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==Political and cultural history== ===Early Muslim communities=== The second caliph, [[Umar|Umar ibn al-Khattab]], funded a group of Muslims to study the revelations, stories of Muhammed's life, "and other pertinent data, so that when he needed expert advice" he could draw it from these "people of the bench". According to [[Tamim Ansary]], this group evolved into the ''Ulama''<ref name=Destiny_disrupted_50>{{cite book |last1=Ansary |first1=Tamim|title=Destiny Disrupted |page=50 |publisher=Public Affairs |location=New York |year=2009}}</ref> ===''Fiqh''=== The formative period of [[Fiqh|Islamic jurisprudence]] stretches back to the time of the early Muslim communities. In this period, jurists were more concerned with pragmatic issues of authority and teaching than with theory.<ref>{{cite book|last=Weiss|first = Bernard G.|date =2002|pages = 3, 161|title = Studies in Islamic Legal Theory|location = Leiden |publisher = Brill |isbn = 978-90-04-12066-2}}</ref> Progress in theory began to develop with the coming of the early Muslim jurist [[Muhammad ibn Idris ash-Shafi'i]] (767–820), who codified the basic principles of Islamic jurisprudence in his book ''ar-Risālah''. The book details the four roots of law (Qur'an, [[Sunnah]], ''[[ijma]]'', and ''[[qiyas]]'') while specifying that the primary Islamic texts (the Qur'an and the hadith) must be understood according to objective rules of interpretation derived from scientific study of the Arabic language.<ref>Weiss (2002), p.162</ref> According to Feldman (2008), under many Muslim caliphate states and later states ruled by sultans, the ulama were regarded as the guardians of Islamic law and prevented the Caliph from dictating legal results, with the ruler and ulama forming a sort of "separation of powers" in government.<ref name=Feldman/> Laws were decided based on the ''[[Ijma]]'' (consensus) of the [[Ummah]] (community), which was most often represented by the legal scholars.<ref name=Feldman>{{Cite news| last=Feldman | first=Noah |title=Why Shariah?|date=March 16, 2008|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/16/magazine/16Shariah-t.html?ei=5070&em=&en=5c1b8de536ce606f&ex=1205812800&pagewanted=all|access-date=2008-10-05|newspaper=The New York Times}}</ref> ===Early modern Islamic empires=== The Sunni Ottoman, and the [[Shi'a]] Safavid Persian dynasties, rulers of the two opponent early modern Islamic empires, both relied on ulama in order to legitimise their power. In both empires, ulama patronised by the royal courts created "official" religious doctrines which supported the dynastic rule. At the high points of their political power, respectively, the development took different paths: The Ottoman Sultan [[Süleyman I]] successfully integrated the imperial ulama into the imperial bureaucracy, and Ottoman secular law into Islamic law.<ref name="Zilfi 2006"/> In contrast, Shah [[Abbas I of Persia]] was unable to gain similar support by the Shi'a ulama, who retained a more independent position. During the late Safavid empire, the Shi'a ulama developed into one of the warrantors of continuity in a period of instability of the central government, thus securing a relative independency which they retained during the reign of subsequent dynasties.<ref name="Garthwaite_NCHoI_507_508"/> ====Ottoman imperial Sunni ulama==== [[File:Seyh-ül-Islâm.jpg|thumb|Seyh-ül-Islâm, watercolour, ca. 1809]] After the [[Fall of Constantinople]] in 1453, the leaders and subjects of the Ottoman Empire became increasingly aware of its role as a [[great power]] of its time. This new self-awareness was associated with the idea to legitimise the new political role by linking the religious scholarship to the political system: Ottoman historians of the 15th and 16th century like Ibn Zunbul or Eyyûbî,<ref>{{cite book |author=Eyyûbî |translator-first=Mehmet |translator-last=Akkuş |title=Menâkib-i Sultan Süleyman (Risâle-i Pâdisçâh-nâme) |publisher=Kültür Bakanlığı |location=Ankara |year=1991 |isbn=978-975-17-0757-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6vEvAAAAIAAJ}}</ref> described the deeds of the Ottoman sultans in terms of idealised Islamic [[Ghazi (warrior)|ghazi]] warriors. According to Burak (2015), the [[Ottoman literature]] genres of the "rank order" ({{langx|tr|tabaḳat}} and the "biografic lexicon" ({{langx|tr|Eş-şakaiku'n}}) compiled the biographies of scholars in such ways as to create a concise and coherent tradition of the doctrine and structure of the Ottoman imperial scholarship. During the 16th century, scholars like the Shaykh al-Islām [[Ibn Kemal|Kemālpaşazade]] (d. 1534), [[Taşköprüzade|Aḥmād b. Muṣṭafā Taşköprüzāde]] (1494–1561), Kınalızāde ʿAli Çelebi (d. 1572) and Ali ben Bali (1527–1584)<ref>{{cite book |author=Gürzat Kami |title=Understanding a sixteenth-century ottoman scholar-bureaucrat: Ali b. Bali (1527–1584) and his biographical dictionary Al-ʻIqd al-Manzum fi Dhikr Afazil al-Rum. M.A. Thesis |publisher=Graduate school of social sciences, İstanbul Şehir University |location=Istanbul |year=2015 |pages=54–55 |url=https://www.academia.edu/19605045 |access-date=2017-04-22}}</ref> established a seamless chain of tradition from [[Abu Hanifa]] to their own time. Explicitly, some authors stated that their work must not only be understood as the historiography of the Hanafi [[madhhab]], but that it should be consulted in case of eventual disagreements within the school of law. This exemplifies their purpose to establish a canon of [[Hanafi]] law within the Ottoman imperial scholarship.<ref name="Burak_P65_100">{{cite book | last=Burak | first=Guy |title=The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-107-09027-9 |pages=65–100}}</ref> which modern Ottomanists termed the "Ottoman Islam".