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=== Samba do Estácio, the genesis of urban samba === {{Listen|help=no | type = music | filename = Na Pavuna-Almirante-Homero Dornelas1929.ogg | title = "Na Pavuna" | description = Composed by Homero Dornelas, recorded by Bando de Tangarás; hit in the Rio carnival of 1930 | filename2 = O QUE SERÁ DE MIM- Francisco Alves e Mário Reis 1931.ogg | title2 = "O que será de mim" | description2 = Composed by Ismael Silva, Nilson Bastos and Francisco Alves; recorded by Francisco Alves and Mário Reis in 1931 | filename3 = Agora é Cinza-Mario Reis-Bide e Marçal1933.ogg | title3 = "Agora é Cinza" | description3 = Composed by Bide and Marçal, recorded by Mario Reis in 1933 }} [[File:Samba dance pattern.png|thumb|upright=1.3|Samba rhythm{{sfn|Blatter|2007}}]] [[File:Ismael_Silva.tif|alt=|thumb|The sambista Ismael Silva was one of the great composers of Estácio's samba that emerged in the 1920s.]] [[File:Heitor_dos_Prazeres,_1961.tif|alt=|thumb|The sambista Heitor dos Prazeres participated in the foundation of the first Brazilian samba schools.]] Between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, in the context of the [[First Brazilian Republic]], the poor strata of Rio de Janeiro faced serious economic issues related to their survival in the federal capital, such as the imposition of new taxes resulting from the provision of [[public service]]s (such as electric lighting, water and sewage, modern pavements), new legislation that imposed architectural norms and restrictions for urban buildings, and the prohibition on the exercise of certain professions or economic practices linked to subsistence, especially of the poorest.{{sfn|Benchimol|1990|p=287}} The situation of this population worsened further with the urban reforms in the [[Centro, Rio de Janeiro|center of Rio]], whose widening or opening of roads required the destruction of several tenements and popular housing in the region.{{sfn|Mattos|2008|p=53}}{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=24}} As a result, these homeless residents were temporarily occupying slopes in the vicinity of these old demolished buildings, such as [[Morro da Providência]] (mainly occupied by former residents of the Cabeça de Porco tenement{{sfn|Vaz|1986|p=35}} and former soldiers of the [[War of Canudos]]){{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=25}} and Morro de Santo Antonio (especially by ex-combatants of the [[Revolta da Armada|Brazilian Naval Revolts]]).{{sfn|Abreu|Vaz|1991|p=489}} In a short time, this type of temporary housing was permanently established in the urban landscape of Rio, originating the first favelas in the city.{{sfn|Mattos|2008|p=59}} From the increase in the populations expelled from the tenements and the arrival of new poor migrants to the capital of the Republic, the favelas grew rapidly and spread through the hills settlements and suburban areas of Rio.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=25}}{{sfn|Mattos|2008|p=248}} It was in this scenario that a new type of samba would be born during the second half of the 1920s, called "samba do Estácio", which would constitute the genesis of urban Carioca samba{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=11}} by creating a new pattern so revolutionary that its innovations last until the days current.{{sfn|Vianna|1995|p=34}}{{sfn|Paranhos|2003|pp=84–85}} Located close to [[Praça Onze Station|Praça Onze]] and housing Morro do São Carlos, the neighborhood of [[Estácio, Rio de Janeiro|Estácio]] was a center of convergence of public transport, mainly of trams that served the North Zone of the city.{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=123}} Its proximity to the nascent hills settlements as well as its primacy in the formation of this new samba ended up linking its musical production, from [[SuperVia|urban train lines]], to the favelas and suburbs of Rio, such as [[Mangueira|Morro da Mangueira]],{{sfn|Tinhorão|1997|pp=91–92}}{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=36}} and the suburban neighborhood of [[Oswaldo Cruz, Rio de Janeiro|Osvaldo Cruz]].{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|pp=138, 182}} Estácio's samba was distinguished from Cidade Nova's samba both in thematic aspects, as well as in the melody and rhythm.