Purple
|label4 = [[Sunni Islam]]
|value4 = 5
|color4 = DarkGreen
|label5 = [[Confucianism]]
|value5 = 2
|color5 = Red
}}
There is little scholarly work devoted to the religious life of Chinese Indonesians. The 1977 French book ''{{lang|fr|Les Chinois de Jakarta: Temples et Vie Collective}}'' ("The Chinese of Jakarta: Temples and Collective Life") is the only major study to assess ethnic Chinese religious life in Indonesia.{{sfn|Coppel|2002|p=256}} The Ministry of Religious Affairs grants official status to six religions: [[Islam in Indonesia|Islam]], [[Protestantism in Indonesia|Protestantism]], [[Roman Catholicism in Indonesia|Catholicism]], [[Hinduism in Indonesia|Hinduism]], [[Buddhism in Indonesia|Buddhism]], and [[Confucianism in Indonesia|Confucianism]]. A 2006 civil registration law does not allow Indonesians to identify themselves as a member of any other religion on their identity cards.<ref name="Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor" />

According to an analysis of the 2000 census data, about half of Chinese Indonesians were Buddhists, and about one-third Protestant or Catholic.{{sfn|Ananta|Arifin|Bakhtiar|2008|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=UFNKQcvGNSAC&pg=PA30 30]}} A report by ''[[The New York Times]]'', however, puts the percentage of Christians much higher, at over 70%.<ref>{{cite news|first1=Roderick|last1=Brazier|access-date=2019-06-06|title=In Indonesia, the Chinese go to church|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/27/opinion/in-indonesia-the-chinese-go-to-church.html|newspaper=The New York Times|date=27 April 2006|issn=0362-4331}}</ref> With the exception of Chinese-Filipinos, Chinese Indonesians tend to be more Christian than other Chinese ethnic groups of Southeast Asia due to a complex of historical reasons. Throughout the 20th century [[Chinese folk religion|Chinese religion]] and [[Chinese culture|culture]] was forbidden and heavily persecuted in Indonesia, forcing many Chinese to convert to Christianity.<ref name=Lindsey-Pausacker>Tim Lindsey, Helen Pausacker. ''Chinese Indonesians: Remembering, Distorting, Forgetting''. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2005. {{ISBN|9812303030}}. p. 89.</ref> The first wave of conversions occurred in the 1950s and 1960s, and the number of ethnic Chinese Christians during this period quadrupled. The second wave followed after the government withdrew Confucianism's status as a recognized religion in the 1970s. [[Suharto]] endorsed a systematic campaign of eradication of Confucianism.<ref name=Lindsey-Pausacker/> As the result, many Chinese in [[Jakarta]] and other parts in [[Java Island|Java island]] are mostly Christian, meanwhile in non-Java cities like [[Medan]], [[Pontianak]] and other parts in [[Sumatra]] and [[Borneo]] island are mainly adherents to Buddhism, and some of them still practising [[Taoism]], [[Confucianism]] and other [[Chinese folk religion in Southeast Asia|Traditional Chinese belief]].<ref name="AFP 7 February 2008" />

In a country where nearly 86% of the population are Muslims, ethnic Chinese Muslims form a very small minority of the ethnic Chinese population, mainly due to intermarriages between Chinese men and local Muslim women. The 2010 census reckoned that 4.7% of Chinese Indonesians were followers of Islam.<ref name="2010 census"/> Associations such as the Organization of Chinese Muslims of Indonesia (''{{lang|id|Persatuan Islam Tionghoa Indonesia}}'', PITI) had been in existence in the late 19th century. PITI was re-established in 1963 as a modern organization but occasionally experienced periods of inactivity.{{sfn|Ma|2005|p=120}} The [[Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in Indonesia]] (''{{lang|id|Majelis Tinggi Agama Khonghucu Indonesia}}'', MATAKIN) estimated that 95% of Confucians are ethnic Chinese; most of the remaining 5% are ethnic Javanese, who are mainly [[Chinese people|Chinese]]-[[Javanese people|Javanese]] marriages converts.<ref name="Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor" /> Although the government has restored Confucianism's status as a recognized religion, many local authorities do not abide by it and have refused to allow ethnic Chinese from listing it as a religion on their identity cards.{{sfn|Suryadinata|2008|p=10}} Local officials remained largely unaware that the civil registration law legally allowed citizens to leave the religion section on their identity cards blank.<ref name="Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor" />
{{clear}}

