Editing Ukrainian language (section)

=== In Austrian Galicia and Lodomeria (1772–1918) ===
After the 1772 [[First Partition of Poland]], when the lands annexed by the Austrian [[Habsburg monarchy]] were reorganised as the [[Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria]], the Habsburg administration was initially surprised to find out that, apart from Poles, there were a lot of other people living in it whom they began calling ''Ruthenen'' ("Ruthenians" or "Rusyny").{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=88}} They differed from the Poles in that the vast majority of them adhered to the [[Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church|Greek Catholic faith]] (organised as the [[Ruthenian Uniate Church]]) rather than Roman Catholic, and that their liturgical language was [[Church Slavonic]] rather than Latin.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=88}} Most of them had not received much education; they used Ruthenian only as a spoken language, few could read or write, and those who did more often used Polish or (increasingly) German instead.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=88}} As Empress [[Maria Theresa]] had introduced a general compulsory education (''Allgemeiner Schulzwang'') in 1774, and enacted it in newly-acquired Galicia and Lodomeria in 1777, the decision was made to produce Polish and Ruthenian textbooks that were used in elementary schools for those language communities.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=88}} 

{{Quote box
 |quote  = "Language is the property of a people, and no one should forget the speech of their own folk."
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 |source = – Ivan Mohylnytsky, ''Information on the Ruthenian Language'' (1829)<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/applet?mimetype=image%2Fx.djvu&sec=false&handler=djvu_html5&content_url=%2FContent%2F113939%2Findex.djvu |title=Jan Mogilnicki. Rozprawa о ięzyku ruskim // Czasopism Naukowy Księgozbioru Publicznego imienia Ossolińskich. – Rok 2. – Zeszyt 3. – Lwów, 1829. – S. 56-87 |accessdate=23 December 2024 |archive-date=29 July 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180729200556/http://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/applet?mimetype=image%2Fx.djvu&sec=false&handler=djvu_html5&content_url=%2FContent%2F113939%2Findex.djvu}}</ref>{{rp|56}}
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Although some Ruthenian parish schools were established in some villages, and some printed primers and catechisms in Ruthenian were distributed there, the effects of Ruthenian-language education achieved very little until 1815.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=88}} That year, {{ill|Ivan Mohylnytsky|uk|Могильницький Іван|pl|Iwan Mohylnycki}}, a [[Ukrainian Catholic Archeparchy of Przemyśl–Warsaw|Przemyśl eparchy]] [[Canon (title)|canon]] who contributed to the establishment of a strong network of Ruthenian parish schools and a teacher training school, published a catechism at the Royal University of Buda entitled ''Christian Learning in the Case of the Common Catechism for Parish Children''.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=88–89}} He followed this up in 1823 by a ''Grammar of the Slovene–Ruthenian language'' (never published), and in 1829 by his treatise ''Information on the Ruthenian Language'' (published both in Polish as ''Rozprawa o ięzyku ruskim'' and in Ruthenian as "Відомість о руском языці"), which represents the first scholarly study arguing that Ruthenian was a language in its own right, separate from Polish, Russian, and Church Slavonic.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=88–89}} On the other hand, new educational regulations in 1818 determined that schools that were exclusively attended by children of Greek Catholic parents were to receive instruction in Ruthenian, whereas schools attended by children of both Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic parents had Polish as the [[medium of instruction]].{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=89}} Nevertheless, pupils at Ruthenian-instruction schools had to learn Polish as a second language as well.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=89}} In higher education, Ruthenian was not valued as an equal language, and students were expected to learn and use Latin and Polish instead.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=89}} Students training to become Greek Catholic priests at the [[University of Lviv]] did receive instruction in Ruthenian in the so-called "Studium ruthenum" according to Austrian regulations between 1787 and 1809, but it was not a fully-fledged course; instead, it was regarded as a temporary measure for students who did not yet know Latin.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=89}} Both its professors and alumni received only half the salary of their counterparts from the "Studium latinum", the number of students steadily decreased over the decades, and in 1809 the Ruthenians themselves requested the "Studium ruthenum" to be abandoned.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=89}}

