Editing Antonio Gramsci (section)

===State and civil society===
Gramsci's theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the capitalist state. Gramsci does not understand the state in the narrow sense of the government. Instead, he divides it between political society (the police, the army, legal system, etc.)—the arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control—and [[civil society]] (the family, the education system, trade unions, etc.)—commonly seen as the private or non-state sphere, which mediates between the state and the economy.{{sfn|Sassoon|1991b|p=83}} He stresses that the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in reality.{{sfn|Gramsci|1971|p=160}}

Gramsci posits that the capitalist state rules through force plus consent: political society is the realm of force and civil society is the realm of consent. He argues that under modern capitalism the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in [[passive revolution]] by going beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that movements such as [[reformism]] and fascism, as well as the [[scientific management]] and [[assembly line]] methods of [[Frederick Winslow Taylor]] and [[Henry Ford]] respectively, are examples of this.

Drawing from [[Niccolò Machiavelli]], Gramsci argues that the modern [[The Prince|Prince]]—the revolutionary party—is the force that will allow the working class to develop organic intellectuals and an alternative hegemony within civil society. For Gramsci, the complex nature of modern civil society means that a war of position, carried out by revolutionaries through political agitation, the trade unions, advancement of [[proletarian culture]], and other ways to create an opposing civil society was necessary alongside a war of manoeuvre—a direct revolution—in order to have a successful revolution without danger of a counter-revolution or degeneration.

Despite his claim that the lines between the two may be blurred, Gramsci rejects the state worship that results from equating political society with civil society, as was done by the [[Jacobin (politics)|Jacobins]] and fascists. He believes the proletariat's historical task is to create a regulated society, where political society is diminished and civil society is expanded. He defines the [[withering away of the state]] as the full development of civil society's ability to regulate itself.{{sfn|Sassoon|1991b|p=83}}