<gallery>
File:Inside Kwan Sing Bio Temple, Tuban, East Java, Indonesia.jpg|''Kwan Sing Bio'' Taoist temple in [[Tuban Regency]], [[East Java]]
File:Confucian Temple in TMII, Jakarta.jpg|[[Kong Miao]] Confucian Temple in Taman Mini Indonesia Indah, Jakarta
File:Vihara Eka Dharma Manggala Samarinda.jpg|''Vihara Eka Dharma Manggala'', a Buddhist Temple in [[Samarinda]], [[East Kalimantan]]
File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Kerk van Chinese christenen in Djakarta TMnr 10016580.jpg|''Geredja Keristen Tionghoa'' or Chinese Christian Church in [[Jakarta]], c. 1952
File:Cheng ho.jpg|''Cheng Ho Mosque'' in [[Surabaya]], [[East Java]]
</gallery>

=== Architecture ===

{{see also|Chinese architecture|Indonesian architecture}}
[[File:Chinese wijk - 20652957 - RCE.jpg|thumb|left|200px|Two storey Chinese-style shophouses in [[Glodok]], Jakarta, c. 1972]]
Various forms of Chinese architecture exist throughout Indonesia with marked differences between urban and rural areas and among the different islands.{{sfn|Pratiwo|2007|p=74}} Architectural developments by the Chinese in Southeast Asia differ from those in mainland China. By blending local and European (Dutch) design patterns, numerous variations of fusion styles emerged.{{sfn|Widodo|2007|p=69}} Chinese architecture in Indonesia has manifested in three forms: [[Temple (Chinese)|religious temples]], study halls, and houses.{{sfn|Pratiwo|2007|p=74}} Cities during the colonial period were divided into three racial districts: European, oriental (Arabs, Chinese, and other Asians), and indigenous. There usually were no physical boundaries among the zones, except for rivers, walls, or roads in some cases. Such legal boundaries promoted high growths in [[urban density]] within each zone, especially in the Chinese quarters, often leading to poor environmental conditions.{{sfn|Widodo|2007|p=60}}

[[File:Traditional House - panoramio (2).jpg|thumb|right|250px|Traditional [[Peranakan]]-style house in [[Bagansiapiapi]], [[Riau]]]]
Early settlers did not adhere to traditional architectural practices when constructing houses but instead adapted to living conditions in Indonesia. Although the earliest houses are no longer standing, they were likely built from wood or bamboo with [[Thatching|thatched roofs]], resembling indigenous houses found throughout Sumatra, Borneo, and Java. More permanent constructions replaced these settlements in the 19th century.{{sfn|Pratiwo|2007|p=75}} Segregation policies under the Dutch forbade the use of European architectural styles by non-European ethnic groups. The ethnic Chinese and other foreign and indigenous groups lived according to their own cultures. Chinese houses along the north coast of Java were renovated to include Chinese ornamentation.{{sfn|Pratiwo|2007|p=76}} As racial segregation eased at the turn of the 20th century, the ethnic Chinese who had lost their identity embraced European culture and began removing ethnic ornaments from their buildings. The policies implemented by the New Order government which prohibited the public display of Chinese culture have also accelerated the transition toward local and Western architecture.{{sfn|Pratiwo|2007|p=77}}

