Editing Winter of Discontent (section)

===Changes in labour movement===

Between 1966 and 1979, Britain's unions were changing and becoming more diverse. Most of the increase in union membership was driven by women returning to or entering the workforce—73 per cent of them joined a union during that period against 19.3 per cent of men newly in work, as manufacturing jobs, traditionally heavily male, disappeared. Black and Asian workers also filled union ranks; in 1977, 61 per cent of black men in work belonged to a union as opposed to 47 per cent of white men.<ref name="Tara Martin Lopez 32">{{harvp|López|2014|pages=[{{GBurl|LVy1DAAAQBAJ|page=32}} 32–33]}}</ref> Asian women became the face of the labour movement during the 1976–1978 [[Grunwick dispute]] over pay and conditions at a film processing plant in suburban London.<ref name="Tara Martin Lopez 57–59">{{harvp|López|2014|pages=[{{GBurl|LVy1DAAAQBAJ|page=61}} 57–59]}}</ref>

Within unions, power was also devolving to the rank and file. The political upheavals of the late 1960s in Europe and the United States had brought [[participatory democracy]] to the fore, and workers felt [[Industrial democracy|they should be taking decisions]], including about when and whether to strike, that had hitherto been the province of union leadership. [[Hugh Scanlon]], who took over as head of the [[Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers]] (AUEW) in 1967, and [[Jack Jones (trade unionist)|Jack Jones]], general secretary of the [[Transport and General Workers' Union]] (TGWU) from shortly afterwards, were known among union leaders as "the dubious duo" for their advocacy for devolution.<ref name="Tara Martin Lopez 32" />

====Dissatisfied public employees====

Many new members were also coming from government jobs. In 1974, about half of the total British workforce was unionised, but 83.1 per cent of all public-sector workers were. In the health sector that reached 90 per cent. Many of the government workers joining unions were women.<ref name="Tara Martin Lopez 32" />

The public employees were in a particularly difficult position with regard to incomes policy. Governments kept their employees' pay, already lower than their private-sector colleagues, low both because they could and because they wanted to set an example for the private sector, an example the private sector rarely followed. Their unions were also frustrated that their growing numbers had not yet translated into corresponding influence within the TUC.<ref name="Tara Martin Lopez 111">{{harvp|López|2014|page=111}}</ref>

These matters came to a head with the 1977 fire brigade strike, a strike that many firemen were conflicted about since they knew they would be abandoning their own profession's duty to protect life, but felt that they could no longer make ends meet with their pay packets. They asked for a 30 per cent increase, 20 per cent over the government's limit at the time, and a limit to 42 hours of work each week. The government responded by declaring a [[state of emergency]] and bringing in Army troops as replacements. The TUC voted late in the strike to not campaign in support of the firemen, in order to maintain its relationship with the government.<ref name="Tara Martin Lopez 57–59" />