Editing Cyprus problem (section)

==The divided island, 1974–1997==
[[File:Nicosia Green Line 10.JPG|thumb|The "Green Line" in Nicosia, Cyprus]]
At the second Geneva Conference beginning 9 August 1974, Turkey pressed for a federal solution to the problem against stiffening Greek resistance. While Turkish Cypriots wanted a bi-zonal federation, Turkey, under American advice, submitted a cantonal plan involving separation of Turkish-Cypriot areas from one another.<ref>{{Cite journal |date=9 August 1974 |editor1-last=Van Hook |editor1-first=Laurie |editor2-last=Keefer |editor2-first=Edward C. |title=Telegram From the Mission in Geneva to the Department of State |url=https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v30/d126 |journal=Foreign Relations of the United States 1969-76 Chapter 126 |series=Greece; Cyprus; Turkey, 1973–1976 |publisher=United States Government Printing Office |publication-date=2007 |volume=XXX |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240928020640/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v30/d126 |archive-date=28 September 2024 |via=United States Office of the Historian }}</ref> For security reasons Turkish-Cypriots did not favour cantons. Each plan embraced about thirty-four per cent of the territory.

These plans were presented to the conference on 13 August by the Turkish Foreign Minister, [[Turan Güneş]]. Clerides wanted thirty-six to forty-eight hours to consider the plans, but Güneş demanded an immediate response. This was regarded as unreasonable by the Greeks, the British, and the Americans, who were in close consultation.<ref>{{Cite journal |date=13 August 1974 |editor-last=Van Hook |editor-first=Laurie |editor2-last=Keefer |editor2-first=Edward C. |title=Memorandum of Conversation |url=https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v30/d129 |journal=Foreign Relations of the United States 1969-76 Chapter 129 |series=Greece; Cyprus; Turkey, 1973–1976 |publisher=United States Government Printing Office |publication-date=2007 |volume=XXX |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20241003080819/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v30/d129 |archive-date=3 October 2024 |via=United States Office of the Historian }}</ref> Nevertheless, the next day, the Turkish forces extended their control to some 36 per cent of the island, afraid that delay would turn international opinion strongly against them.

Turkey's international reputation suffered as a result of the precipitous move of the Turkish military to extend control to a third of the island. The British prime minister regarded the Turkish ultimatum as unreasonable since it was presented without allowing adequate time for study. In Greek eyes, the Turkish proposals were submitted in the full awareness that the Greek side could not accept them, and reflected the Turkish desire for a military base in Cyprus. The Greek side went some way in their proposals by recognising Turkish 'groups' of villages and Turkish administrative 'areas'. But they stressed that the constitutional order of Cyprus should retain its bi-communal character based on the co-existence of the Greek and Turkish communities within the framework of a sovereign, independent and integral republic. Essentially the Turkish side's proposals were for geographic consolidation and separation and for a much larger measure of autonomy for that area, or those areas, than the Greek side could accept.

===1975–1979===
On 28 April 1975, [[Kurt Waldheim]], the UN Secretary-General, launched a new mission of [[good offices]]. Starting in Vienna, over the course of the following ten months Clerides and Denktaş discussed a range of humanitarian issues relating to the events of the previous year. However, attempts to make progress on the substantive issues – such as territory and the nature of the central government – failed to produce any results. After five rounds, the talks fell apart in February 1976. In January 1977, the UN succeeded in organising a meeting in Nicosia between [[Makarios III|Makarios]] and [[Rauf Denktaş|Denktaş]]. This led to a major breakthrough. On 12 February, the two leaders signed a four-point agreement confirming that a future Cyprus settlement would be based on a federation. The size of the states would be determined by economic viability and land ownership. The central government would be given powers to ensure the unity of the state. Various other issues, such as freedom of settlement and freedom of movement, would be settled through discussion. Just months later, in August 1977, [[Makarios III|Makarios]] died. He was replaced by [[Spyros Kyprianou]], the foreign minister.