=== Cuisine ===
{{main|Chinese Indonesian cuisine}}
{{multiple image
| perrow            = 2
| footer            = Various local Chinese Indonesian foods, '''clockwise from top''': [[Bakmi]] (肉麵); [[Cincau|Cincau ice]] (仙草); [[Nasi Campur]] or mixed rice (雜飯); and [[Bakpia]] (肉餅)
| align             = left
| width             = 120
| image1            = Mie ayam bangka asan tebet.jpg
| alt1              = Bakmi
| link1             = Bakmi
| image2            = Es Campur in a Glass.JPG
| alt2              = Cincau
| link2             = Cincau
| image3            = Rice with mixed meats served with soy sauce and soup; April 2016.jpg
| alt3              = Nasi Campur
| link3             = Nasi Campur
| image4            = Bakpia basah Jogja.jpg
| alt4              = Bakpia
| link4             = Bakpia
}}

{| border="1" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="1"  style="float:right; margin:0 0 1em 1em; background:#f9f9f9; border:1px #aaa solid; text-align:right; border-collapse:collapse; font-size:95%;"
|+ '''Example Chinese loanwords for food'''
|-
!  style="text-align:center; background:#e9e9e9;"| Loanword
!  style="text-align:center; background:#e9e9e9;"| Chinese
!  style="text-align:center; background:#e9e9e9;"| English name
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|angciu}}''
| style="text-align:left;"| 料酒
| style="text-align:left;"| cooking wine
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|mi}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|麵
| style="text-align:left;"| noodles
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|bakmi}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|肉麵
| style="text-align:left;"| egg noodles with meat
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|bakso}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|肉酥
| style="text-align:left;"| meatball
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|tahu}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|豆腐
| style="text-align:left;"| tofu
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|bakpao}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|肉包
| style="text-align:left;"| meat bun
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|tauco}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|豆醬
| style="text-align:left;"|  fermented soybeans sauce
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|kwetiau}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|粿條
| style="text-align:left;"| [[Char kway teow|rice noodles]]
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|bihun/mihun}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|米粉
| style="text-align:left;"| [[rice vermicelli]]
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|juhi}}'' and ''{{lang|id|cumi}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|魷魚
| style="text-align:left;"| [[cuttlefish]]
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|lobak}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|蘿蔔
| style="text-align:left;"| [[radish]] or [[turnip]]
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|kue}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|粿
| style="text-align:left;"| cookie, pastry
|-
| style="text-align:left;"| ''{{lang|id|kuaci}}''
| style="text-align:left;"|瓜籽
| style="text-align:left;"| melon seed
|- style="background: #E9E9E9;"
| colspan="3" | Source: {{harvnb|Tan|2002|p=158}}
|}

Chinese culinary culture is particularly evident in [[Indonesian cuisine]] through the Hokkien, Hakka, and Cantonese [[loanword]]s used for various dishes.{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=154}} Words beginning with ''{{lang|id|bak}}'' ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[wikt:肉|肉]]}}) signify the presence of meat, e.g. ''{{lang|id|bakpao}}'' ([[Baozi|meat bun]]); words ending with ''{{lang|id|cai}}'' ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[wikt:菜|菜]]}}) signify vegetables, e.g. ''{{lang|id|pecai}}'' ([[Chinese cabbage|Chinese white cabbage]]) and ''{{lang|id|[[cap cai|capcai]]}}''.{{sfn|Tan|2002|pp=155–156}} The words ''{{lang|id|mi}}'' ({{lang|zh-Hant|[[wikt:麵|麵]]}}) signify [[noodle]] as in ''{{lang|id|[[mie goreng]]}}''.

