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===Push for autonomy=== By the middle 1930s, Tiso's views shifted toward [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] and [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian]] ideas. He repeatedly declared that HSĽS was the only party representing the Slovaks and the only party which spoke for the Slovak nation. These claims played a significant role in the later end of the democratic regime. "One nation, one party, one leader...the party should cover all aspects of the life," Tiso declared at the party congress held in 1936.{{sfn|Kamenec|2013|p=69}} Tiso's view of Slovak autonomy continue to radicalize, drawing concern from Czech centralists. In mid-1934, Tiso was deeply disturbed by the [[July Putsch|assassination]] of [[Engelbert Dollfuss]], who, like Tiso, held strong Catholic beliefs; Tiso became skeptical of fascism, proclaiming, "[[Nazism|Hitlerism]] and [[Italian fascism|Mussolini’s fascism]] must recognize that God is a greater power than man and that the [[Ultramontanism|Church is greater than the state]]."{{sfn|Ward|2013|pp=134-135}} The [[1935 Czechoslovak parliamentary election]] failed to provide the Ľudáks a breakthrough, and Tiso feared that the rapid success of [[Konrad Henlein]]'s [[Sudeten German Party]] would remove attention from the "Slovak Question." The [[Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants|Agrarian]] prime minister [[Jan Malypetr]] offered the Ľudáks two cabinet positions (having rejected Tiso's 32-point demands for joining an anti-Henlein, pro-Republic coalition), but Tiso turned down the proposal.{{sfn|Ward|2013|pp=138-139}} After Masaryk resigned the presidency in late 1935, Tiso was crucial in mobilizing his party's support for [[Edvard Beneš]] against [[Bohumil Němec]]; though Beneš [[1935 Czechoslovak presidential election|won the election]], the Ľudáks remained alienated.{{sfn|Ward|2013|pp=139-140}} Within the party, Tiso was beginning to feel his power challenged by [[Karol Sidor]] (whom Hlinka favored as his future successor) and the radical, antisemitic youth wing. To counter this, Tiso approved the appropriation of [[Fascist symbolism|fascist symbols]] and the formation of the [[Hlinka Guard]], the "brainchild" of [[Alexander Mach]].{{sfn|Ward|2013|p=153}} In 1938, with increasing pressure from [[Nazi Germany]] and [[Kingdom of Hungary (1920–1946)|Hungary]], the representatives of HSĽS questioned neighboring states on their views for the future of Slovakia. In May 1938, Tiso held secret negotiations with the Hungarian Foreign Minister Affairs [[Kálmán Kánya]] during a eucharistic congress in [[Budapest]]. He declared that Slovakia might be prepared to rejoin Hungary as an autonomous federal state should Czechoslovakia cease to exist.{{sfn|Segeš|Hertel|Bystrický|2012|p=50}} However, the meeting did not go well. Tiso was disappointed by Kánya's attitude and alleged Hungarian historical claims on Slovakia and felt Kánya's behaviour was lofty and arrogant.{{sfn|Deák|1991|pp=99–100}} He concluded that Hungary was not seriously interested in a common agreement and was focused more on the dissolution of Czechoslovakia, as was Germany. Therefore, well aware of the weak economic position of Slovakia, the lack of qualified people and an unstable international situation, he felt he was stuck with Czechoslovakia for the time being. When Hlinka died in August 1938, Tiso quickly consolidated control of the Ľudák party.<ref>{{harvnb|Ward|2013|pp=150–5}}. For Tiso's interwar political career, see also {{harvnb|Felak|1995}}.</ref> Tiso was an official speaker from the party at Hlinka's funeral where he urged national unity and loyalty to the Czechoslovak republic.{{sfn|Kamenec|2013|p=74}} He, however, continued negotiations with the central government in Prague, explained the goals of potential autonomy and refused a military solution of the Czechoslovak-German crisis.
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