Editing Yugoslavia (section)

==SFR Yugoslavia==
{{Main|Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia}}
[[File:Josip Broz Tito uniform portrait.jpg|thumb|upright=0.7|right|Marshal [[Josip Broz Tito]]]]

On 7 April 1963, the nation changed its official name to [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]] and Josip Broz Tito was named [[President for life]].<ref>{{cite web |title=Tito is made president of Yugoslavia for life |url=https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/tito-is-made-president-for-life |website=History.com}}</ref> In the SFRY, each republic and province had its own constitution, supreme court, parliament, president and prime minister.<ref name="US Notes">{{cite book |author1=Bureau of Public Affairs Office of Media Services |title=Background Notes |date=1976 |publisher=United States Department of State |page=4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eM8WAAAAYAAJ&pg=RA43-PA4}}</ref> At the top of the Yugoslav government were the President (Tito), the federal Prime Minister, and the federal Parliament (a collective Presidency was formed after Tito's death in 1980).<ref name="US Notes" /><ref>{{cite book |title=Post Report |date=1985 |publisher=United States Department of State |page=5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Mo2bAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA1}}</ref> Also important were the [[Communist Party of Yugoslavia|Communist Party]] general secretaries for each republic and province, and the general secretary of Central Committee of the Communist Party.<ref name="US Notes" />

Tito was the most powerful person in the country, followed by republican and provincial premiers and presidents, and Communist Party presidents. Slobodan Penezić Krcun, Tito's chief of secret police in Serbia, fell victim to a dubious traffic incident after he started to complain about Tito's politics. Minister of the interior [[Aleksandar Ranković]] lost all of his titles and rights after a major disagreement with Tito regarding state politics. Some influential ministers in government, such as [[Edvard Kardelj]] or [[Stane Dolanc]], were more important than the Prime Minister.{{Citation needed|date=October 2023}}

First cracks in the tightly governed system surfaced when [[1968 student demonstrations in Belgrade|students in Belgrade and several other cities joined]] the worldwide [[protests of 1968]]. President Josip Broz Tito gradually stopped the protests by giving in to some of the students' demands and saying that "students are right" during a televised speech. However, in the following years, he dealt with the leaders of the protests by sacking them from university and Communist party posts.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Žilnik |first=Želimir |url=http://www.ghi-dc.org/files/publications/bu_supp/supp006/bus6_181.pdf |title=Yugoslavia: "Down with the Red Bourgeoisie!" |issue=1968: Memories and Legacies of a Global Revolt |journal=Bulletin of the GHI |year=2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131004072155/http://www.ghi-dc.org/files/publications/bu_supp/supp006/bus6_181.pdf |archive-date=4 October 2013}}</ref>

Most dissidents during the 1960s and 1970s supported a [[Marxist humanism]].<ref name=":2322">{{Cite book |last=Reill |first=Dominique Kirchner |title=Mao's Little Red Book: A Global History |date=2013 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=978-1-107-05722-7 |editor-last=Cook |editor-first=Alexander C. |location=Cambridge |pages= |chapter=Partisan Legacies and Anti-Imperialist Ambitions: The Little Red Book in Italy and Yugoslavia}}</ref>{{Rp|page=202}}

A more severe sign of disobedience was so-called [[Croatian Spring]] of 1970 and 1971, when students in Zagreb organised demonstrations for greater civil liberties and greater Croatian autonomy, followed by mass protests across Croatia.<ref name="Minahan">{{cite book |last1=Minahan |first1=James B. |title=The Complete Guide to National Symbols and Emblems [2 volumes] |date=2009 |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-0-3133-4497-8 |page=366 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jfrWCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA366}}</ref><ref name="Lalić & Prug">{{cite book |editor1-last=Lalić |editor1-first=Alenka Braček |editor2-last=Prug |editor2-first=Danica |title=Hidden Champions in Dynamically Changing Societies: Critical Success Factors for Market Leadership |date=2021 |publisher=Springer |isbn=978-3-03065-451-1 |page=154 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mUIsEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA154}}</ref> The regime stifled the public protest and incarcerated the leaders, though many key Croatian representatives in the Party silently supported this cause.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Horowitz |first1=Shale |title=From Ethnic Conflict to Stillborn Reform: The Former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia |date=2005 |publisher=Texas A&M University Press |isbn=978-1-5854-4396-3 |page=150 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XjbDX9MVKWwC&pg=PA150}}</ref> As a result, a new [[1974 Yugoslav Constitution|Constitution]] was ratified in 1974, which gave more rights to the individual republics in Yugoslavia and provinces in Serbia.<ref name="Minahan" /><ref name="Lalić & Prug" />