Most of these loanwords for food dishes and their ingredients are Hokkien in origin, and are used throughout the Indonesian language and [[vernacular]] speech of large cities. Because they have become an integral part of the local language, many Indonesians and ethnic Chinese do not recognize their Hokkien origins. Some popular Indonesian dishes such as [[nasi goreng]], [[pempek]], [[lumpia]], and [[Bakpia Pathok|bakpia]] can trace their origin to Chinese influence. Some food and ingredients are part of the daily diet of both the indigenous and ethnic Chinese populations as side dishes to accompany rice, the [[staple food]] of most of the country.{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=158}} Among ethnic Chinese families, both ''peranakan'' and ''totok'', pork is generally preferred as meat;{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=157}} this is in contrast with traditional [[Indonesian cuisine]], which in majority-Muslim areas avoids the meat. The consumption of pork has, however, decreased in recent years owing to a recognition of its contribution to health hazards such as [[Hypercholesterolemia|high cholesterol levels]] and heart disease.{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=158}}

In a 1997 restaurant listing published by the English-language daily ''[[The Jakarta Post]]'', which largely caters to [[expatriate]]s and middle class Indonesians, at least 80 locations within the city can be considered Chinese out of the 10-page list. Additionally, major hotels generally operate one or two Chinese restaurants, and many more can be found in large shopping centers.{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=160}} Upscale Chinese restaurants in Jakarta, where the urban character of the ethnic Chinese is well established, can be found serving delicacies such as [[shark fin soup]] and [[bird's nest soup]].{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=154}} Food considered to have healing properties, including ingredients in [[traditional Chinese medicine]], are in high demand.{{sfn|Tan|2002|p=168}}

===Education===

[[File:Siswa dan Kaligrafi Cina.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Local Chinese-Indonesian students writing in [[Chinese calligraphy]]]]
Citizens of [[Taiwan]] (officially known as the Republic of China) residing in Indonesia are served by two international schools:<ref name=Taiwanoverseasschool>"[http://english.moe.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=14805&ctNode=11448&mp=1 Overseas Schools]" ([https://web.archive.org/web/20160304121425/http://english.moe.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=14805&ctNode=11448&mp=1 Archive]). [[Taiwanese Ministry of Education]]. Retrieved on 10 January 2016.</ref> [[Jakarta Taipei School]] (印尼雅加達臺灣學校), which was the first Chinese-language school in Indonesia since the Indonesian government ended its ban on the Chinese language,<ref>"[http://english.moe.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=10608&ctNode=512&mp=1 Taiwan School in Jakarta, Indonesia Tropical Charm in Kalapa Gading Permai]" ([https://web.archive.org/web/20160110151302/http://english.moe.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=10608&ctNode=512&mp=1 Archive]). [[Taiwanese Ministry of Education]]. 26 February 2009. Retrieved on 10 January 2016. [http://english.moe.gov.tw/public/Attachment/93611581271.doc See Chinese text] ([https://web.archive.org/web/20180218205349/http://english.moe.gov.tw/public/Attachment/93611581271.doc Archive])</ref> and the Surabaya Taipei School (印尼泗水臺灣學校).<ref name=Taiwanoverseasschool/>

== Popular culture ==

=== Geography ===
Warung Buncit is name of an area in [[South Jakarta]] (also known as Jalan AH Nasution) that took its origin from Chinese Indonesian profile name Bun Tjit. Zaenuddin HM wrote in his book 212 ''Asal-Usul Djakarta Tempo Doeloe''<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://historia.id/urban/articles/tiga-versi-asal-usul-warung-buncit-P14rM|title=Tiga Versi Asal Usul Warung Buncit|website=Historia - Majalah Sejarah Populer Pertama di Indonesia|date=February 2018|access-date=2019-10-07}}</ref> that the name was inspired by a ''warung'' (local shop) ran by a Chinese Indonesia name Bun Tjit (styled Buncit). The shop was so famous among the local that the locals began to call the area Warung Buncit (lit., Buncit's Shop). The area had been known as Warung Buncit ever since.

