Editing Chinese Communist Party (section)

==Ideology==
{{Main|Ideology of the Chinese Communist Party}}

===Formal ideology===
{{Further|Generations of Chinese leadership}}
[[File:Marx et Engels à Shanghai.jpg|thumb|left|upright|A monument dedicated to Karl Marx (left) and Friedrich Engels (right) in Shanghai]]

The core ideology of the party has evolved with each distinct [[Generations of Chinese leadership|generation of Chinese leadership]]. As both the CCP and the [[People's Liberation Army]] promote their members according to seniority, it is possible to discern distinct generations of Chinese leadership.<ref name="auto1">{{Cite book |last=Whitson |first=William W. |url=https://archive.org/details/chinesehighcomma0000whit |title=The Chinese High Command: A History of Communist Military Politics, 1927-71 |date=1973 |publisher=[[Greenwood Publishing Group|Praeger]] |isbn=978-0-333-15053-5 |language=en}}</ref> In official discourse, each group of leadership is identified with a distinct extension of the ideology of the party. Historians have studied various periods in the development of the government of the People's Republic of China by reference to these "generations".{{citation needed|date=July 2023}}

[[Marxism–Leninism]] was the first official ideology of the CCP.<ref name="MLT" /> According to the CCP, "Marxism–Leninism reveals the [[Historical materialism|universal laws governing the development of history of human society]]."<ref name="MLT" /> To the CCP, Marxism–Leninism provides a "vision of the [[Capitalist mode of production (Marxist theory)|contradictions in capitalist society]] and of the inevitability of a future socialist and communist societies".<ref name="MLT" /> According to the ''[[People's Daily]]'', [[Mao Zedong Thought]] "is Marxism–Leninism applied and developed in China".<ref name="MLT">{{Cite news |date=30 October 2012 |title=Ideological Foundation of the CPC |work=[[People's Daily]] |url=http://english.people.com.cn/206215/206216/7997750.html |url-status=live |access-date=26 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131228014526/http://english.people.com.cn/206215/206216/7997750.html |archive-date=28 December 2013}}</ref> Mao Zedong Thought was conceived not only by Mao Zedong, but by leading party officials, according to [[Xinhua News Agency]].<ref name="MaoZedongThought">{{Cite news |author-link=Staff writer |date=26 December 2013 |title=Mao Zedong Thought |agency=[[Xinhua News Agency]] |url=http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-12/26/c_132996545.htm |access-date=26 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304132852/http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-12/26/c_132996545.htm |archive-date=4 March 2016}}</ref>

Deng Xiaoping Theory was added to the party constitution at the [[14th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|14th National Congress]] in 1992.{{sfn|Vogel|2011|p=684}} The concepts of "[[socialism with Chinese characteristics]]" and "the primary stage of socialism" were credited to the theory.{{sfn|Vogel|2011|p=684}} Deng Xiaoping Theory can be defined as a belief that [[state socialism]] and [[planned economy|state planning]] is not by definition communist, and that market mechanisms are class neutral.{{sfn|Vogel|2011|p=668}} In addition, the party needs to react to the changing situation dynamically; to know if a certain policy is obsolete or not, the party had to "[[seek truth from facts]]" and follow the slogan "practice is the sole criterion for the truth".{{sfn|Chan|2003|p=180}} At the 14th National Congress, Jiang reiterated Deng's mantra that it was unnecessary to ask if something was socialist or capitalist, since the important factor was whether it worked.{{sfn|Vogel|2011|p=685}}

The "Three Represents", Jiang Zemin's contribution to the party's ideology, was adopted by the party at the [[16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|16th National Congress]]. The Three Represents defines the role of the CCP, and stresses that the Party must always represent the requirements for developing China's advanced productive forces, the orientation of China's advanced culture and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the Chinese people."<ref>Selected Works of Jiang Zemin, Eng. ed., FLP, Beijing, 2013, Vol. III, p. 519.</ref>{{sfn|Chan|2003|p=201}} Certain segments within the CCP criticized the Three Represents as being un-Marxist and a betrayal of basic Marxist values. Supporters viewed it as a further development of socialism with Chinese characteristics.{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|pp=108–109}} Jiang disagreed, and had concluded that attaining the communist mode of production, as formulated by earlier communists, was more complex than had been realized, and that it was useless to try to force a change in the mode of production, as it had to develop naturally, by following the "[[Historical materialism|economic laws of history]]."{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|pp=107–108}} The theory is most notable for allowing capitalists, officially referred to as the "new social strata", to join the party on the grounds that they engaged in "honest labor and work" and through their labour contributed "to build[ing] socialism with Chinese characteristics."{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=110}}