<ref>{{cite book |author=Tijana Krstić |title=Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire |publisher=Stanford University Press |location=Stanford, CA |year=2011 |isbn=978-0-8047-7785-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DtkcO1B5pCQC&pg=PT16| page=16}}</ref> After 1453, [[Mehmed the Conqueror]] (1432–1481) had established eight madrasas in former Byzantine church buildings,<ref name="inalcik-167">{{cite book| last1=İnalcik| first1=Halil| chapter=Learning, the Medrese, and the Ulemas | title=The Ottoman Empire: The classical age 1300–1600| date=2002| publisher=Phoenix Press| location=London| isbn=978-1-84212-442-0| page=167| edition=2nd}}</ref> and later founded the ''[[Sahn-ı Seman Medrese|sahn-ı şeman]]'' or "Eight courtyards madrasa", adjacent to the [[Fatih Mosque, Istanbul|Fatih mosque]], where he brought together the most distinguished Islamic law scholars of his territory.<ref>{{cite book | last=Barkey | first=Karen |title=Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2008 |isbn=978-0-521-71533-1| pages=102–103}}</ref> In his 2015 study on the "second formation of Islamic law",<ref>{{cite book | last=Burak | first=Guy |title=The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-107-09027-9}}</ref> Burak has shown in detail how the Ottoman state gradually imposed upon the traditional ulama a hierarchy of "official imperial scholars", appointed and paid by the central government. From the conquest of the [[Mamluk Sultanate (Cairo)|Mamluk Sultanate of Cairo]] in 1517 onwards, the Ottoman ulama set up their own interpretation of the Sunni Hanafi doctrine which then served as the official religious doctrine of the empire. The formal acknowledgment by decree of the sultan became a prerequisite to issue fatwas. In the 17th century, the annalist al-Hamawi used the expression "sultanic mufti" (''al-ifta' al-sultani'') to delineate the difference between the officially appointed religious leaders and those who had followed the traditional way of education.<ref name=burak21-64/><ref>{{cite book |author=Muṣṭafa b. Fatḫ Allāh al-Ḥamawi |title=Fawāʿid al-irtiḫāl wa-natā'ij al-safar fi akhbār al-qarn al-ḥādī ʿashar |publisher=Dār al-Nawadīr |location=Beirut |year=2011 |page=128}}, cited after Burak 2015, p. 48</ref> Other authors at that time called the Ottoman law scholars "Hanafi of Rūm [i.e., the Ottoman Empire]" ''(Rūmi ḫānāfi)'', "Scholars of Rūm" ''(ʿulamā'-ı rūm)'' or "Scholars of the Ottoman Empire" (''ʿulamā' al-dawla al-ʿUthmaniyyā'').<ref>{{cite book |author=Aḥmad b. Muṣṭafa Taşköprüzade |title=Al-Shaqāʿiq al-nuʿmāniyya fi ʿulamā' al-dawla al-ʿUthmaniyyā |publisher=Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabi |location=Beirut |year=1975 |page=5}}, cited after Burak, 2015</ref> The [[Shaykh al-Islām]] ({{langx|tr|Şeyhülislam}}) in Istanbul became the highest-ranking Islamic scholar within, and head of the ulama throughout the empire.<ref name=burak21-64>{{cite book | last=Burak | first=Guy |title=The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-107-09027-9 |pages=21–64}}</ref> The ulama in the Ottoman Empire had a significant influence over politics due to the belief that secular institutions were all subordinate to Islamic law, the [[Sharia]] ({{langx|tr|Şeriat}}). The ulama were responsible for interpreting the religious law, therefore they claimed that their power superseded that of the government.<ref name=inalcik-171>Inalcik, Halil. 1973. "Learning, the Medrese, and the Ulemas." In the Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300–1600. New York: Praeger, p. 171.</ref> Within the Ottoman hierarchy of ulama, the Shaykh al-Islām held the highest rank. He exerted his influence by issuing fatwas, his written interpretations of the sharia had authority over the entire Ottoman population. In the 16th century, as the support by the ulama of the sultan and the central government was essential for shaping the still-growing empire, the importance of the office rose, and its power increased. As members of the ''[[Ilmiye]]'', the imperial scholars were part of the Ottoman elite class of the [[Askeri]], and were exempt from any taxes.<ref>{{cite book | first=Hans Georg | last=Majer|title=Vorstudien zur Geschichte der İlmiye im Osmanischen Reich|publisher=Trofenik|location=München|pages=1–28|isbn=978-3-87828-125-2|date=1978|language=de}}</ref> However, by approving scholars and appointing them to offices, over time the sultan's influence increased over the religious scholars, although, as a Muslim, he still stood under the Islamic law.<ref name="Zilfi 2006">{{cite book | last=Zilfi | first=Madeline C. |chapter=The Ottoman Ulema | editor-first=Suraiya N. | editor-last=Faroqhi | title=The Cambridge History of Turkey | volume=3: The Later Ottoman Empire 1603–1839 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, U.K. |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-62095-6 |page=213}}</ref> Even the Shaykh al-Islām was subordinate to the sultan; his position, like the ranks of the muftis, was described as a "service" ({{langx|tr|hizmet}}) or "rank" ({{langx|tr|rütbe}} or ''paye-ı Sahn''), to which a candidate was appointed or elevated.<ref>{{cite book| last=Repp | first=Richard Cooper | title=The Müfti of Istanbul. A study in the development of the Ottoman learned hierarchy| publisher=Ithaka Press| location=London| year=1986| isbn=978-0-86372-041-3| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=017YAAAAMAAJ| page=307}}</ref> Sometimes, the sultans made use of their power: In 1633, [[Murad IV]] gave order to execute the Shaykh al-Islām Ahīzāde Ḥüseyin Efendi. In 1656, Shaykh al-Islām Ḥocazāde Mesʿud Efendi was sentenced to death by sultan [[Mehmed IV]].<ref>{{cite book | last=Burak | first=Guy |title=The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-107-09027-9 |page=47}}</ref> The use of the Sunni Islam as a legitimisation of the Ottoman dynastic rule is closely linked to Sultan [[Süleyman I]] and his [[kazasker]] and later Schaykh al-Islām [[Ebussuud Efendi]]. Ebussuud compiled an imperial book of law (''ḳānūn-nāme''),<ref name="Imber_CHT_3_236_238">{{cite book | last=Imber | first=Colin |chapter=Government, administration and law | editor-first=Suraiya N. | editor-last=Faroqhi | title=The Cambridge History of Turkey | volume=3 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-62095-6 |pages=205–240, see p. 236–238}}</ref> which combined religious law ''(sharīʿah)'' with secular dynastic law ''([[Qanun (law)|ḳānūn]])'' in the person of the sultan.