=== Honorifics ===
At present, a significant number of Indonesians, irrespective of their ethnic group, frequently use Chinese-derived [[Chinese titles|kinship titles]] when addressing Chinese Indonesians.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Ada Apa dengan Koko. Cece, Susuk, Ai. Harian Dis Way. 27 Maret 2021. Hal. 38,39. Freddy H Istanto. INA – Library |url=https://www.uc.ac.id/library/ada-apa-dengan-koko-cece-susuk-ai-harian-dis-way-27-maret-2021-hal-3839-freddy-h-istanto-ina/ |access-date=2023-12-17 |language=id}}</ref> These titles are typically used colloquially, and are more prevalent in areas with a significant population of Chinese Indonesians, such as Jakarta and Surabaya.

In everyday situations, one would often hear young Chinese Indonesian men being called ''koko'' or ''kokoh'' (shortened as ''ko'' or ''koh''), derived from the Hokkien ''koko'' or Mandarin ''gēgē'' ('''{{lang|zh|{{linktext|哥哥}}}}''', elder brother). On the other hand, young Chinese Indonesian women are typically addressed as ''cece'' or ''cici'' (shortened as ''ce'' ''or'' ''ci''), stemming from ''jiějiě'' ('''{{lang|zh|{{linktext|姐姐}}}}''', elder sister). Occasionally, young Chinese Indonesian men might also be called ''titi'' or ''ti'', originating from the word Hokkien ''tîtî'' or Mandarin ''dìdì'' ('''{{lang|zh|{{linktext|弟弟}}}}''', younger brother), and women may be referred to as ''meimei'' or ''meme'', derived from the term ''mèimei'' ('''{{lang|zh|{{linktext|妹妹}}}}''', younger sister). However, the latter is infrequently used, especially by strangers, and is typically reserved for Chinese Indonesians addressing a younger family member. Other kinship titles may include ''ai'' or ''ayi'', derived from the Hokkien ''aî'' or Mandarin ''āyí'' ('''{{lang|zh|{{linktext|阿姨}}}}''', aunt), used for addressing older women, and ''susuk'' (shortened as ''suk'') derived from ''shūshu'' ('''{{lang|zh|{{linktext|叔叔}}}}''', uncle), commonly used for addressing older men.

This is evident in various platforms, such as the youth organization and pageant for Chinese Indonesians, [[:id:Koko Cici Jakarta|Koko Cici]].<ref>[http://kokocicijakarta.com/ Koko Cici Jakarta]</ref> Additionally, many Chinese Indonesians have incorporated these titles into their social media, as used by popular content creators like, kokobuncit<ref>[https://www.instagram.com/kokobuncit/ kokobuncit]</ref> and cecekuliner.<ref>[https://www.instagram.com/cecekuliner/ cecekuliner]</ref>

== See also ==
{{portal|Indonesia|China|Taiwan||Society}}
{{div col|colwidth=35em}}
* [[Chen Fu Zhen Ren]]
* [[Chinese folk religion in Southeast Asia]]
* [[Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in Indonesia]]
* [[Kong Koan]] & [[Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan]]
* [[Balinese Chinese]]
* [[Benteng Chinese]]
* [[Chinese in the Bangka Belitung Islands]]
* [[Ashin Jinarakkhita]]
* [[List of Chinese Indonesians]]
* [[Chinese Indonesian surname]]
* [[Kongsi republic]]
* [[List of kongsi]]
* [[Lanfang Republic]]
* [[Thai Chinese]]
* [[Cambodian Chinese]]
* [[Burmese Chinese]]
* [[Laotian Chinese]]
* [[Hoa people|Vietnamese Chinese]]
* [[Malaysian Chinese]]
* [[Chinese Singaporeans|Singaporean Chinese]]
* [[Ethnic Chinese in Brunei|Bruneian Chinese]]
* [[Chinese Filipinos|Filipino Chinese]]
* [[Discrimination against Chinese Indonesians]]
* [[Legislation on Chinese Indonesians]]
* [[1740 Batavia massacre]]
* [[1918 Kudus riot]]
* [[May 1998 riots of Indonesia]]
* ''[[The Chinese in Indonesia]]'', a book by Pramoedya Ananta Toer
* [[Indonesian Americans]]
* [[Indonesian Australians]]
* [[People's Republic of China&nbsp;– Indonesia relations]]
* [[Indonesia–Taiwan relations]]
* [[Peranakans]]
{{div col end}}

