Editing Battle of Carillon (section)

==Aftermath==
[[File:Portrait of Montcalm.JPG|left|thumb|General [[Louis-Joseph de Montcalm]]|alt=A half-length portrait of a man dressed mainly in black, but also wearing a metal breastplate, against a dark brown background. He is wearing a powdered wig.]]

Montcalm, wary of a second British attack, and concerned about the fatigue of his troops after a long day of battle, had barrels of beer and wine brought forward to the lines. The troops spent the night alternating between sleeping and working on the defenses in anticipation of a renewed attack.<ref name="Nester157">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 157</ref>

News of the battle was received in England shortly after news of the fall of Louisbourg, putting a damper on the celebrations marking that victory. The full scope of British victories in 1758 did not reach English shores until later in the year, when Pitt learned of the successes at Forts Duquesne and Frontenac, key steps in completing the conquest of New France.<ref name="AndersonC298">[[#AndersonCrucible|Anderson (2000)]], p. 298</ref> Had Carillon also fallen in 1758, the conquest might have been completed in 1758 or 1759;<ref name="Nester206">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 206</ref> as it happened, Montreal (the last point of resistance) did not surrender until 1760, with campaigns launched from [[Fort Oswego]], Quebec, and Carillon, which was [[Battle of Ticonderoga (1759)|captured and renamed Ticonderoga in 1759]] by forces under the command of [[Jeffery Amherst, 1st Baron Amherst|Jeffery Amherst]], the victor at Louisbourg.<ref name="AndersonC312ff">See e.g. [[#AndersonCrucible|Anderson (2000)]], pp. 312ff, for details on the remainder of the war.</ref>

Abercrombie never led another military campaign.<ref name="Nester206"/> Although he was active at Lake George, he did little more than provide support for John Bradstreet's [[Battle of Fort Frontenac|successful attack on Fort Frontenac]], which was authorized in a war council on July 13. Bradstreet left with 3,000 men on July 23, and Abercrombie then refused to engage in further offensive acts, alleging a shortage of manpower.<ref name="Nester168">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 168</ref> [[William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham|William Pitt]], the British [[Secretary of State (United Kingdom)|Secretary of State]] who had designed the British military strategy and received word of the defeat in August, wrote to Abercrombie on September 18 that the "King has judged proper that you should return to England."<ref name="Nester204">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 204</ref> Abercrombie continued to be promoted, eventually reaching the rank of full General in 1772.<ref name="Nester206"/> [[#Holden|James Holden]], writing in 1911, noted that American and British writers, both contemporary and historical, used words like "imbecile", "coward", "unready", and "old woman" to describe Abercrombie.<ref name="Holden69">[[#Holden|Holden (1911)]], p. 69</ref>

The fact that Indians allied to the British witnessed the debacle first hand complicated future relations with them. News of the defeat circulated widely in their communities, which had a significant effect on the ability of British agents to recruit Indians to their side for future operations.<ref name="Nester147">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 147</ref>

The disorganized nature of the British retreat demonstrated a loss of effective command. An experienced commander could easily have encamped at the Lake George landing, taken stock of the situation, and begun siege operations against the French. Abercrombie, to the surprise of some in his army, ordered a retreat all the way back to the south end of Lake George. Nester, unable to find other rational reasons for this, claims that the general must have panicked.<ref name="Nester157"/>

===Casualties===
The battle was the bloodiest of the war, with over 3,000 casualties suffered.<ref name="Nester7"/> French casualties are normally considered to be comparatively light: 104 killed and 273 wounded in the main battle. Combined with the effective elimination of Trépezet's force on July 6, there were about 550 casualties, about 13 per cent of the French force, a percentage similar to the losses of the British (who Chartrand calculates as having lost 11.5 to 15 per cent).<ref name="Chartrand88">{{harvnb|Chartrand|2000|p=88}}</ref>

General Abercrombie reported 547 killed, 1,356 wounded, and 77 missing. Lévis in one report claimed that the French recovered 800 British bodies, implying that Abercrombie may have underreported the actual death toll. Chartrand estimates the number of British killed (or died of their wounds) at about 1,000 for the main battle, with about 1,500 wounded. The skirmish on July 6 cost the British about 100 killed and wounded, and the loss of General Howe.<ref name="Chartrand86"/>

[[File:Officer and Serjeant of a Highland Regiment.jpg|thumb|upright|left|Officers of the [[42nd Regiment of Foot|Black Watch]]|alt=A black and white draing of two men wearing Scottish military garb, placed against a backdrop of countryside. Both are wearing kilts and argyled knee-length socks. One carries a musket, while the other has a halberd, and appears to have sword by his side.]]