In 1979 the [[ABC plan (Cyprus)|ABC plan]] was presented by the US, as a proposal for a permanent solution of the Cyprus problem. It projected a Bicommunal Bizonal Federation with a strong central government. It was first rejected by the Greek Cypriot leader Spyros Kyprianou and later by Turkey.{{sfn|Kordoni|2016|p=28}}{{sfn|Michael|2015|p=229}}

In May 1979, Waldheim visited Cyprus and secured a further ten-point set of proposals from the two sides. In addition to re-affirming the 1977 High-Level Agreement, the ten points also included provisions for the demilitarisation of the island and a commitment to refrain from destabilising activities and actions. Shortly afterwards a new round of discussions began in Nicosia. Again, they were short-lived. For a start, the Turkish Cypriots did not want to discuss [[Varosha, Famagusta|Varosha]], a resort quarter of Famagusta that had been vacated by Greek Cypriots when it was overrun by Turkish troops. This was a key issue for the Greek Cypriots. Second, the two sides failed to agree on the concept of 'bicommunalism'. The Turkish Cypriots believed that the Turkish Cypriot federal state would be exclusively Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot state would be exclusively Greek Cypriot. The Greek Cypriots believed that the two states should be predominantly, but not exclusively, made up of a particular community.

===Turkish Cypriots' declaration of independence===
{{Politics of Northern Cyprus}}
In May 1983, an effort by [[Javier Pérez de Cuéllar]], then UN Secretary-General, foundered after the [[United Nations General Assembly]] passed a resolution calling for the withdrawal of all occupation forces from Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriots were furious at the resolution, threatening to declare independence in retaliation. Despite this, in August, Pérez de Cuéllar gave the two sides a set of proposals for consideration that called for a rotating presidency, the establishment of a bicameral assembly along the same lines as previously suggested, and 60:40 representation in the central executive. In return for increased representation in the central government, the Turkish Cypriots would surrender 8–13 per cent of the land in their possession. Both Kyprianou and Denktaş accepted the proposals. However, on 15 November 1983, the Turkish Cypriots took advantage of the post-election political instability in Turkey and [[Declaration of Independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus|unilaterally declared independence]]. Within days the [[Security Council]] passed a resolution, no.541 (13–1 vote: only [[Pakistan]] opposed) making it clear that it would not accept the new state and that the decision disrupted efforts to reach a settlement. Denktaş denied this. In a letter informing the Secretary-General of the decision, he insisted that the move guaranteed that any future settlement would be truly federal in nature. Although the 'Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus' (TRNC) was soon recognised by [[Turkey]], the rest of the international community condemned the move. The [[Security Council]] passed another resolution, no.550<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.un.int/cyprus/scr550.htm |title=Security Council resolution 220 (1966) on Cyprus |access-date=14 February 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120506115414/http://www.un.int/cyprus/scr550.htm |archive-date=6 May 2012  }}</ref> (13–1 vote: again only [[Pakistan]] opposed) condemning the "purported exchange of ambassadors between Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leadership".

In September 1984, talks resumed. After three rounds of discussions it was again agreed that Cyprus would become a bi-zonal, bi-communal, non-aligned federation. The Turkish Cypriots would retain 29 per cent for their federal state and all foreign troops would leave the island. In January 1985, the two leaders met for their first face-to-face talks since the 1979 agreement. However, while the general belief was that the meeting was being held to agree to a final settlement, Kyprianou insisted that it was a chance for further negotiations. The talks collapsed. In the aftermath, the Greek Cypriot leaders came in for heavy criticism, both at home and abroad. After that Denktaş announced that he would not make so many concessions again. Undeterred, in March 1986, de Cuéllar presented the two sides with a Draft Framework Agreement {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050418195546/http://www.cyprus-conflict.net/draft%20agreement%201986.htm |date=18 April 2005 }}. Again, the plan envisaged the creation of an independent, non-aligned, bi-communal, bi-zonal state in Cyprus. However, the Greek Cypriots were unhappy with the proposals. They argued that the questions of removing Turkish forces from Cyprus was not addressed, nor was the repatriation of the increasing number of Turkish settlers on the island. Moreover, there were no guarantees that the full three freedoms would be respected. Finally, they saw the proposed state structure as being confederal in nature. Further efforts to produce an agreement failed as the two sides remained steadfastly attached to their positions.

===The "Set of Ideas"===
In August 1988, Pérez de Cuéllar called upon the two sides to meet with him in Geneva in August. There the two leaders – [[George Vasiliou]] and [[Rauf Denktaş]] – agreed to abandon the Draft Framework Agreement and return to the 1977 and 1979 High Level Agreements. However, the talks faltered when the Greek Cypriots announced their intention to apply for membership of the [[European Community]] (EC, subsequently EU), a move strongly opposed by the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey. Nevertheless, in June 1989, de Cuellar presented the two communities with the "Set of Ideas". Denktaş quickly rejected them as he not only opposed the provisions, he also argued that the UN Secretary-General had no right to present formal proposals to the two sides. The two sides met again, in New York, in February 1990. However, the talks were again short lived. This time Denktaş demanded that the Greek Cypriots recognise the existence of two peoples in Cyprus and the basic right of the Turkish Cypriots to self-determination.