In 2003, the 3rd Plenary Session of the [[16th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party|16th Central Committee]] conceived and formulated the ideology of the [[Scientific Outlook on Development]] (SOD).{{sfn|Izuhara|2013|p=110}} It is considered to be Hu Jintao's contribution to the official ideological discourse.{{sfn|Guo|Guo|2008|p=119}} The SOD incorporates [[scientific socialism]], [[sustainable development]], [[social welfare]], a [[humanism|humanistic]] society, increased democracy, and, ultimately, the creation of a [[Socialist Harmonious Society]]. According to official statements by the CCP, the concept integrates "Marxism with the reality of contemporary China and with the underlying features of our times, and it fully embodies the Marxist worldview on and methodology for development."<ref>{{Cite news |date=19 November 2012 |title=Full text of Hu Jintao's report at 18th Party Congress |work=[[People's Daily]] |url=http://english.people.com.cn/102774/8024779.html |url-status=live |access-date=19 September 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130607164302/http://english.people.com.cn/102774/8024779.html |archive-date=7 June 2013}}</ref>

[[File:A political slogan on the wall in Longhua District, Shenzhen, Guangdong, China, picture1.jpg|thumb|A billboard advertising Xi Jinping Thought in [[Shenzhen]], Guangdong]]

Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, commonly known as Xi Jinping Thought, was added to the party constitution in the [[19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|19th National Congress]] in 2017.<ref name=":0" /> The theory's main elements are summarized in the ten affirmations, the fourteen commitments, and the thirteen areas of achievements.<ref>{{cite web |title=His own words: The 14 principles of 'Xi Jinping Thought' |url=https://monitoring.bbc.co.uk/product/c1dmwn4r |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028152832/https://monitoring.bbc.co.uk/product/c1dmwn4r |archive-date=28 October 2017 |access-date=28 October 2017 |publisher=[[BBC Monitoring]]}}</ref>

The party combines elements of both [[socialist patriotism]]{{sfn|Zhao|2004|p=28}}{{sfn|Löfstedt|1980|p=25}}{{sfn|Li|1995|pp=38–39}}{{sfn|Ghai|Arup|Chanock|2000|p=77}} and [[Chinese nationalism]].{{sfn|Zheng|2012|p=119}}

===Economics===
Deng did not believe that the fundamental difference between the capitalist mode of production and the socialist mode of production was [[central planning]] versus [[free market]]s. He said, "A planned economy is not the definition of socialism, because there is planning under capitalism; the market economy happens under socialism, too. Planning and market forces are both ways of controlling economic activity".<ref name="marketvsplanning">{{Cite news |last=Deng Xiaoping |author-link=Deng Xiaoping |date=30 June 1984 |title=Building a Socialism with a specifically Chinese character |work=[[People's Daily]] |publisher=[[Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party]] |url=http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1220.html |url-status=live |access-date=13 January 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130116081318/http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1220.html |archive-date=16 January 2013}}</ref> Jiang Zemin supported Deng's thinking, and stated in a party gathering that it did not matter if a certain mechanism was capitalist or socialist, because the only thing that mattered was whether it worked.{{sfn|Vogel|2011|p=682}} It was at this gathering that Jiang Zemin introduced the term socialist market economy, which replaced [[Chen Yun]]'s "planned socialist market economy".{{sfn|Vogel|2011|p=682}} In his report to the 14th National Congress Jiang Zemin told the delegates that the socialist state would "let market forces play a basic role in resource allocation."<ref name="basicdecisive">{{Cite news |date=18 November 2013 |title=Marketization the key to economic system reform |work=[[China Daily]] |publisher=Chinese Communist Party |url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2013cpctps/2013-11/18/content_17113583.htm |url-status=live |access-date=22 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924033908/http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2013cpctps/2013-11/18/content_17113583.htm |archive-date=24 September 2015}}</ref> At the 15th National Congress, the party line was changed to "make market forces further play their role in resource allocation"; this line continued until the 3rd Plenary Session of the [[18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party|18th Central Committee]],<ref name="basicdecisive" /> when it was amended to "let market forces play a ''decisive'' role in [[resource allocation]]."<ref name="basicdecisive" /> Despite this, the 3rd Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee upheld the creed "Maintain the dominance of the [[public sector]] and strengthen the economic vitality of the state-owned economy."<ref name="basicdecisive" />

