Editing William Jennings Bryan (section)

===War and peace: 1898–1900===
====Spanish–American War====
{{see also|Presidency of William McKinley}}
Because of better economic conditions for farmers and the effects of the [[Klondike Gold Rush]] in raising prices, free silver lost its potency as an electoral issue in the years after 1896. In 1900, President McKinley signed the [[Gold Standard Act]], which put the United States on the [[gold standard]]. Bryan remained popular in the Democratic Party and his supporters took control of party organizations throughout the country, but he initially resisted shifting his political focus from free silver.<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 83–86</ref> Foreign policy emerged as an important issue due to the ongoing [[Cuban War of Independence]] against [[Spain]], as Bryan and many Americans supported Cuban independence. After the explosion of the [[USS Maine (ACR-1)|USS ''Maine'']] in [[Havana Harbor]], the United States declared war on Spain in April 1898, which began the [[Spanish–American War]]. Though wary of [[militarism]], Bryan had long favored Cuban independence and so supported the war.<ref name="kazin8689">Kazin (2006), pp. 86–89</ref> He argued that "universal peace cannot come until justice is enthroned throughout the world. Until the right has triumphed in every land and love reigns in every heart, government must, as a last resort, appeal to force".<ref>Sicius (2015), p. 182</ref>

[[File:American Colonies.png|thumb|The United States and its colonial possessions after the Spanish–American War]]

At Governor [[Silas A. Holcomb]]'s request, Bryan recruited a 2000-man regiment for the Nebraska National Guard and the soldiers of the regiment elected Bryan as their leader. Under Colonel Bryan's command, the regiment was transported to [[Camp Cuba Libre]] in [[Florida]], but the fighting between Spain and the United States ended before the regiment had been deployed to Cuba. Bryan's regiment remained in Florida for months after the end of the war, which prevented Bryan from taking an active role in the [[1898 United States elections|1898 midterm elections]]. Bryan resigned his commission and left Florida in December 1898 after the United States and Spain had signed the [[Treaty of Paris (1898)|Treaty of Paris]].<ref name="kazin8689"/>

Bryan had supported the war to gain Cuba's independence, but he was outraged that the Treaty of Paris granted the United States control over the [[Philippines]]. Many Republicans believed that the United States had an obligation to "civilize" the Philippines, but Bryan strongly opposed what he saw as [[American imperialism]]. Despite his opposition to the annexation of the Philippines, Bryan urged his supporters to ratify the Treaty of Paris. He wanted to quickly bring an official end to the war and then to grant independence to the Philippines as soon as possible. With Bryan's support, the treaty was ratified in a close vote, bringing an official end to the Spanish–American War. In early 1899, the [[Philippine–American War]] broke out as the established Philippine government, under the leadership of [[Emilio Aguinaldo]], sought to stop the American invasion of the archipelago.

====Presidential election of 1900====
{{Main|William Jennings Bryan 1900 presidential campaign}}
[[File:Rogers cartoon about William Jennings Bryan reconstructing the Democratic Party platform.jpg|thumb|Conservatives in 1900 ridiculed Bryan's eclectic platform.]]
The [[1900 Democratic National Convention]] met in [[Kansas City, Missouri]], where some Democratic leaders opposed to Bryan had hoped to nominate Admiral [[George Dewey]] for president. Nevertheless, Bryan faced no significant opposition by the time of the convention and he won his party's nomination unanimously. Bryan did not attend the convention but exercised control of the convention's proceedings via telegraph.<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 98–99</ref> Bryan faced a decision regarding which issue his campaign would focus on. Many of his most fervent supporters wanted Bryan to continue his crusade for free silver, and Democrats from the Northeast advised Bryan to center his campaign on the growing power of trusts. Bryan, however, decided that his campaign would focus on anti-imperialism, partly to unite the factions of the party and win over some Republicans.<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 95–98</ref> The party platform contained planks supporting free silver and opposing the power of trusts, but imperialism was labeled as the "paramount issue" of the campaign. The party nominated former Vice President Adlai Stevenson to serve as Bryan's running mate.<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 99–100</ref>

In [[Imperialism speech|his speech]] accepting the Democratic nomination, Bryan argued that the election represented "a contest between democracy and plutocracy". He also strongly criticized the U.S. annexation of the Philippines and compared it to Britain's past rule over the [[Thirteen Colonies]]. Bryan argued that the United States should refrain from imperialism and should seek to become the "supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputes".<ref name="Kazin 2006, pp. 102–103">Kazin (2006), pp. 102–103</ref> By 1900, the [[American Anti-Imperialist League]], which included individuals like Benjamin Harrison, [[Andrew Carnegie]], [[Carl Schurz]] and [[Mark Twain]], had emerged as the primary domestic organization opposed to the continued American control of the Philippines. Many of the leaders of the League had opposed Bryan in 1896 and continued to distrust Bryan and his followers.<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 91–92</ref> Despite the distrust, Bryan's strong stance against imperialism convinced most of the league's leadership to throw their support behind the Democratic nominee.<ref name="Kazin 2006, pp. 102–103"/>

[[File:ElectoralCollege1900.svg|thumb|1900 electoral vote results]]
Once again, the McKinley campaign established a massive financial advantage, and the Democratic campaign relied largely on Bryan's oratory.<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 104–105</ref> In a typical day Bryan gave four hour-long speeches and shorter talks that added up to six hours of speaking. At an average rate of 175 words a minute, he turned out 63,000 words a day, enough to fill 52 columns of a newspaper.<ref>Coletta (1964), p. 272</ref> The Republican Party's superior organization and finances boosted McKinley's candidacy and, as in the previous campaign, most major newspapers favored McKinley. Bryan also had to contend with the Republican vice presidential nominee, [[Theodore Roosevelt]], who had emerged a national celebrity in the Spanish–American War and proved to be a strong public speaker. Bryan's anti-imperialism failed to register with many voters and as the campaign neared its end, Bryan increasingly shifted to attacks on corporate power. He once again sought the vote of urban laborers by telling them to vote against the business interests that had "condemn[ed] the boys of this country to perpetual clerkship".<ref>Kazin (2006), pp. 105–107</ref>

By election day, few believed that Bryan would win, and McKinley ultimately prevailed once again over Bryan. Compared to the results of the 1896 election, McKinley increased his popular vote margin and picked up several Western states, including Bryan's home state of Nebraska.<ref name="kazin107108">Kazin (2006), pp. 107–108</ref> The Republican platform of victory in war and a strong economy proved to be more important to voters than Bryan's questioning the morality of annexing the Philippines.<ref>Clements (1982), p. 38.</ref> The election also confirmed the continuing organizational advantage of the Republican Party outside of the South.<ref name="kazin107108"/>