<ref name="Barkey_2008">{{cite book | last=Barkey | first=Karen |title=Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, UK |year=2008 |isbn=978-0-521-71533-1| page=134}}</ref> For example, Ebussuud provided a reason why the government could own land, or could levy and increase taxes, as the government was responsible for the protection of the common good of all Muslims.<ref name="Imber_CHT_3_236_238"/> ====Shi'a state religion of Safavid Persia==== [[Safi-ad-din Ardabili|Shaikh Safi-ad-Din Ardabili]] (1252–1334) was the founder of the [[Safaviyya]] [[tariqa]]. Safi ad-Din's great-great grandson [[Ismail I|Ismail]], who from 1501 onwards ruled over the [[Persian Empire]], was the founder of the [[Safavid dynasty]]. [[Shah]] Ismail I proclaimed the [[Twelver]] Shi'a as the new Persian state religion. To [[Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam|propagate the Safavid faith]], he invited ulama from [[Qom]], [[Jabal Amel|Jabal 'Āmil]] in southern [[Lebanon]] and [[Syria]] to travel around Iran and promote the Shi'a doctrine.<ref>{{cite book| author=Willem Floor, Edmund Herzig| title=Iran and the World in the Safavid Age| date=2015| publisher=I.B.Tauris| isbn=978-1-78076-990-5| page=20| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HZNpBgAAQBAJ&q=safavids+imported+lebanon}}</ref><ref>{{cite book| last=Savory | first=Roger | title=Iran under the Safavids| date=2007| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| isbn=978-0-521-04251-2| page=30|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v4Yr4foWFFgC&q=safavids+imported+syria}}</ref> In 1533, Shah [[Tahmasp I]] commissioned a new edition of the [[Safvat as-safa]], Shaikh Ṣāfī's genealogy. It was rewritten in order to support the royal family's claim at descendency from [[Musa al-Kadhim]], the Seventh Imam, and thus to legitimise the Safavid rule.<ref>{{cite book| last1=Quinn| first1=Sholeh A.| editor1-last=Cook| editor1-first=Michael |chapter=Iran under Safavid rule | title=The new Cambridge history of Islam | volume=3| date=2010| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| isbn=978-0-521-51536-8| pages=203–238, see p. 214| edition=3rd}}</ref> During the reign of Shah [[Abbas I of Persia|Abbas I]] (1571 – 1629 AD), the argument of the [[Theocracy|theocratic]] unity of religious and political power was no longer sufficient to legitimise the Shah's authority: Shi'a ulama renounced the monarch's claim to represent the hidden Imam by teaching that descendancy did not necessarily mean representation. Likewise, as the influence of Sufi mysticism weakened, the Shah's role as the head of the Safaviyya lost its significance as a justification for his political role. Abbas I thus sought to associate himself with eminent ulama like [[Bahāʾ al-dīn al-ʿĀmilī|Shaykh Bahāʾi]] (1574–1621 AD), whom he made Shaykh al-Islām in his new capital, Isfahan. Other famous ulama working under Abbas's patronage were [[Mir Damad]] (d. 1631 or 1632 AD), one of the founders of the [[School of Isfahan]], and [[Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ardabili]] (d. 1585). By their teachings, they further developed the Shi'a Islamic teachings and religious practice. However, as religion did no longer suffice to support political power in Persia, Abbas I had to develop independent concepts to legitimise his rule. He did so by creating a new ''[[ghulam]]'' army, thus evoking the [[Turco-Mongol tradition]] of [[Timur]] and his reign.<ref>{{cite book| last1=Quinn| first1=Sholeh A.| editor1-last=Cook| editor1-first=Michael |chapter=Iran under Safavid rule | title=The new Cambridge history of Islam | volume=3| date=2010| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| isbn=978-0-521-51536-8| pages=221–224| edition=3rd}}</ref> ===19th century=== ====New Ottoman scholarly elite==== By the beginning of the 19th century, the Ottoman ulama still retained their political influence. When sultan [[Selim III]] tried to reform the [[Military of the Ottoman Empire|Ottoman army]], the ulama opposed his plans, which they rejected as an [[Apostasy in Islam|apostasy from Islam]]. Consequently, his reform failed. However, Selims successor [[Mahmud II]] (r. 1808–1839) was more successful: He called the new troops, organised according to European models, by the name "Victorious army of Muhammad" (''Asâkir-i Mansure-i Muhammediye''). By doing so, he was able to overcome the accusation of apostasy and secure the ulama's support.<ref name="HME_73_75">{{cite book| author=William L. Cleveland, Martin Bunton| title=A history of the modern Middle East| publisher=Perseus Books Group| location=New York| year=2016| isbn=978-0-8133-4980-0| pages=73–75}}</ref> Mahmuds reforms created a new imperial elite class who spoke Western European languages and were knowledgeable of the Western European societies and their political systems. As the political and economic pressure increased on the Ottoman Empire in the course of the 19th century, this new elite carried on the Sultan's reforms and helped initiating a new era of reform, the [[Tanzimat]]. In parallel, the political influence of the ulama was circumvented and reduced step by step. A [[Ministry of Sharia and the Foundations|ministry for religious endowments]] was created in order to control the finances of the [[Waqf|vakıf]]. Thus, the ulama lost direct control over their finances, which significantly reduced their capacity to exert political influence.<ref name="HME_73_75"/> ====Orthodox Shi'a ulama in post-Safavid and Qajar Iran==== [[File:Portrait of Allamah Majlisi.jpg|thumb|Iranian Shaykh ul-Islam Mohammad-Baqer Majlesi (1627–1699)]] In Iran, a period of political instability began with the collapse of the Safavid reign after shah [[Sultan Husayn]]s death in 1722. In the light of the discontinuity and fragmentation of the central government, two social groups maintained continuity and, consequently, rose in power: Tribal chieftains established, amongst others, the [[Khanates of the Caucasus]], the [[Afsharid dynasty|Afsharid]] and [[Zand dynasty|Zand dynasties]]. The second group who benefitted from the weakness of the central authority was the Shi'a ulama. According to Garthwaite (2010), "the ulama constituted one institution that not only provided continuity, but gradually asserted its role over and against royal authority." A process of change began which continued throughout the 19th century and into the present.