== Notes ==
{{notelist}}

== References ==
{{reflist
| refs =

<ref name="census 2010">{{cite book
  | publisher =Badan Pusat Statistik
  | title =Kewarganegaraan, Suku Bangsa, Agama dan Bahasa Sehari-hari Penduduk Indonesia Hasil Sensus Penduduk 2010
  | year =2011
  | isbn =9789790644175
  | url =http://sp2010.bps.go.id/files/ebook/kewarganegaraan%20penduduk%20indonesia/index.html
  | archive-url =https://web.archive.org/web/20170710134114/http://sp2010.bps.go.id/files/ebook/kewarganegaraan%20penduduk%20indonesia/index.html
  | archive-date =10 July 2017
  | url-status =dead
 }}</ref>

<ref name="unofficial estimates">
{{cite news
| work = BBC News
| date = 2 July 2014
| title = New voting power of Chinese Indonesians
| url = https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-27991754
| access-date = 30 March 2017
}}
</ref>

<ref name="BBC 23 June 1998">
{{cite news
| work = BBC News
| date = 23 June 1998
| title = Ethnic Chinese tell of mass rapes
| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/events/indonesia/special_report/118576.stm
| access-date = 4 February 2010
}}
</ref>

<ref name="hermawanjp">
{{cite news
| work = The Jakarta Post
|last=Hermawan
|first=Ary
| date = 23 June 1998
| title = Films tell the lost history of May riots
| url = http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2008/05/17/films-tell-lost-history-may-riots.html
| access-date = 12 June 2012
}}
</ref>

<ref name="Napier 9 November 1999">
{{cite news
| last = Napier
| first = Catherine
| date = 9 November 1999
| work = BBC News
| title = Wahid Aims to Bring Back the Billions
| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/512754.stm
| access-date = 31 January 2009
}}
</ref>

<ref name="Adam Malik">
{{cite news
| script-title=zh:阿丹・馬立克外長談稱 還沒有迫切性去匆匆與中共恢復正常關係
|trans-title=Foreign Minister Adam Malik: No Urgency to Normalize Relations with Communist China
| work = [[Harian Indonesia]]
| agency = [[Antara (news agency)|Antara]]
| date = 26 April 1973
| page = 1
| language = zh
}}
</ref>

<ref name="Johnston 3 March 2005">
{{cite news
| last = Johnston
| first = Tim
| date = 3 March 2005
| work = BBC News
| title = Chinese diaspora: Indonesia
| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4312805.stm
| access-date = 25 January 2010
}}
</ref>

<ref name="Tempo 2007">{{cite journal
| language = id
| title = Peraturan yang Menggusur Tionghoa
| trans-title = Regulations displace the ethnic Chinese
| journal = [[Tempo magazine (Indonesia)|Tempo]]
| volume = 36
| issue = 25
| date = 13–19 August 2007
| pages = 94–95
| issn = 0126-4273
| url = http://majalah.tempointeraktif.com/id/arsip/2007/08/13/LU/mbm.20070813.LU124735.id.html
| access-date = 23 February 2010
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| archive-date = 18 April 2010
| url-status = dead
}}</ref>

<ref name="BusinessWorld">
{{cite journal
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| first = Alfred S.
| date = 8 January 1999
| title = Correcting the Myth About the Dominance of Ethnic Chinese in Indonesian Business
| journal = [[BusinessWorld]]
| page = 25
| issn = 0116-3930
}}
</ref>

