Editing Sovereignty (section)

===Post World War II world order===
Today, no state is sovereign in the sense they were prior to the Second World War.{{sfn|Grimm|2015|p=57}}  Transnational governance agreements and institutions, the globalized economy,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ozcelik|first1=Burcu |last2=Xidias|first2=Jason  |title=An Analysis of Seyla Benhabib's The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens  |date=2017 |publisher=Routledge- Taylor & Francis Group |isbn=9781912284870|location=London|edition=e-book|page=11,21}}</ref> and pooled sovereignty unions such as the European union have eroded the sovereignty of traditional states.  The centuries long movement which developed a global system of sovereign states came to an end when the excesses of World War II made it clear to nations that some curtailment of the rights of sovereign states was necessary if future cruelties and injustices were to be prevented.{{sfn|Philpott|2016}}{{sfn|Kallis|2018|p=6}}   In the years immediately prior to the war,  political theorist [[Carl Schmitt]] argued that sovereignty had supremacy over constitutional and international constraints arguing that states as sovereigns could not be judged and punished.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Minakov|first1=Mikhail |chapter=Sovereignty as a Contested Concept: The Cases of Trumpism and Putinism |title= Inventing Majorities: Ideological Creativity in Post-Soviet Societies  |isbn=9783838216416 |date=2022 |publisher=ibidem-Verlag|location=Stuttgart|page=286 }}</ref>  After the [[Holocaust]], the vast majority of states rejected the prior Westphalian permissiveness towards such supremacist power based sovereignty formulations and signed the [[Universal Declaration of Human Rights]] in 1948.  It was the first step towards circumscription of the powers of sovereign nations, soon followed by the [[Genocide Convention]] which legally required nations to punish genocide.  Based on these and similar human rights agreements, beginning in 1990 there was a practical expression of this circumscription when the Westphalian principle of non-intervention was no longer observed for cases where the United Nations or another international organization endorsed a political or military action.  Previously, actions in [[Kosovo War|Yugoslavia, Bosnia, Kosovo]], [[Somalia War (2006–2009)|Somalia]], [[United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda|Rwanda]], [[United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti|Haiti]], [[United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia|Cambodia]] or [[United Nations Mission in Liberia|Liberia]] would have been regarded as illegitimate interference in internal affairs.  In 2005, the revision of the concept of sovereignty was made explicit with the [[Responsibility to Protect]] agreement endorsed by all member states of the United Nations.  If a state fails this responsibility either by perpetrating massive injustice or being incapable of protecting its citizens, then outsiders may assume that responsibility despite prior norms forbidding such interference in a nation's sovereignty.{{sfn|Grimm|2015|pp=50-56}}

European integration is the second form of post-world war change in the norms of sovereignty, representing a significant shift since member nations are no longer absolutely sovereign. Some theorists, such as [[Jacques Maritain]] and [[Bertrand de Jouvenel]] have attacked the legitimacy of the earlier concepts of sovereignty, with Maritain advocating that the concept be discarded entirely since it:{{sfn|Philpott|2016}}
*stands in the way of international law and a world state, 
*internally results in centralism, not pluralism
*obstructs the democratic notion of accountability

Efforts to curtail absolute sovereignty have met with substantial resistance by [[sovereigntism|sovereigntist]] movements in multiple countries who seek to "[[take back control]]" from such transnational governance groups and agreements, restoring the world to pre World War II norms of sovereignty.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Kallis |first1=Aristotle |date=2018 |title=Populism, Sovereigntism, and the Unlikely Re-Emergence of the Territorial Nation-State  |journal=Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences |volume=11 |issue=3 |doi=10.1007/s40647-018-0233-z |url= https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s40647-018-0233-z.pdf  |page=10,14|s2cid=158092242 }}</ref>