===Ethnic tensions and economic crisis===
After the [[Yugoslav Partisans]] took over the country at the end of WWII, nationalism was banned from being publicly promoted. Overall relative peace was retained under Tito's rule, though nationalist protests did occur, but these were usually repressed and nationalist leaders were arrested and some were executed by Yugoslav officials. However, the Croatian Spring protests in the 1970s were backed by large numbers of Croats who complained that Yugoslavia remained a Serb hegemony.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Huszka |first1=Beata |title=Secessionist Movements and Ethnic Conflict: Debate-Framing and Rhetoric in Independence Campaigns |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9781134687848 |page=68 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uTlnAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA68}}</ref>

Tito, whose home republic was Croatia, was concerned over the stability of the country and responded in a manner to appease both Croats and Serbs: he ordered the arrest of the Croatian Spring protestors while at the same time conceding to some of their demands. Following the [[1974 Yugoslav Constitution]], Serbia's influence in the country was significantly reduced,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bell |first1=Jared O. |title=Frozen Justice: Lessons from Bosnia and Herzegovina's Failed Transitional Justice Strategy |date=2018 |publisher=Vernon Press |isbn=978-1-6227-3204-3 |page=40 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0biEDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA40}}</ref> while its autonomous provinces of [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina|Vojvodina]] and [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo|Kosovo]] were granted greater autonomy, along with greater rights for the Albanians of Kosovo and Hungarians of Vojvodina.<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Paulston |editor1-first=Christina Bratt |editor2-last=Peckham |editor2-first=Donald |title=Linguistic Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe |date=1998 |publisher=Multilingual Matters |isbn=978-1-8535-9416-8 |page=43 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sHB1kFCB4wYC&pg=PA43}}</ref> Both provinces were afforded much of the same status as the six republics of Yugoslavia, though they could not secede.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ker-Lindsay |first1=James |title=The Foreign Policy of Counter Secession: Preventing the Recognition of Contested States |date=2012 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=9780199698394 |page=33 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4PwmeRG9QsUC&pg=PA33}}</ref> Vojvodina and Kosovo formed the provinces of the [[Socialist Republic of Serbia|Republic of Serbia]] but also formed part of the federation, which led to the unique situation in which [[Central Serbia]] did not have its own assembly but a joint assembly with its provinces represented in it. [[Albanian language|Albanian]] and [[Hungarian language|Hungarian]] became nationally recognised minority languages, and the Serbo-Croat of Bosnia and Montenegro altered to a form based on the speech of the local people and not on the standards of Zagreb and Belgrade. In Slovenia the recognized minorities were Hungarians and Italians.{{Citation needed|date=October 2023}}

The fact that these autonomous provinces held the same voting power as the republics but unlike other republics could not legally separate from Yugoslavia satisfied Croatia and Slovenia, but in Serbia and in the new autonomous province of Kosovo, reaction was different. Serbs saw the new constitution as conceding to Croat and ethnic Albanian nationalists.<ref name="Malley-Morrison">{{cite book |editor1-last=Malley-Morrison |editor1-first=Kathleen |title=State Violence and the Right to Peace: An International Survey of the Views of Ordinary People, Volume 1 |date=2009 |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-0-2759-9652-9 |page=28 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hV-y4BNWTt0C&pg=RA1-PA28}}</ref> Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo saw the creation of an autonomous province as not being enough, and demanded that Kosovo become a constituent republic with the right to separate from Yugoslavia. This created tensions within the Communist leadership, particularly among Communist Serb officials who viewed the 1974 constitution as weakening Serbia's influence and jeopardising the unity of the country by allowing the republics the right to separate.<ref name="Malley-Morrison" />