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=39}} Made for the parades of the carnival blocs in the neighborhood,{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=124}} the samba do Estácio innovated with a faster tempo, longer notes and a cadence beyond the traditional palms.{{sfn|Franceschi|2010|pp=52–53}}{{sfn|Marcondes|1977|pp=708–709}} Another structural change resulting from this samba was the valorization of the "second part" of the compositions: instead of using the typical improvisation of the samba circles of the alto party or carnival parades, there was the consolidation of pre-established sequences, which would have a theme – for example, everyday problems{{sfn|Franceschi|2010|pp=52–53}} – and the possibility of fitting everything within the standards of [[Phonograph record|the phonograph recordings]] of 78 rpm at the time{{sfn|Paranhos|2003|p=85}} – something like three minutes on 10-inch discs.{{sfn|Sadie|1994|p=385}} In comparison to the works of the first generation of Donga, Sinhô and company, the sambas produced by the Estácio group also stood out for a greater [[Metre (music)|countermetricity]],{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=54}} which can be evidenced in a testimony by [[Ismael Silva (musician)|Ismael Silva]] about the innovations introduced by him and his companions in the new urban samba in Rio:{{Blockquote|text=At that time, samba did not work for carnival groups to walk on the street as we see today. I started noticing that there was this thing. The samba was like this: ''tan tantan tan tantan''. It was not possible. How would a bloc get out on the street like that? Then, we started making a samba like this: ''bum bum paticumbum pugurumdum''.{{sfn|Cabral|1996a|p=242}}|author=Ismael Silva}} The intuitive [[onomatopoeia]] built by Ismael Silva tried to explain the rhythmic change operated by the sambistas of Estácio with the ''bum bum paticumbum pugurumdum'' of the [[surdo]] in marking the cadence of the samba, making it a more syncopated rhythm.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=55}}{{sfn|Reijonen|2017|pp=46–47}} It was, therefore, a break with the samba ''tan tantan tan tantan'' irradiated from the Bahian aunts meetings.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=39}} Thus, at the end of the 1920s, the modern carioca samba had two distinct models: the primitive urban samba of Cidade Nova and the new syncopated samba of the Estácio group.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=33}}<!-- {{sfn|Lopes|1992|p=47}}{{incomplete short citation|date=September 2023}} (doesn't seem to be necessary) --> However, while the Bahian community enjoyed a certain social legitimacy, including the protection of important personalities of Rio society who supported and frequented the musical circles of the "Pequena Africa",{{sfn|Máximo|Didier|1990|p=138}} the new Estaciano sambistas suffered socio-cultural discrimination, including through police repression.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=60}} A popular neighborhood with a large Black/mixed contingent , Estácio was one of the great strongholds of poor samba musicians situated between marginality and social integration, who ended up being stigmatized by the upper classes in Rio as "dangerous" rascals.{{sfn|Tinhorão|1997|pp=91–92}}{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=180}} Because of this infamous brand, the Estaciano samba suffered great social prejudice in its origin.{{sfn|Máximo|Didier|1990|p=138}} To avoid police harassment and gain social legitimacy, Estácio's samba musicians decided to link their batucadas to carnival samba and organized themselves in what they christened as samba schools.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|pp=39–41}}{{sfn|Reijonen|2017|pp=44–46}} {{Blockquote|text=At the end of the carnival, samba has continued because we did samba all year. At Café Apolo, Café do Compadre, across the street, at the backyard feijoadas or at dawn, on street corners and in bars. Then the police used to come and bother us. But it didn't bother the guys of (carnival rancho) Amor, which had a headquarter and license to parade at the carnival. We decided to organize a carnival bloc, even without a license, that could allow us to go out at the carnival and do samba all year round. Organization and respect, without fights or huffing, were important. It was called "Deixa Falar" as it despises the middle class ladies of the neighborhood who used to call people a vagabond. We were malandros, in a good way, but vagabonds weren't.