The 42nd Regiment, known as the [[42nd Regiment of Foot|Black Watch]], paid dearly with the loss of many lives and many severely wounded. More than 300 men (including 8 officers) were killed, and a similar number were wounded, representing a significant fraction of the total casualties suffered by the British.<ref name="Stewart315_6">[[#Stewart|Stewart (1825)]], pp. 315–316</ref> [[George III|King George III]], later in July 1758, designated the 42nd a "Royal" regiment, due to its gallantry in earlier battles, and issued letters of service for adding a second battalion "as a testimony of his Majesty's satisfaction and approbation of the extraordinary courage, loyalty, and exemplary conduct of the Highland regiment."<ref name="Stewart317_8">[[#Stewart|Stewart (1825)]], pp. 317–318</ref> However, the king did not learn of the regiment's loss of almost half its strength in this battle until August.<ref name="Nester46">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 46</ref>

A legend has long circulated concerning the death of the Black Watch's Major [[Duncan Campbell (died 1758)|Duncan Campbell]]. In 1742, the ghost of Campbell's dead brother is said to have appeared to him in a dream with a promise to meet him again at "Ticonderoga", a place name that was unknown to him at the time. Campbell died of wounds sustained during the battle.<ref name="Lonergan47_53">[[#Lonergan|Lonergan (1959)]], pp. 47–53</ref>


===Analysis===
The actions of both commanders have been extensively analyzed in this action. While Montcalm performed well during the battle, some tactical options escaped his notice, and some of his actions in preparing the defenses at Carillon are open to question. In contrast, almost everything Abercrombie did has been questioned. It is widely held among historians that he was an incompetent commander.<ref name="Nester162_4Fault">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], pp. 162–164 lists a variety of historically critical sources, and also rebuts a number of attempted defenses of Abercrombie.</ref><ref name="Anderson173Fault">[[#AndersonMade|Anderson (2005)]], p. 172, calls Abercrombie "the least competent officer ever to serve as British commander in chief in America"</ref>

Both commanders were a product of the environment of European warfare, which generally took place in open fields with relatively easy mobility, and were thus uncomfortable with woodland warfare. Neither liked the irregular warfare practiced by the Indians and British counterparts like [[Rogers' Rangers]], but saw them as a necessary evil, given the operating environment.<ref name="Nester147"/><!--Abercrombie--><ref name="Chartrand20">{{harvnb|Chartrand|2000|p=20}}</ref><!--Montcalm--> Although the French depended on Indian support to increase their comparatively small numbers throughout the war, Indian forces were quite low in this battle, and Montcalm generally disliked them and their practices.<ref name="Nester159">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 159</ref><!--few Indians--><ref name="Chartrand25_50">{{harvnb|Chartrand|2000|pp=25, 50}}</ref><!--Montcalm dislike-->

Montcalm in particular would have benefited from practicing a more irregular form of warfare. He apparently never inspected the landing area at the north end of Lake George, which was a location from which he could contest the British landing. Furthermore, the French could then have used the confined woodlands to blunt the numerical advantage of the British, and contested the entire portage road. The fact that fortifications were built along the portage road but then abandoned by the French is one indication of this failure of strategic thinking. Nester estimates that contesting the first crossing on the portage road would have gained Montcalm an additional day for defensive preparations.<ref name="Nester117_8">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], pp. 117–118</ref>
<!--TODO Montcalm not fortifying Defiance-->

Criticisms of Abercrombie begin with his reliance on relatively poor intelligence. Reports reached him that the French strength at Carillon was 6,000, and that a further 3,000 were expected. Many of these reports were from French deserters or captives, and Abercrombie should have investigated them by sending out scouts or light infantry. Even if the reports were accurate, Abercrombie's army still significantly outnumbered that of Montcalm. The same sources must also have reported the shortage of provisions at the fort, a sign that a siege would have ended quickly.<ref name="Nester146">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 146</ref>
[[File:James-abercrombie-by-ramsay-ca-1759-60.jpg|left|thumb|General [[James Abercrombie (British Army general)|James Abercrombie]]|alt=Half-length portrait of a man against a dark background. He is wearing a red military jacket with a gold tassel on the right shoulder. His body is facing three-quarters right, but he is looking straight ahead.]]

Abercrombie's next error was an apparent over-reliance on the analysis of Matthew Clerk. His lack of experienced engineers caused the state of French defences to be repeatedly misread.<ref name="Nester145">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 145</ref> What is clear is that Abercrombie, in his stated desire for haste, did not want to act on Clerk's recommendation to fortify Rattlesnake Hill, and then sought to blame Clerk, claiming he was merely acting on the engineer's advice. Clerk was one of the battle's casualties, so he was unavailable to defend himself against assignment of some of the blame.<ref name="Nester144">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], p. 144</ref> Captain [[Charles Lee (general)|Charles Lee]] of the [[44th Foot]] wrote, on the prospect of using cannon on Rattlesnake Hill, "There was one hill in particular, which seem'd to offer itself as an ally to us, it immediately commanded the lines from hence two small cannon well planted must have drove the French in a very short time from their breast work [...] this was never thought of, which (one wou'd imagine) must have occur'd to any blockhead who was not absolutely so far sunk into Idiotism as to be oblig'd to wear a bib and bells."<ref name="AndersonC247_8">[[#AndersonCrucible|Anderson (2000)]], pp. 247–248</ref>