<ref name="Garthwaite_NCHoI_504_525">{{cite book| last1=Garthwaite| first1=G.R.| editor1-last=Cook| editor1-first=Michael |chapter=Transition: The end of the old order – Iran in the eighteenth century | title=The new Cambridge history of Islam | volume=3| date=2010| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| isbn=978-0-521-51536-8| pages=504–525, see p. 506| edition=3rd}}</ref> Already some of the last Safavids, [[Suleiman I of Persia|Sulayman Shah]] (r. 1666–1694) and [[Tahmasp II]] (r. 1722–1732) had sought the ulama's support in an attempt to strengthen their authority. Particularly, they associated themselves with a group of ulama who supported the "official" [[Twelver]] Shi'a doctrine, established by the Iranian Shaykh al-Islām [[Mohammad-Baqer Majlesi]] (1627–1699) during the later decades of Safavid rule. The dispute between the Twelver Shi'a and [[Mir Damad]]'s (d. 1631 or 1632) and [[Mulla Sadra]]'s (c. 1571/2 – 1640) [[School of Isfahan]], who promoted Sufi mysticism and [[Islamic philosophy]], continued throughout the 18th century, and shaped the relationship between ulama and government during the reigns of the subsequent dynasties.<ref name="Garthwaite_NCHoI_507_508">{{cite book| last1=Garthwaite| first1=G.R.| editor1-last=Cook| editor1-first=Michael |chapter=Transition: The end of the old order – Iran in the eighteenth century | title=The new Cambridge history of Islam | volume=3 | date=2010| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| isbn=978-0-521-51536-8| pages=504–525, see pp. 507–508| edition=3rd}}</ref> With the accession of [[Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar]] to the Iranian throne, the [[Qajar dynasty]] consolidated the central power. However, the Qajar Shahs, in particular [[Naser al-Din Shah Qajar]] (r. 1848–1896), whose reign paralleled that of the Ottoman Sultans of the Tanzimat time, failed at obtaining central control over the ulama. The [[Shia|Shiite]] scholars retained their political influence on the Persian society. They also maintained unrestricted access to the financial resources from the religious endowments. In addition, the Islamic [[Zakat]] tax was paid to individual imams and not to state-sponsored tax collectors. Both their religious influence and their financial means allowed the Shiite ulama to act, at times, against the Shah.<ref>{{cite book| author=William L. Cleveland, Martin Bunton| title=A history of the modern Middle East| publisher=Perseus Books Group| location=New York| year=2016| isbn=978-0-8133-4980-0| pages=104–110}}</ref> Thus, under the Qajar dynasty, the ulama provided a source of religious legitimacy and served as interpreters of religious law in a dual legal system where the state administered law based on custom ''([[Urf|ʻurf]])''.<ref name=choueiri-81>{{cite book|last1=Ghazzal|first1=Zhouhair|editor1-last=Choueiri|editor1-first=Youssef M.|title=A Companion to the History of the Middle East|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|page=81|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1ioTXW3316AC&q=history+of+the+ulama&pg=PA81|access-date=10 September 2015|isbn=9781405152044|date=2008-04-15}}</ref> ===19th/20th century: Ulama and Muslim reform=== ====Reformers and concepts==== Starting in the first half of the 19th century, direct contacts began and gradually increased between members of the ulama and modern Western Europe. The Egyptian alim [[Rifa'a al-Tahtawi]] (1801–1873) was amongst the first members of the ulama who travelled to Europe. As a religious counsellor to a delegation by the Egyptian [[khedive]] [[Muhammad Ali of Egypt|Muhammad Ali Pasha]] he stayed in Paris from 1826 to 1831. His report "The Extraction of Gold or an Overview of Paris" (''Taḫlīṣ al-ibrīz fī talḫīṣ Bārīz'') (1849) included some outlines of future reforms and potential improvements in his native country. Although al-Tahtawi had gone through the traditional education of an alim, his interest focused on modern French concepts of administration and economy. He only referred to Islam in order to emphasize that Muslims can adopt practical knowledge and insights from Europe. As such, lt-Tahtawi's report reflects the political efforts of Muhammad Ali Pasha, who did not intend to reform al-Azhar university, but aimed at building an independent educational system sponsored by his government.<ref name="Dallal_NCHoI">{{cite book |author=[[Ahmad S. Dallal]] |chapter=The origins and early development of Islamic reform | editor-first=R. | editor-last=Hefner | title=The New Cambridge History of Islam | volume=6: Muslims and modernity |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-521-84443-7 |location=Cambridge, U.K. |pages=107–147}}</ref> [[Hayreddin Pasha]] (1822/3–1890) was an [[Ottoman Tunisia]]n alim and statesman who reformed the administration and jurisdiction of the province. He was able to explain his ideas in French (''Réformes nécessaires aux États musulmans'' – Necessary reforms of the Muslim states. Paris, 1868), which he had learned whilst representing his sovereign [[Ahmad I ibn Mustafa|Ahmad Bey]] at the court of [[Napoleon III]] from 1852 to 1855. In contrast to al-Tahtawi, Hayreddin Pasha used the religious concept of the Muslim collective interest ''([[Maslaha|maṣlaḥa]])'' to make his point, thereby applying the idea of [[ijtihad]] to public affairs.<ref name="Dallal_NCHoI" /> Positions comparable to the Western Islamic ulama were also taken in the Eastern parts of the Islamic world by [[Syed Ahmad Khan]], the pioneering Muslim modernist in South Asia, and [[Jamal al-Din al-Afghani]]. The latter is regarded as the mentor of [[Pan-Islamism]], but also as one of the founders of the [[Islamism|political Islam]] and of the late 19th and 20th century [[Salafi movement]].