On 4 July 1990, Cyprus formally applied to join the EC. The Turkish Cypriots and Turkey, which had applied for membership in 1987, were outraged. Denktaş claimed that Cyprus could only join the Community at the same time as Turkey and called off all talks with UN officials. Nevertheless, in September 1990, the EC member states unanimously agreed to refer the Cypriot application to the commission for formal consideration. In retaliation, Turkey and the TRNC signed a joint declaration abolishing passport controls and introducing a customs union just weeks later. Undeterred, [[Javier Pérez de Cuéllar]] continued his search for a solution throughout 1991. He made no progress. In his last report to the Security Council, presented in October 1991 under [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 716]], he blamed the failure of the talks on Denktaş, noting the Turkish Cypriot leader's demand that the two communities should have equal sovereignty and a right to secession.

On 3 April 1992, [[Boutros Boutros-Ghali]], the new UN Secretary-General, presented the Security Council with the outline plan for the creation of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation that would prohibit any form of partition, secession or union with another state. While the Greek Cypriots accepted the Set of Ideas as a basis for negotiation, Denktaş again criticised the UN Secretary-General for exceeding his authority. When he did eventually return to the table, the Turkish Cypriot leader complained that the proposals failed to recognise his community. In November, Ghali brought the talks to a halt. He now decided to take a different approach and tried to encourage the two sides to show goodwill by accepting eight [[confidence building measures]] (CBMs). These included reducing military forces on the island, transferring [[Varosha, Famagusta|Varosha]] to direct UN control, reducing restrictions on contacts between the two sides, undertaking an island-wide census and conducting feasibility studies regarding a solution. The Security Council endorsed the approach.

On 24 May 1993, the Secretary-General formally presented the two sides with his CBMs. Denktaş, while accepting some of the proposals, was not prepared to agree to the package as a whole. Meanwhile, on 30 June, the European Commission returned its opinion on the Cypriot application for membership. While the decision provided a ringing endorsement of the case for Cypriot membership, it refrained from opening the way for immediate negotiations. The Commission stated that it felt that the issue should be reconsidered in January 1995, taking into account "the positions adopted by each party in the talks". A few months later, in December 1993, [[Glafcos Clerides]] proposed the demilitarisation of Cyprus. Denktaş dismissed the idea, but the next month he announced that he would be willing to accept the CBMs in principle. [[Proximity talks]] started soon afterwards. In March 1994, the UN presented the two sides with a draft document outlining the proposed measures in greater detail. Clerides said that he would be willing to accept the document if Denktaş did, but the Turkish Cypriot leader refused on the grounds that it would upset the balance of forces on the island. Once again, Ghali had little choice but to pin the blame for another breakdown of talks on the Turkish Cypriot side. Denktas would be willing to accept mutually agreed changes, but Clerides refused to negotiate any further changes to the March proposals. Further proposals put forward by the Secretary-General in an attempt to break the deadlock were rejected by both sides.

===Deadlock and legal battles, 1994–1997===
At the [[Corfu]] [[European Council]], held on 24–25 June 1994, the EU officially confirmed that Cyprus would be included in the Union's next phase of enlargement. Two weeks later, on 5 July, the [[European Court of Justice]] imposed restrictions on the export of goods from Northern Cyprus into the [[European Union]]. Soon afterwards, in December, relations between the EU and Turkey were further damaged when Greece blocked the final implementation of a customs union. As a result, talks remained completely blocked throughout 1995 and 1996.

In December 1996, the [[European Court of Human Rights]] (ECHR) delivered a landmark ruling that declared that Turkey was an occupying power in Cyprus. The case – [[Loizidou v. Turkey]] – centred on Titina Loizidou, a refugee from [[Kyrenia]], who was judged to have been unlawfully denied the control of her property by Turkey. The case also had severe financial implications as the Court later ruled that Turkey should pay Mrs Loizidou US$825,000 in compensation for the loss of use of her property. Ankara rejected the ruling as politically motivated.