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| quote = "...{{nbsp}}their theory that capitalism is the ultimate [force] has been shaken, and socialist development has experienced a miracle. Western capitalism has suffered reversals, a financial crisis, a credit crisis, a crisis of confidence, and their self-conviction has wavered. Western countries have begun to reflect, and openly or secretively compare themselves against China's politics, economy and path."
| source = — [[Xi Jinping]], on the inevitability of socialism<ref>{{Cite news |last=Buckley |first=Chris |date=13 February 2014 |title=Xi Touts Communist Party as Defender of Confucius's Virtues |work=[[The New York Times]] |url=http://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/02/13/xi-touts-communist-party-as-defender-of-confuciuss-virtues/?_php=true&_type=blogs&_php=true&_type=blogs&_r=1 |url-status=live |access-date=13 February 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140222200302/http://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/02/13/xi-touts-communist-party-as-defender-of-confuciuss-virtues/?_php=true&_type=blogs&_php=true&_type=blogs&_r=1 |archive-date=22 February 2014}}</ref>
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The CCP views the world as organized into two opposing camps; socialist and capitalist.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=62}} They insist that socialism, on the basis of [[historical materialism]], will eventually triumph over capitalism.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=62}} In recent years, when the party has been asked to explain the capitalist [[globalization]] occurring, the party has returned to the writings of [[Karl Marx]].{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=62}} Despite admitting that globalization developed through the capitalist system, the party's leaders and theorists argue that globalization is not intrinsically capitalist.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=63}} The reason being that if globalization was purely capitalist, it would exclude an alternative socialist form of modernity.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=63}} Globalization, as with the market economy, therefore does not have one specific class character (neither socialist nor capitalist) according to the party.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=63}} The insistence that globalization is not fixed in nature comes from Deng's insistence that China can pursue socialist modernization by incorporating elements of capitalism.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=63}} Because of this there is considerable optimism within the CCP that despite the current capitalist dominance of globalization, globalization can be turned into a vehicle supporting socialism.{{sfn|Heazle|Knight|2007|p=64}}

===Analysis and criticism===
While foreign analysts generally agree that the CCP has rejected orthodox Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought (or at least basic thoughts within orthodox thinking), the CCP itself disagrees.{{sfn|Shambaugh|2008|p=104}} Critics of the CCP argue that Jiang Zemin ended the party's formal commitment to Marxism–Leninism with the introduction of the ideological theory, the Three Represents.{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=99}} However, party theorist [[Leng Rong]] disagrees, claiming that "President Jiang rid the Party of the ideological obstacles to different kinds of ownership{{nbsp}}... He did not give up Marxism or socialism. He strengthened the Party by providing a modern understanding of Marxism and socialism—which is why we talk about a 'socialist market economy' with Chinese characteristics."{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=99}} The attainment of true "communism" is still described as the CCP's and China's "ultimate goal".{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=527}} While the CCP claims that China is in the [[primary stage of socialism]], party theorists argue that the current development stage "looks a lot like capitalism".{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=527}} Alternatively, certain party theorists argue that "capitalism is the early or first stage of communism."{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=527}} Some have dismissed the concept of a primary stage of socialism as intellectual cynicism.{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=527}} For example, [[Robert Lawrence Kuhn]], a former foreign adviser to the Chinese government, stated: "When I first heard this rationale, I thought it more comic than clever—a wry caricature of hack propagandists leaked by intellectual cynics. But the 100-year horizon comes from serious political theorists."{{sfn|Kuhn|2011|p=527}}

American political scientist and [[Sinology|sinologist]] [[David Shambaugh]] argues that before the "[[1978 Truth Criterion Controversy|Practice Is the Sole Criterion for the Truth]]" campaign, the relationship between ideology and decision making was a deductive one, meaning that policy-making was derived from ideological knowledge.{{sfn|Shambaugh|2008|p=105}} However, under Deng's leadership this relationship was turned upside down, with decision making justifying ideology.{{sfn|Shambaugh|2008|p=105}} Chinese policy-makers have described the [[Ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Soviet Union's state ideology]] as "rigid, unimaginative, ossified, and disconnected from reality", believing that this was one of the reasons for the [[dissolution of the Soviet Union]]. Therefore, Shambaugh argues, Chinese policy-makers believe that their party ideology must be dynamic to safeguard the party's rule.{{sfn|Shambaugh|2008|p=105}}

British sinologist [[Kerry Brown (historian)|Kerry Brown]] argues that the CCP does not have an ideology, and that the party organization is [[Pragmatism|pragmatic]] and interested only in what works.{{sfn|Brown|2012|p=52}} The party itself argues against this assertion. Hu Jintao stated in 2012 that the Western world is "threatening to divide us" and that "the international culture of the West is strong while we are weak ... Ideological and cultural fields are our main targets".{{sfn|Brown|2012|p=52}} As such, the CCP puts a great deal of effort into the party schools and into crafting its ideological message.{{sfn|Brown|2012|p=52}}