The tactical decision not to bring cannons forward was probably one of Abercrombie's most significant errors. The use of cannon against the French works would have cleared paths through the abatis and breached the breastworks.<ref name="Nester152"/>

Abercrombie also had the option to avoid a [[pitched battle]], instead beginning [[siege]] operations against the French position. His force was large enough that he could have fully [[investment (military)|invested]] the French position and fended off any arriving reinforcements.<ref name="Nester152"/>

===Tactics===
Abercrombie made two notable errors of judgment during the battle. One was a failure to recognize after the first wave of attacks that his chosen method of attack was unlikely to work. Instead of ordering additional waves of troops to the slaughter, he should have retreated to a safe distance and considered alternative actions. The second failure was that he apparently never considered ordering a flanking maneuver against the French right. At a minimum this would have stretched the French defenses, allowing his attackers elsewhere to find weak points. In fact, the French twice in the battle sent companies of militia out of their works on the right to [[enfilade]] the British attackers.<ref name="Nester152_3">[[#Nester|Nester (2008)]], pp. 152–153</ref>

===Legacy===
[[File:Carillon Flag.svg|thumb|150px|The ''Carillon Flag'', proposed as the flag of Quebec in 1902<ref name="FraserFlag">[[#FraserFlag|Fraser (1998)]]</ref>|alt=A rectangular flag with a blue background divided into quadrants by thick white lines. Each quadrant has a small gold fleur-de-lis near the outer corner with the top pointed in toward the center.]]
[[File:Flag of Quebec.svg|thumb|150px|The current [[Flag of Quebec]]|alt=A rectangular flag with a blue background divided into quadrants by thick white lines. Each quadrant has a small white upright fleur-de-lis located in the center of the quadrant.]]

While the fort itself was never endangered by the British assault, Ticonderoga became a byword for impregnability. Even though the fort was effectively [[Battle of Ticonderoga (1759)|handed to the British by a retreating French army in 1759]], future defenders of the fort and their superior officers, who may not have been familiar with the site's shortcomings, fell under the spell of this idea. In 1777, when General [[John Burgoyne]] advanced down Lake Champlain at the beginning of the [[Saratoga campaign]], General [[George Washington]], who had never seen the fort, thought highly of its defensive value.<ref name="Furneaux51">[[#Furneaux|Furneaux (1971)]], p. 51</ref> [[Anthony Wayne]], who was at Fort Ticonderoga preparing its defenses before Burgoyne's arrival, wrote to Washington that the fort "can never be carried, without much loss of blood".<ref name="Furneaux58">[[#Furneaux|Furneaux (1971)]], p. 58</ref> Fort Ticonderoga was [[Siege of Fort Ticonderoga (1777)|surrendered by the Americans without much of a fight]] in July 1777.<ref name="Furneaux65_74">[[#Furneaux|Furneaux (1971)]], pp. 65–74</ref>

The modern [[flag of Quebec]] is based upon a banner reputedly carried by the victorious French forces at Carillon.<ref name="QuebecEmblems">[[#QuebecEmblems|Emblems of Quebec]]</ref> The banner, now known as the [[flag of Carillon]], dates back to the 17th century, confirmed by textile expert Jean-Michel Tuchscherer: "The flag is without doubt an exceptional piece of document from the 17th century".<ref>[Robitaille]{{Full citation needed|date=April 2011}}</ref> As for the coat of arm under the madonna now erased, they were most probably that of Charles, [[Charles de la Boische, Marquis de Beauharnois|Marquis of Beauharnois]] (1671–1749), Governor of New France from 1726 to 1747: Silver on one side with a saber, mounted on three merlettes. Only the governor had the right to inscribe his personal crest on a banner with the arms of France, and only Beauharnois had the eagles to support his crest. The flag was probably fabricated around 1726, date of the arrival of Marquis de Beauharnois, and May 29, 1732, date when it was flown for the order of Saint Louis, with its motto: ''Bellicae virtutis praemium''.{{citation needed|date=April 2011}} However, historian Alistair Fraser is of the opinion that stories of the flag's presence on the battlefield appear to be a 19th-century fabrication, as there is no evidence that the large religious banner (2 by 3 meters, or 6 by 10 feet) on which the flag design was based was actually used as a [[Ensign (flag)|standard]] at the battle.<ref name="FraserFlag" />

===Cultural references===
A song called "Piper's Refrain" by Rich Nardin is based on the legend of a Scottish Highlander soldier, Duncan Campbell, who is doomed to die "at a place where he never had been" called Ticonderoga. He is a member of the Highland brigade and dies in the attack on the fort. There is another song by Margaret MacArthur on the same subject. The Nardin song was recorded by Gordon Bok, Anne Mayo Muir, and Ed Trickett on their album, ''And So Will We Yet''.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://sniff.numachi.com/pages/tiDCAMPBL.html|title=Piper's Refrain (Duncan Campbell)}}</ref>

The battle is also described, with some historical accuracy, in James Fenimore Cooper's 1845 novel ''[[Satanstoe]]''.