Several groups of [[Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Croats from Herzegovin]]<nowiki/>a maintained close ties with the Croatian Ustaše émigrés, aiming to dismantle Yugoslavia and reestablish an independent Croatian state. On June 20, 1972, the [[Bugojno group]] attempted to infiltrate SFR Yugoslavia with the aim of inciting a rebellion against the socialist Yugoslav government.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Raduša 72: Popović je prvi ubijen iz snajpera, a onda su teroristi likvidirani |url=https://www.vijesti.me/vijesti/drustvo/108080/radusa-72-popovic-je-prvi-ubijen-iz-snajpera-a-onda-su-teroristi-likvidirani |access-date=2025-02-17 |website=vijesti.me |language=sr}}</ref> Another group, inspired and possibly organized by [[friar]] Jozo Križić from [[Tomislavgrad|Duvno]], included soldiers serving their military service in the Yugoslav army. In 1985, they were arrested and imprisoned for attempted terrorism.<ref>{{Cite news |date=September 28, 1985 |title=Inspirisao ih fratar |work=Politika ekspres}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Karan |first=Ljuban |title=Bio sam oficir KOS-a |publisher=Filip Višnjić, Blic |year=2006 |location=Belgrade |pages=32-40}}</ref>

According to official statistics, from the 1950s to the early 1980s, Yugoslavia was among the fastest growing countries, approaching the ranges reported in South Korea and other countries undergoing an [[economic miracle]].<ref name="Baten">{{cite book |editor1-last=Baten |editor1-first=Joerg |title=A History of the Global Economy |date=2016 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-1071-0470-9 |page=64 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gmOKCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA64}}</ref> The unique socialist system in Yugoslavia, where factories were [[worker cooperative]]s and decision-making was less centralized than in other socialist countries, may have led to the stronger growth. However, even if the absolute value of the growth rates was not as high as indicated by the official statistics, both the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia were characterized by surprisingly high growth rates of both income and education during the 1950s.<ref name="Baten" /> The period of European growth ended after the oil price shock in 1970s. Following that,  an economic crisis erupted in Yugoslavia due to disastrous economic policies such as borrowing vast amounts of Western capital to fund growth through exports.<ref name="Baten" /> At the same time, Western economies went into recession, decreasing demand for Yugoslav imports thereby creating a large debt problem.<ref>{{Cite web |title=YUGOSLAVIA'S BALANCE OF PAYMENTS: IN THE BLACK THOUGH NOT FOR LONG |url=https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP85T00875R001700050006-9.pdf}}</ref>

In 1989, 248 firms were declared bankrupt or were liquidated and 89,400 workers were laid off according to official sources{{who|date=September 2020}}.  During the first nine months of 1990 and directly following the adoption of the IMF programme, another 889 enterprises with a combined work-force of 525,000 workers suffered the same fate. In other words, in less than two years "the trigger mechanism" (under the Financial Operations Act) had led to the layoff of more than 600,000 workers out of a total industrial workforce of the order of 2.7&nbsp;million.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Eade |first1=Deborah |title=From Conflict to Peace in a Changing World: Social Reconstruction in Times of Transition |date=1998 |publisher=Oxfam |isbn=978-0-8559-8395-6 |page=40}}</ref> An additional 20% of the work force, or half a million people, were not paid wages during the early months of 1990 as enterprises sought to avoid bankruptcy.<ref name="Chossudovsky">{{cite journal |last1=Chossudovsky |first1=Michel |title=Dismantling Former Yugoslavia: Recolonising Bosnia |journal=Economic and Political Weekly |date=1996 |volume=31 |issue=9 |pages=521–525 |jstor=4403857 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4403857}}</ref> The largest concentrations of bankrupt firms and lay-offs were in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo. Real earnings were in a free fall and social programmes collapsed; creating within the population an atmosphere of social despair and hopelessness.<ref name="Chossudovsky" /> This was a critical turning point in the events to follow.{{citation needed|date=September 2020}}