In the first few decades of the Austrian period in Galicia, there was also confusion amongst both the Habsburg administration and educated Ruthenians about which variety of written Ruthenian to use: late Church Slavonic, literary Russian, traditional written Ruthenian, or something close to how Ruthenian was actually spoken in Galicia at that time.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=89–90}} The Habsburg Imperial censor for Slavic publications, [[Jernej Kopitar]] (himself from Slovenia), encouraged Ruthenian authors to base their written language on the Ruthenian vernacular, and from December 1833 onwards, to write [[Ukrainian Latin alphabet|Ruthenian in a Latin alphabet]] rather than Cyrillic.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=90}} This initiated a discussion on Ruthenian identity, later called the [[Alphabet War|"First Alphabet War" or "Blizzard"]].{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=90}} Although most Ruthenian intellectuals did respond by increasingly basing their writings on spoken Ruthenian, the majority of them defended the use Cyrillic over concerns of Polonisation.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=90}} Nevertheless, they could not agree on various standardisation issues; three different Ruthenian grammars were published between 1834 and 1848, and none of them was widely adopted.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=90}} Before 1848, no Ruthenian dictionaries were produced, no Ruthenian-language periodical press existed within Habsburg Galicia, and Ruthenian played no role as language of administration.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=90}}

[[File:Galicja language.png|300x300px|Prevalence of Polish or Ukrainian language in Galicia in 1910|alt=Prevalence of Polish or Ukrainian language in Galicia in 1910|thumb]]
The [[Revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire]] changed everything: the native languages of most populations in the Empire, including Ruthenian, were accorded official status, and all laws in the Danubian monarchy would be published in these languages from 1 October 1849 onwards.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=91}} Ruthenian would henceforth to be used in local administration in the ''Landesgesetzblätter''.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=91–92}} From 1849 onwards, various official periodicals were established in Ruthenian, and the Interior Ministry stipulated in July 1849 that street signs in Lviv had to include Ruthenian versions.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=92}} In October 1852, the Ministry of Justice also decreed that Ruthenian could be used by parties involved in legal issues in their communication with the courts of law, although it would take until 1861 to allow these letters to employ ''skoropys'' Cyrillic rather than Latin script (or the Muscovite ''graždanka'' variety of Cyrillic).{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=92}} In the post-1848, there were some contradictory developments, some of which countered Polonisation in the sphere of education, while others stimulated further Polonisation in the sphere of administration.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=94–95}} Similarly, [[Galician Russophilia]] or Moscophilia strived towards ever greater assimilation of Ruthenian towards the so-called "Great Russian" language as used in Moscow that still heavily leaned on Church Slavonic, while both the Habsburg administration and Greek Catholic Church raised concerns that these were "barely comprehensible" to the common people of Galicia and hampered the "development of the Ruthenian language", adding that Orthodox Imperial Russia was a threat to the overwhelmingly Catholic Habsburg realm.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=92–94}} 

Matters once again came to a head in May 1859, when the Polish governor of Galicia [[Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski|Gołuchowski]] recommended Czech linguist [[Josef Jireček]]'s proposal for a Ruthenian Latin alphabet, leading to the [[Alphabet War|"Second Alphabet War" or "Blizzard"]].{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=94}} Ruthenian intellectuals almost unanimously rejected the proposal for fear of Polonisation, leading the government to overreact by banning the "Russian script" (meaning the Muscovite ''graždanka'') in July 1859, which Ruthenian writers generally ignored.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=94}} By March 1861, the Habsburg State Ministry essentially conceded defeat by stating that the Ruthenians themselves were responsible for developing their own language, and that it was not up to the government.{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=94–95}} Around the same time, however, Ruthenian intellectuals became acquainted with the writings of Ukrainian intellectuals from "Little Russia" in the Russian Empire, such as poet [[Taras Shevchenko]] (died 1861), who was fiercely anti-Russian and [[Ukrainophilia|Ukrainophile]], leading many earlier Galician Ruthenians to abandon their Russophilia.{{sfn|Moser|2017|p=95}} In between the pro-Polish and pro-Russian tendencies, the Ruthenian language in Galicia would gradually develop into an independent literary and intellectual written language in the second half of the 19th century, when it was increasingly called "Ukrainian".{{sfn|Moser|2017|pp=95–97}}