<ref name="Dallal_NCHoI" /> The [[Dar al-Ifta al-Misriyyah|Egyptian Grand Mufti]] [[Muhammad Abduh]] (1849–1905), who was granted the degree of 'Alim by al-Azhar university in 1877, was the first who used the term [[Islah|Islāh]] in order to denote political and religious reforms. Until 1887 he edited together with al-Afghani the newspaper ''al-ʿUrwa al-Wuthqā'' ("The firm bond"). The gazette widely spread the pan-islamistic concept of Islam representing a religious bond which was believed to be stronger than nationality or language. From 1876 on, Abduh edited the newspaper ''[[Al-Ahram|al-Ahrām]]''. Since 1898, he also edited, together with [[Rashid Rida]] (1865–1935), the newspaper ''al-Manār'' ("The Beacon"),{{refn|group=note|not to be confused with the television station [[Al-Manar]]}} in which he further developed his ideas. ''al-Manār'' appeared in print for almost 40 years and was read throughout the Islamic world.<ref name="Dallal_NCHoI" /> ʿAbduh understood Islah as a concept of "reform of mankind" ''(iṣlāḥ nauʿ al-insān)''.<ref name="merad_144a">Merad: Article "Iṣlāḥ. 1. The Arab World" in ''EI²'' Vol. IV. p. 144a.</ref> In his works, he emphasized the special importance of a reform of the traditional madrasa system, which was taken to disadvantage by the parallel establishment of the secular, state-sponsored educational system in Egypt. He strove at reconciling the traditional and modern educational systems, thereby justifying from the point of view of Islam the introduction of modern institutions by the national state. He referred to the Islamic concept of the collective interest or [[common good]] of the Muslim community ''(maṣlaḥa)'', to which he accorded overarching importance ''(al-maṣlaḥa shar)'' in the interest of his fellow Muslims. The concept of ''islāh'' gained special relevance for the future, as it strives at understanding and justifying all aspects of modern life from the Islamic doctrine.<ref name="Dallal_NCHoI" /> After Abduh's death in 1905, Rashīd Ridā continued editing ''al-Manār'' on his own. In 1924, he published a collection of writings by some ulama of [[Najd]]: ''Maǧmūʿat al-ḥadiṭ an-naǧdīya''.<ref>Cairo, Maṭb. al-Manār, 1342/1924</ref> Thus, the teachings of the Yemeni alim [[Muhammad ash-Shawkani]] (1759–1839), which had already been discussed since the 1880s, gained greater publicity. Likewise, the writings of the [[Hanbali]] scholar [[Ibn Taymiyyah]] (1263–1328) came to attention again. Ibn Taymiyyah's doctrine provided a link between the [[Wahhabism|''wahhabiyya'']] and parts of the [[Salafi movement|''salafiyya'']] movements.<ref>{{cite book|first=Reinhard | last=Schulze|title=Geschichte der Islamischen Welt von 1900 bis zur Gegenwart|publisher=C. H. Beck|location=München|pages=111–117| isbn=978-3-406-68855-3|date=2016| language=de}}</ref> The theological differences between the two movements were altogether too large for a complete union of the two doctrines. However, the opening of the Salafi movement towards Wahhabism helped to reconcile the latter with the Islamic public after king [[Ibn Saud]]'s invasion of the [[Hijaz]] in 1924. The Central Arabian militias (''[[Ikhwan|Iḫwān]]'') had occupied and looted the holy towns of Mecca and Medina, thereby destroying monuments which they considered pagan (''[[Shirk (Islam)|shirk]]''). Starting with the Pan-Islamic Congress in Mecca in 1926, the pro-Saudi movement developed into one of the most relevant currents of Islamic thought.{{citation needed|date=April 2017}} In his Egyptian exile, the Syrian alim [[Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi|Abd ar-Rahman al-Kawakibi]] (1854–1902) met al-Afghani, Abduh and Rida. In his books ''Ṭabāʾiʿ al-istibdād'' ("The nature of [[despotism]]") and ''Umm al-Qurā'' ("Mother of villages [i.e., Mecca]", 1899) he accused the Ottoman sultan [[Abdülhamid II]] of corrupting the [[Ummah|Islamic community]]. The Ottoman despotism "encroaches on the rights of its citizens, keeps them ignorant to keep them passive, [and] denies their right to take an active part in human life".<ref name="Hourani_2001_PP272_273">Al-Kawākibī's thoughts are cited as summarised in* {{cite book| last1=Hourani| first1=Albert| title=Arabic thought in the liberal age, 1798–1939| date=2001| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge| isbn=978-0-521-27423-4| pages=272–273| edition=Reprinted}}</ref> Therefore, the law must be reformed. By the use of ''ijtihad'', a "modern and unified system of law" must be created, and "proper religious education" must be provided. Because of the central position of the Arabic peoples in the ''ummah'' and the Arabic language in the intellectual discourse, but also because "Arabian Islam is ... free from modern corruptions and the [[bedouin]] are free from the moral decay and passivity of despotism", the balance of power must shift from the Turks towards the Arabs. The Ottoman dynasty must give up their claim to the [[Ottoman caliphate|caliphate]], and a new caliph of [[Quraysh]] descent must be elected by representatives of the ''ummah''. His temporal authority would be set up in the [[Hejaz]], whilst he would hold religious authority over the entire Muslim community, "assisted ... by a consultative council nominated by the Muslim rulers".<ref name="Hourani_2001_PP272_273"/> Al-Kawākibīs idea that the Arabian doctrine represented a more puristic form of the Islam, according to Cleveland and Bunton (2016), prepared the ground for the 20th century [[Arab nationalism]] as well as the Islamic renewal movement of the [[Nahda]].<ref>{{cite book| author=William L. Cleveland, Martin Bunton| title=A history of the modern Middle East| publisher=Perseus Books Group| location=New York| year=2016| isbn=978-0-8133-4980-0| page=120}}</ref> ====Muslim mass organizations==== In 1912, the [[Muhammadiyah]] organization was founded in [[Yogyakarta]] (in modern-day [[Indonesia]]),<ref>{{cite book | first=Suaidi | last=Asyari|title=Traditionalist vs. Modernist Islam in Indonesian Politics: Muhammadiyah|publisher=VDM Verlag Dr. Müller|location=Saarbrücken|isbn=978-3-639-22993-6|date=2010|language=de}}</ref> which, together with [[Nahdlatul Ulama]] ("Reawakening of the ulama"), founded in 1926, form the two largest Muslim organizations in the world.