{{sfn|Tinhorão|1974|p=230}}|author=Bide|title=|source=}} According to Ismael Silva – also a founder of [[Deixa Falar]] and the creator of the expression "samba school" – the term was inspired by the Normal school that once existed in Estácio,{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=116}} and therefore the samba schools would form "samba teachers".{{sfn|Cabral|1996a|p=241}} Although the primacy of the country's first samba school is contested by [[Portela (samba school)|Portela]] and [[Estação Primeira de Mangueira|Mangueira]],{{sfn|Lopes|2019|p=113}}{{sfn|Reijonen|2017|pp=50–51}} Deixa Falar was a pioneer in spreading the term in its quest to establish a different organization from the [[carnival block]]s of that time{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=42}} and also the first carnival association to use the group in the future known as [[bateria]], a unit made up of percussion instruments such as the surdo, [[tambourine]]s and [[cuíca]]s, which – when joining the already used [[pandeiro]]s and [[Shaker (musical instrument)|shakers]] – gave a more "marching" characteristic to the samba of the parades.{{sfn|Paranhos|2003|pp=84–85}}{{sfn|Reijonen|2017|pp=47–49}} In 1929, the sambista and [[babalawo]] [[Zé Espinguela]] organized the first contest among the first samba schools in Rio: Deixa Falar, Mangueira and Oswaldo Cruz (later Portela).{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=117}}{{sfn|Reijonen|2017|pp=50–51}} The dispute did not involve parede{{typo help inline|reason=similar to arede|date=January 2022}}, but a competition to choose the best samba theme among these carnival groups – whose winner is the samba "A Tristeza Me Persegue", by Heitor dos Prazeres, one of Oswaldo Cruz's representatives.{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=117}} Deixa Falar was disqualified for the use of a flute and tie by Benedito Lacerda, then representative of the Estácio group.{{sfn|Fernandes|2001|p=72}} This veto on wind instruments became the rule from then on{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=46}} – including for the first parade between them, organized in 1932 by journalist [[Mário Filho|Mario Filho]] and sponsored by the daily Mundo Sportivo{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=117}} -, because it differentiated schools from carnival ranchos with the appreciation of batucadas, which would definitely mark the aesthetic bases of samba from then on.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=46}} Estácio's batucado and syncopated samba represented an aesthetic break with Cidade Nova's maxixe-style samba.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=36}} In turn, the first generation of samba did not accept the innovations created by the samba musicians of the hill, seen as a misrepresentation of the genre{{sfn|Paranhos|2003|p=84}} or even designated as "[[March (music)|march]]".{{refn|In an interview recorded by journalist Sérgio Cabral in the late 1960s, Donga and Ismael Silva disagreed about what would be samba. ''Donga'': "Samba is that for a long time. 'The police chief / on the phone sent me to warn / That in Carioca / There is a roulette wheel to play'." ''Ismael'': "This is maxixe." ''Donga'': "So, what is samba?" ''Ismael'': "If you swear / That you love me / I can regenerate / But if it is / to pretend to be a woman / The orgy like that I won't let." ''Donga'': "This is not samba, it is a marcha."{{sfn|Cabral|1996a|p=37}}|group=nb}} For musicians such as Donga and Sinhô, samba was synonymous with maxixe – a kind of the last Brazilian stage of [[Polka|European polka]].{{sfn|Silva|Filho|1998|p=82}} For the samba musicians from the hills of Rio, samba was the last Brazilian stage of Angolan drumming that they proposed to teach to Brazilian society through samba schools.{{sfn|Silva|Filho|1998|p=82}} This generational conflict, however, did not last for long, and Estácio's samba established itself as the rhythm par excellence of Rio's urban samba during the 1930s.{{sfn|Sandroni|2001|p=80}}{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=60}}{{sfn|Reijonen|2017|p=47}} Between 1931 and 1940 samba was the most recorded genre music in Brazil, with almost 1/3 of the total repertoire – 2,176 sambas songs in a universe of 6,706 compositions.