After twenty years of talks, a settlement seemed as far off as ever. However, the basic parameters of a settlement were by now internationally agreed. Cyprus would be a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. A solution would also be expected to address the following issues:
* Constitutional framework
* Territorial adjustments
* Return of property to pre-1974 owners and/or compensation payments
* Return of displaced persons
* Demilitarisation of Cyprus
* Residency rights/repatriation of Turkish settlers
* Future peacekeeping arrangements

====August 1996 incidents====
In August 1996, Greek [[Cypriot refugees]] demonstrated with a motorcycle protest in [[Deryneia]] against the [[Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus|Turkish occupation]] of Cyprus. The ‘Motorcyclists March’ involved 2000 bikers from European countries and was organised by the Motorcyclists’ Federation of Cyprus.<ref name=":1">{{cite book |last=Efthymiou|first=Stratis Andreas|chapter=Nationalism, Militarism and Masculinity After the Construction of the Border|date=2019|title=Nationalism, Militarism and Masculinity in Post-Conflict Cyprus|pages=23–53|publisher=Springer International |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-14702-0_2|isbn=978-3-030-14701-3|s2cid=198621467}}</ref> The rally begun from Berlin to Kyrenia (a city in Occupied Cyprus) in commemoration of the twenty-second year of Cyprus as a divided country and aimed to cross the border using peaceful means.<ref name=":1" /> The demonstrators' demand was the complete withdrawal of Turkish troops and the return of [[Cypriot refugees]] to their homes and properties. Among them was [[Tassos Isaac]] who was beaten to death.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.hri.org/news/greek/ant1en/1996/96-08-13.ant1en.html|title=Antenna News in English 130896|website=www.hri.org}}</ref>

Another man, [[Solomos Solomou]], was shot to death by Turkish troops while he was climbing to a flagpole to strike Turkish Flag during the same protests on 14 August 1996.<ref>{{cite news | title=1 killed, 11 wounded as Turks shoot at Greek Cypriots armed with stones | date=15 August 1996 |agency=Associated Press   | url =http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=ST&s_site=dfw&p_multi=ST&p_theme=realcities&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0EAF90A39E013EF3&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM | access-date =29 October 2007 }}</ref> An investigation by authorities of the Republic of Cyprus followed, and the suspects were named as Kenan Akin and Erdan Emanet. International legal proceedings were instigated and arrest warrants for both were issued via [[Interpol (organization)|Interpol]].<ref>{{cite news|first=Jean|last=Christou|title=Denktash 'minister' on Interpol list over Solomou killing|date=11 November 1997|url=http://www.hri.org/news/cyprus/cmnews/1997/97-11-11.cmnews.html|work=[[Cyprus Mail]]|access-date=4 July 2012}}</ref> During the demonstrations on 14 August 1996, two British soldiers were also shot by the Turkish forces: Neil Emery and Jeffrey Hudson, both from 39th Regiment Royal Artillery. Bombardier Emery was shot in his arm, whilst Gunner Hudson was shot in the leg by a high velocity rifle round and was airlifted to hospital in Nicosia then on to [[RAF Akrotiri]].

====Missile crisis====
The situation took another turn for the worse at the start of 1997 when the Greek Cypriots announced that they intended to purchase the Russian-made [[S-300 (missile)|S-300]] anti-aircraft missile system.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Efthymiou|first=Stratis Andreas|s2cid=157301069|date=30 September 2016|title=Militarism in post-war Cyprus: the development of the ideology of defence|journal=Defence Studies|language=en|volume=16|issue=4|pages=408–426|doi=10.1080/14702436.2016.1229126|issn=1470-2436|url=http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/5589/7/Stratis%20Andreas%20Efthymiou.%20Militarism%20in%20post-war%20Cyprus_%20the%20development%20of%20the%20ideology%20of%20defence.%20final%20edit..pdf}}</ref> Soon afterwards, the [[Cyprus Missile Crisis]] started.<ref>{{cite book |last=Efthymiou|first=Stratis Andreas|chapter=Cypriot Energy: Nationalism, Militarism and Masculinity on the Maritime Boundaries|date=2019|title=Nationalism, Militarism and Masculinity in Post-Conflict Cyprus|pages=217–236|publisher=Springer International |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-14702-0_7|isbn=978-3-030-14701-3|s2cid=198635065}}</ref> The crisis effectively ended in December 1998 with the decision of the Cypriot government to transfer the S-300s to [[Crete]], in exchange for alternative weapons from [[Greece]].