<ref>{{cite book| first=John | last=Esposito| title=Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics| date=2013| publisher=OUP USA| page=570| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Hc7iAAAAQBAJ&q=nahdlatul+ulama+world%27s+largest&pg=PA570| access-date=24 April 2017| isbn=9780195395891}}</ref> Since the 1930s, their religious boarding schools (''pesantren'') also taught mathematics, natural sciences, English and history. Since the 1980, the Nahdlatul Ulama schools also offered degrees in economy, jurisdiction, paedagogical and medical sciences. In the 1990s, under their leader [[Abdurrahman Wahid]], the organization adopted an anti-fundamentalistic doctrine, teaching democracy and pluralism.<ref>{{cite book |first1=Azyumardi | last1=Aura | first2=Dina | last2=Afrianty | first3=Robert W. | last3=Hefner |chapter=Pesantren and madrasa: Muslim schools and national ideale in Indonesia | editor-last=Hefner | editor-first=Robert W. | editor-last2=Zaman | editor-first2=Muhammad Qasim | title=Schooling Islam: The culture and politics of modern Muslim education | publisher=Princeton University Press | publication-place=Princeton, New Jersey | date=2007-01-07 | isbn=978-0-691-12933-4}}</ref> [[Darul Uloom Deoband]], next to al-Azhar one of the most influential madrasas, was founded in the city of [[Deoband]], [[Uttar Pradesh]], in 1867. Initially, the intention of the school was to help Indian Muslims, who had become subjects of the British Empire after 1857, to lead their lives according to Islamic law. The Deobandi propagate a Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school, which was the most prevalent madhhab in South Asia. Still today, they aim at a revival of the Islamic society and education. Following the example of Deoband, thousands of madrasas were founded during the late 19th century which adopted the Deobandi way of studying fundamental texts of Islam and commenting on Quran and Hadith. By referring back to traditional Islamic scholars, the Deobandi School aims at defending the traditional Islamic madhhab, especially the Hanafi, against criticism which arose from other Islamic schools like the [[Ahl-i Hadith]].<ref>{{cite book| last=Metcalf | first=Barbara Daly | title=Islamic revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900| publisher=Princeton University Press| location=Princeton, NJ| date=1982| isbn=978-0-19-566049-4| url=https://muse.jhu.edu/book/33813}}</ref> During the 1990s, the Afghan ''taliban'' also referred to the Deoband School.<ref>{{cite book | last=Metcalf | first=Barbara D. |chapter="Traditionalist" Islamic activism: Deoband, tablighis, and talibs | editor-last=Calhoun | editor-first=Craig J. | editor-last2=Price | editor-first2=Paul | editor-last3=Timmer | editor-first3=Ashley S. | title=Understanding September 11 | publisher=W. W. Norton / The New Press | publication-place=New York | date=2002 | isbn=978-1-56584-774-3 | pages=[https://archive.org/details/understandingsep0000unse/page/53 53–66, see p. 55] | chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/understandingsep0000unse/page/53 }}</ref> [[Ashraf Ali Thanwi]] (1863–1943) is one of the most prominent teachers of Darul Uloom Deoband. Thanwi initiated and edited multi-volume encyclopedic commentaries on the Quran. However, he was also able to reach out to a larger audience: His book [[Bahishti Zewar]], which is still widely read in South Asia, as it details, amongst other topics, the proper conduct and beliefs for Muslim women.<ref>{{cite book| author=Ashraf ʻAlī Thānvī, Barbara Daly Metcalf| title=Perfecting Women: Maulana Ashraf 'Ali Thanawi's Bihishti Zewar| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gjKv1IhDoMgC|year=1992|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0-520-08093-5}}</ref> [[Ahl-i Hadith]] is a movement which emerged in North India in the mid-19th century. By rejecting ''[[taqlid]]'' (following legal precedent) and favoring ''[[ijtihad]]'' (independent legal reasoning) based on the foundational scriptures of Islam, they oppose the traditional madhhab and criticize their reliance on legal authorities other than the traditional texts.<ref>{{cite book| last=Metcalf | first=Barbara Daly | title=Islamic revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900| publisher=Princeton University Press| location=Princeton, NJ| date=1982| isbn=978-0-19-566049-4| url=https://muse.jhu.edu/book/33813| pages=264–296}}</ref> The Ahl-i Hadith was the first organization which printed and spread the works of Muhammad ash-Shawkani, whose writings did also influence the doctrine of the Salafi movement in the Arab Middle East and worldwide.<ref>{{cite book| last=Haykel | first=Bernard | title=Revival and reform in Islam: The legacy of Muhammad al-Shawkānī| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| year=2003| isbn=978-0-521-52890-0}}</ref> [[Muslim World League]] is an international non-governmental Islamic organization based in [[Mecca|Mecca, Saudi Arabia]] that is a member of [[UNICEF]], [[UNESCO]] and [[Organisation of Islamic Cooperation|OIC]].<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://themwl.org/en/mwl-membership-in-international-orgs|title=Memberships of Muslim World League in international institutions and organizations|website=Muslim World League|language=en|access-date=2019-04-21}}</ref> It aims to resolve the issues faced by the Islamic community by organizing scholarly conferences with the ulama around the world in order to form public Islamic opinions based on principles of moderation, peace and harmony.