{{sfn|Mello|Severiano|1997|p=67}} Sambas and [[marchinha]]s together made up the percentages just over half of the repertoire recorded in that period.{{sfn|Mello|Severiano|1997|p=67}} Thanks to the new electric recording technology, it was possible to capture the percussive instruments present in samba schools.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=85}} The samba "Na Pavuna", performed by Bando de Tangarás, was the first recorded in studio with the percussion that would characterize the genre from there: tamborim, surdo, pandeiro, ganzá, cuíca, among others.{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=150}} Although there was the presence of these percussive instruments, the samba recordings in the studio were characterized by the predominance of musical arrangements of orchestrated tone with [[Brass instrument|brass]] and [[string instrument]]s.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=86}} This orchestral pattern was mainly printed by European arrangers, among them Simon Bountman, Romeu Ghipsmanm, Isaac Kolman and Arnold Gluckman, conductors whose erudite formation ended up giving a European [[Symphony|symphonic sound]] in the counter-metric rhythm and batucada of the samba from Estacio.{{sfn|Franceschi|2002|p=292}} Another reason for the success of the new samba in the music industry was the introduction of the "second part", which stimulated the establishment of partnerships between the composers.{{sfn|Paiva|2009|p=87}} For example, one composer created the chorus of a samba and another composer conceived the second part, as occurred in the partnership between Ismael Silva and [[Noel Rosa]] in "Para Me Livrar do Mal".{{sfn|Máximo|Didier|1990|p=209}} With the growing demand for new sambas by the singers, the practice of buying and selling compositions has also become common.{{sfn|Lopes|2019|p=114}}{{sfn|Lopes|Simas|2015|p=100}} This transaction usually took place in two different ways: the author negotiated only the sale of the samba recording – that is, he remained as the author of the composition, but he would not receive any part of the gains obtained from the sales of the records, which were divided between the buyer and the record label{{refn|If the samba musician were part of a copyright regulatory agency, he would also be able to receive through this means.|group=nb}} – or the entire composition – that is, the real author completely lost the rights to his samba, including authorship.{{sfn|Benzecry|2008|pp=70–71}} In some cases, the sambista sold the partnership to the buyer and also received a portion of the profits from the sales of the records.{{sfn|Benzecry|2008|pp=70–71}} Selling a samba meant the composer had a chance to see his production publicized – especially when he did not yet enjoy the same prestige acquired by the first generation samba composers – and also a way to make up for his own financial difficulties.{{refn|In a testimony to Muniz Sodré, Ismael Silva reports on her partnerships with Francisco Alves: "One day, in a hospital, I was approached by [[Alcebíades Barcelos]] (Bide). He asked me if he wanted to sell samba to Chico Viola [Francisco Alves]. A hundred thousand reis was what he offered. I accepted quickly and the samba, which became his property, appeared with my name. Then I sold 'Amor de Malandro', for five hundred réis, but this time I didn't appear in the recording as an author. I was angry, of course. The same was true of other samba dancers: they sold songs that appeared as if they were from buyers."{{sfn|Sodré|1998|p=95}}|group=nb}}{{sfn|Benzecry|2008|pp=70–71}} For the buyer, it was the possibility to renew his repertoire, record more records and earn sales, and further consolidate his artistic career.{{sfn|Fenerick|2002|p=168}} Artists with good contact with record labels, the popular singers [[Francisco Alves (singer)|Francisco Alves]] and [[Mário Reis (singer)|Mário Reis]] were adepts of this practicea,{{sfn|Marcondes|1977|pp=639, 649}}{{sfn|Vagalume|1978|p=29}} having acquired sambas from composers such as [[Cartola]]{{sfn|Máximo|Didier|1990|p=210}}{{sfn|Cabral|1996a|p=272}}{{sfn|Cometti|2004}} and Ismael Silva.{{sfn|Máximo|Didier|1990|p=210}}{{sfn|Giron|2001|pp=98–100}}{{sfn|Cabral|1996a|pp=244–245}}
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