<ref name="Mead 28 June 1998">
{{cite news
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| first = Walter Russell
| author-link = Walter Russell Mead
| date = 28 June 1998
| title = The Capitalist; Bottom-Fishing Time?
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| first = Uli
| date = 18 March 1998
| title = Asia Neighbors Fear Spread of Indonesia's Economic Ills
| newspaper = Chicago Tribune
| url = https://www.chicagotribune.com/1998/03/18/asia-neighbors-fear-spread-of-indonesias-economic-ills/
| access-date = 27 July 2010
}}
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<ref name="Tjhin 21 December 2008">
{{cite journal
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 |date        = 21 December 2008
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 |archive-date = 26 July 2011}}
</ref>

<ref name="The Jakarta Post 12 June 2009">
{{cite news
 |newspaper   = The Jakarta Post
 |date        = 12 June 2009
 |title       = Chinese-Indonesians to quiz vice presidential candidates
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 |access-date  = 12 June 2009
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 |archive-url  = https://web.archive.org/web/20090617213902/http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/06/12/chineseindonesians-quiz-vice-presidential-candidates.html
 |archive-date = 17 June 2009}}
</ref>

<ref name="Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor">
{{cite web
| author = Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
| author-link = Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
| title = Indonesia
| work = 2009 Annual Report to Congress on International Religious Freedom
| publisher = [[United States Department of State]]
| year = 2009
| url = https://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127271.htm
| archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20091130031810/http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127271.htm
| url-status = dead
| archive-date = 30 November 2009
| access-date = 26 January 2010
}}
</ref>

<!-- <ref name="Brazier 27 April 2006">
{{cite news
| last = Brazier
| first = Roderick
| date = 27 April 2006
| title = In Indonesia, the Chinese go to church
| newspaper = International Herald Tribune
| url = https://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/27/opinion/27iht-edbrazier.html
| access-date = 27 January 2010
}}
</ref> -->

<ref name="AFP 7 February 2008">
{{cite news
 |agency=[[Agence France-Presse]]
 |date=7 February 2008
 |title=In Indonesia, Lunar New Year an old practice for young Christians
 |url=http://afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5gZ68H857ADsOp81TePJQmLhShESw
 |access-date=15 August 2011
 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111128130042/http://afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5gZ68H857ADsOp81TePJQmLhShESw
 |archive-date=28 November 2011
 |url-status=dead}}
</ref>

}}

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{{refend}}

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* {{citation | editor1-last = Hellwig | editor1-first = Tineke | editor2-last = Tagliacozzo | editor2-first = Eric | title = The Indonesia Reader: History, Culture, Politics | publisher = [[Duke University Press]] | place = Durham, N.C. | year = 2009 | isbn = 978-0-8223-4424-7 | name-list-style = amp | postscript = . | url-access = registration | url = https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780822344247}}
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{{refend}}

== Further reading ==
* Willmott, Donald Earl. ''The Chinese of Semarang: A Changing Minority in Indonesia'', Ithaca ([[Cornell University Press]]), 1960.
* Evi Nurvidya Arifin, M. Sairi Hasbullah & Agus Pramono (2017), ''[https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2016.1227236 Chinese Indonesians: how many, who and where?]'', Asian Ethnicity, 18:3, 310–329.

== External links ==
{{Commons category|Chinese Indonesians}}
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20090126222251/http://en.inti.or.id/ Chinese Indonesian Association] (''{{lang|id|Perhimpunan Indonesia Tionghoa}}'', INTI)
* [https://archive.today/20130615214254/http://www.psmti-pusat.org/ Chinese Indonesian Social Association] (''{{lang|id|Paguyuban Sosial Marga Tionghoa Indonesia}}'', PSMTI)
* {{in lang|id}} [http://www.tionghoa.info Tradisi dan Budaya Tionghoa]

{{Ethnic groups in Indonesia}}
{{Overseas Chinese}}
{{Indonesian diaspora}}

{{Good article}}

[[Category:Ethnic groups in Indonesia]]
[[Category:Immigration to Indonesia]]
[[Category:Chinese diaspora by country|Indonesian]]
[[Category:Indonesian people of Chinese descent| ]]
[[Category:Chinese diaspora in Indonesia]]
[[Category:Chinese Indonesian culture]]