<ref>{{Cite journal|title=The MWL Journal 2019 February Issue|url=https://www.themwl.org/sites/default/files/The%20MWL%20Journal%202019%20February.pdf|journal=The MWL Journal}}</ref> ===Ulama in the secular national states of the 20th century=== In most countries, the classical institution of the madrasa as a place of teaching remained largely intact until the beginning of the 20th century. In the Western parts of the Islamic world, national states arose from the disintegration and partition of the Ottoman Empire after the First World War. The government of [[Kemalism|Kemalist]] Turkey sought to distance the nation from the religious traditions and institutions of the Ottoman past.<ref>{{cite book| last=White | first=Jenny B. | chapter=Islam and politics in contemporary Turkey | editor-first=Reşat | editor-last=Kasaba | title=The Cambridge History of Turkey | volume=4: Turkey in the modern world| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| year=2008| isbn=978-0-521-62096-3| page=359}}</ref> In Egypt, the establishment of a state-controlled educational system had already begun in the 1820s.<ref name="Dallal_NCHoI"/> From 1961 onwards, [[Gamal Abdel Nasser]] tried to increase the state control over ancient Islamic institutions like al-Azhar university. The head of al-Azhar was—and still is—appointed directly by the president, and new faculties were created in this ancient Islamic institution.<ref>{{cite book| last=Zaman | first=Muhammad Qasim | chapter=The ʿulamā'. Scholarly tradition and new public commentary | editor-first=R. | editor-last=Hefner | title=The New Cambridge History of Islam | volume=6: Muslims and modernity |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, U.K. |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-521-84443-7 |page=349 | ref=none}}</ref> Initially giving rise to modernist reforms, up to a certain degree the state-sponsored faculties were able to retain their independence from government control. However, as Pierret has pointed out in detail for Syria,<ref name="Pierret_2015_22">{{cite book| last=Pierret | first=Thomas | title=Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| year=2013| isbn=978-1-107-60990-7| page=22}}</ref> in some countries the orthodox madrasa system remained largely intact, its decentralised organisation protecting it from state control. In fact, the government's attempt at controlling the religious education focussed largely on the academic institutions and neglected the traditional madrasas. By their continuing ability to provide social support and access to an educational alternative which was propagated as being more orthodox according to Islamic faith, the traditional ulama not only maintained their influence on large parts of the population, but actually increased their political influence and power.<ref name="Pierret_2015_22"/> ====Republic of Turkey==== In the Kemalist Republic of [[Turkey]], traditional Ottoman religious institutions were abolished like the [[Ottoman Caliphate]], the office of the Shaykh ul-Islam, as well as the dervish [[Tariqa|brotherhoods]]. The [[Presidency of Religious Affairs]] ({{langx|tr|Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı}}, or Diyanet) was created in 1924 by article 136 of the [[Constitution of Turkey]] by the [[Grand National Assembly of Turkey]] as a successor to the office of the Shaykh ul-Islam.<ref name=constitution>{{cite web | last=Sayfasi | first=Hata | url=http://www.anayasa.gov.tr/images/loaded/pdf_dosyalari/THE_CONSTITUTION_OF_THE_REPUBLIC_OF_TURKEY.pdf | title=The Constitution of the Republic of Turkey | publisher=Anayasa.gov.tr | access-date=2017-04-23 | url-status=dead | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130607054813/http://www.anayasa.gov.tr/images/loaded/pdf_dosyalari/THE_CONSTITUTION_OF_THE_REPUBLIC_OF_TURKEY.pdf | archive-date=2013-06-07 }}</ref> From 1925 onwards, the traditional [[dervish]] [[khanqah|tekke]]s and Islamic schools were dissolved. Famous convents like the [[Mevlana Museum|Tekke of the Mevlevi order in Konya]] were secularized and turned into museums.<ref>Law Nr. 677 of 30 November 1925 concerning the prohibition and the closure of the dervish convents, monasteries and mausolea, the prohibition of the office of the mausoleum wardens and the awarding and holding of certain titles. [[T.C. Resmi Gazete]] Nr 243, 13 December 1925.</ref> ====Iran==== In Iran, contrary to many other Islamic countries, the Shi'a ulama have maintained their religious authority together by [[Khums]] tax. Thus, they maintained their ability to exert political pressure. Between 1905 and 1911, a coalition of ulama, [[bazaari]], and some radical reformers incited the [[Persian Constitutional Revolution]], which led to the establishment of the [[Majlis of Iran|parliament (majlis) of Iran]] during the [[Qajar dynasty]].<ref>{{cite encyclopedia | article = CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION i. Intellectual background | last1= Amanat | first1 = Abbas | url = http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/constitutional-revolution-i | encyclopedia = Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VI, Fasc. 2 | pages = 163–176 | year = 1992 }}</ref><ref>{{cite encyclopedia | article = Constitutional revolution | url = https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/constitutional-revolution-index | encyclopedia = Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VI, Fasc. 2 | pages = 163–216 | year = 1992 }}</ref> The [[Iranian Revolution|Islamic Revolution]] in Iran was led by a senior [[Shia]] cleric—the [[Ayatollah]] [[Ruhollah Khomeini]]—who then established the [[Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist]]. ====Syria==== In his study ''Religion and State in Syria'' (2013),<ref>{{cite book| last=Pierret | first=Thomas | title=Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| year=2013| isbn=978-1-107-60990-7}}</ref> Pierret pointed out how the training of Syria's ulama gradually became more institutionalised, based upon the traditional madrasa system. In 1920, the madrasa of the [[Khusruwiyah Mosque]] complex (which was to be destroyed in 2014 during the [[Syrian Civil War]]) introduced an entrance exam and a stable curriculum for its Islamic seminary. Graduates were issued a diploma carrying the name of the institution, which bore the signatures of all teachers, signifying individual ''ijazah''. In 1947, courses also included natural sciences and foreign languages. In 1947, the state-run "Faculty of Sharia" was initiated in Damascus by [[Kamal al-Qassab]] (1853–1954), a former student of Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905) in Cairo. Until 1954, all Syrian ulama aiming at higher degrees had to join [[Al-Azhar University]] in Cairo. In 1954, however, Syria's first higher faculty of sharia was founded by members of the modernist wing of the [[Muslim Brotherhood of Syria|Muslim Brotherhood]]. Its curriculum, which included economy and the "current situation of the Muslim world", according to Pierret, "anticipated the 1961 modernist reform of al-Azhar by [[Gamal Abdel Nasser|Nasser]]". In 1972, the curriculum of the state-run "Sharia high schools" was reformed again, thus providing access for their students to all faculties of Syrian high schools.<ref>{{cite book| last=Pierret | first=Thomas | title=Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| year=2013| isbn=978-1-107-60990-7| pages=35–37}}</ref> According to Pierret (2015), the [[Ba'ath Party]] coup of 1963 brought about a weakening of the state-controlled sharia high schools by the secular government. Many teachers of the Damascus faculty of sharia were forced into exile during the 1960s. Attempts of the regime during the 1980s at changing the curricula of the faculty and create a new "Ba'athist ulama" failed. The faculty, maintaining their ability to recruit competent teachers, was able to resist the political pressure. Consequently, the Syrian government prohibited the faculty to grant doctorates until 1998, and delayed the establishment of another faculty in Aleppo until 2006.<ref>{{cite book| last=Pierret | first=Thomas | title=Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| year=2013| isbn=978-1-107-60990-7| page=39}}</ref> ====Tunisia, Egypt, Iraq==== In 1961, [[Gamal Abdel Nasser]] put the Al-Azhar University under the direct control of the state. "Azharis were given military uniforms and found themselves marching in step under the orders of army officers."<ref name=kepel-53>{{cite book| last1=Kepel| first1=Gilles| title=Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam|date=2002| publisher=I.B.Tauris.| page=53| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OLvTNk75hUoC&q=kepel+Jihad%3A+The+Trail+of+Political+Islam+military+uniforms+and+found+themselves&pg=PA53| access-date=10 September 2015| isbn=9781845112578}}</ref> After the independence of [[Algeria]], President [[Ahmed Ben Bella]] also deprived the Algerian ulama of their power. [[Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region#Ba.27athist Iraq: 1968.E2.80.932003|Baathist]] repression in Iraq led to a drop of enrollment in the Shia holy cities of Iraq from 12,000 students in the early 1900s to only 600 scholars and students in 1977.<ref name=Zouhair-85>{{cite book|last1=Zouhair|first1=Ghazzal|title=A Companion to the History of the Middle East|publisher=John Wiley & Sons.|page=85|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1ioTXW3316AC&q=ulama&pg=PA81|access-date=10 September 2015|chapter=The Ulama: Status and Function|isbn=9781405152044|date=2008-04-15}}</ref> ====Pakistan==== In the 1980s and 1990s, competition arose between Sunni and Shia interests in [[Pakistan]], with Saudi Arabian humanitarian organizations using the sponsorship of madrasas to spread their [[Wahhabism|Wahhabi]] doctrine,<ref>{{cite book| last=Commins | first=David | title=The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia| publisher=I. B. Tauris| year=2009| isbn=978-1-84511-080-2| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kQN6q16dIjAC| pages=191–2}}</ref> while the Islamic Republic of Iran used Shiite madrasas to similarly peddle influence.<ref>{{cite book |author=Saïd Amir Arjomand|chapter=Islamic resurgence and its aftermath | editor-first=R. | editor-last=Hefner | title=The New Cambridge History of Islam | volume=6: Muslims and modernity |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, U.K. |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-521-84443-7 |pages=191–192}}</ref> For poorer communities in Pakistan, internationally sponsored madrasas could be the only accessible form of education.<ref>{{cite book| last=Rahman | first=Tariq | title=Denizens of Alien Worlds: A Study of Education, Inequality and Polarization in Pakistan| publisher=Oxford University Press| year=2004| isbn=978-0-19-597863-6| page=Section 5}}</ref> This influence from institutions which were financially independent from the state led to a resurgence of the social and political influence of the traditional ulama,<ref name=Zaman>{{cite book| last1=Zaman| first1=Muhammad Qasim| title=The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change| date=2007| publisher=Princeton University Press| isbn=978-0-691-13070-5| url=https://archive.org/details/ulamainconte_zama_2002_000_9059584| access-date=10 September 2015| url-access=registration}}</ref> while the insufficient state control over the educational institutions, insufficient qualification of the teachers and ideologic indoctrination of such institutions all become considerable issues.<ref>{{cite book | last=Henry | first=Clement M. |chapter=Population, urbanisation and the dialectics of globalisation | editor-first=R. | editor-last=Hefner | title=The New Cambridge History of Islam | volume=6: Muslims and modernity |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge, U.K. |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-521-84443-7 |pages=79–86}}</ref> Graduates ''(talib)'' from North Pakistani madrasas like "[[Mullah]]" [[Mullah Omar|Mohammed Omar]] subsequently played a role in the establishment of the Afghan [[Taliban]] regime.<ref>{{cite book| last=Rashid | first=Ahmed | title=Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia| publisher=I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd| year=2002| isbn=978-1-86064-830-4| pages=77, 83, 139}}</ref>
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