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Robert II of Scotland
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== Historiography == The reign of Robert II has undergone a re-appraisal since the works of historians [[Gordon Donaldson]] (1967) and Ranald Nicholson (1974). Donaldson admitted to a lack of knowledge (at the time he was writing) regarding Robert's reign and accepts that the early chroniclers writing near his reign found little to criticise.<ref>Donaldson, ''Scottish Kings'', p. 33</ref> Robert's career before and after he succeeded to the throne is described by Donaldson as "to say the least, undistinguished, and his reign did nothing to add lustre to it."<ref>Donaldson, ''Scottish Kings'', p. 39</ref> Donaldson goes further and debates the legality of the canon law marriage of Robert and Elizabeth Mure following the papal dispensation, but acknowledges that the Acts of Succession in 1371 and 1372, although sealing the matter in the eyes of Parliament, did not end the generational feud of the descendants of Elizabeth Mure and Euphemia Ross.<ref>Donaldson, ''Scottish Kings'', p. 37</ref> Robert's earlier participation in combat at the battles of Halidon and Neville's Cross, according to Donaldson, had made him wary of sanctioning military expeditions against the English and that any such actions by his barons were concealed from him.<ref>Donaldson, ''Scottish Kings'', pp. 39-40</ref> Similarly, Nicholson described Robert's reign as deficient and that his lack of the skills of governance led to internal strife. Nicholson asserts that the Earl of Douglas was bought off following his armed demonstration just before Robert's coronation, and associates this with the doubt surrounding the legitimacy of Robert's sons with Elizabeth Mure.<ref name="Pearson, Robert II">Pearson, ''Robert II''</ref> In contrast, the historians Stephen Boardman (2007), Alexander Grant (1984 and 1992) and Michael Lynch (1992) give a more even-handed appraisal of Robert II's life.<ref name="Pearson, Robert II"/> Modern historians show a kingdom that had become wealthier and more stable, particularly during the first decade of his rule.<ref name="Boardman ODNB"/> Boardman explains that Robert II was subjected to negative propaganda while he was High Steward β David II's followers denigrated his conduct during his lieutenancies and described them as "tyranny" β and again later as King when the supporters of his son John, Earl of Carrick said that Robert was a king lacking drive and accomplishments, weighed down by age and unfit to govern.<ref>Grant in Jones, et al., ''New Cambridge History'', p. 359</ref><ref>Boardman, ''Early Stewart Kings'', pp. 123-125, 171-172</ref> Robert II's association with Gaelic Scotland also drew criticism. He grew up in his ancestral lands in the west and was completely at ease with the Gaelic language and culture and possessed a potent relationship with the Gaelic lords in the [[Hebrides]], upper [[Perthshire]] and [[Argyll]]. Throughout his reign, Robert spent long periods in his Gaelic heartlands and complaints at the time in [[Scottish Lowlands|Lowland Scotland]] seem to have been influenced by the view that the king was too much involved in Gaelic concerns.<ref>Boardman in Broun & MacGregor, ''The Great Ill-Will of the Lowlander'', p. 84</ref> Boardman also asserts that much of the negative views held of Robert II find their origins in the writings of the French chronicler [[Jean Froissart]] who recorded that '[the king] had red bleared eyes, of the colour of sandalwood, which clearly showed that he was no valiant man, but one who would remain at home than march to the field'.<ref>Boardman, ''Early Stewart Kings'', p. 137</ref> Contrary to Froissart's view, the early Scottish chroniclers β [[Andrew of Wyntoun]] and [[Walter Bower]] (who both utilised a source that was nearly contemporary with Robert II) β and later 15th and 16th century Scottish chroniclers and poets showed "Robert II as a Scottish patriotic hero, a defender of the integrity of the Scottish kingdom, and as the direct heir to Robert I".<ref>Boardman, ''Early Stewart Kings'', pp. 108, 125 (footnote 2)</ref> Grant (1992) acknowledges that Robert II's reign in terms of foreign and domestic policy was "not so unsuccessful".<ref name="Grant, Independence & Nationhood p.178">Grant, ''Independence and Nationhood'', p. 178</ref> As far as William, Earl of Douglas's reaction was concerned when he staged an armed demonstration before Robert's coronation, Grant does not hold to the view that Douglas was in some way demonstrating against Robert's legitimate right to the throne, but more an assertion that royal patronage should not continue as in the time of David II. Grant also advocates that the demonstration was aimed at father and son Robert and Thomas Erskine, who held the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling and Dumbarton from Robert's predecessor.<ref name="Grant, Independence & Nationhood p.178"/> Grant seriously called into question the dependability of Froissart's writings as an effective source for Robert II's reign.<ref>Tuck & Goodman, ''War and Border Societies'', pp. 30β65</ref> Influential magnate coalitions headed by Carrick, having undermined the king's position, manipulated the Council of November 1384 to remove Robert II from any real power.<ref>Oram et al., ''Kings and Queens'', pp. 126β127</ref> Grant gives little weight to the asserted senility of Robert and suggests that the deposition of Carrick in 1388, and then the resolution to join the Anglo-French truce of 1389, were both at the instigation of Robert II.<ref>Grant, ''Independence and Nationhood'', pp. 180β181</ref> Yet authority was not handed back to Robert II but to Carrick's younger brother, Robert, earl of Fife; this once again saw the king at the disposition of one of his sons.<ref>Oram et al., ''Kings and Queens'', p. 128</ref> Despite this, the now unknown source whom both Wyntoun and Bower relied on made the point that Fife deferred to his father on affairs of state emphasising the difference in styles in the guardianships of his two sons.<ref>Brown & Tanner, ''History of Scottish Parliament'', pp. 110β112</ref> Michael Lynch points out that Robert II's reign from 1371 until the lieutenancy of Carrick in 1384 had been one exemplified by continued prosperity and stability β a time which Abbot Bower described as a period of "tranquillity, prosperity and peace".<ref>Lynch, ''Scotland: A new History'', p. 138</ref> Lynch suggests that the troubles of the 1450s between [[James II of Scotland|James II]] and the Douglases (which some historians have interpreted as the legacy of Robert II's policy of encouraging powerful lordships), was a continuation of David II's build-up of local lords in the Marches and [[Galloway]] β Robert was satisfied with government to leave alone the Douglas and the Stewart earls in their fiefdoms.<ref>Lynch, ''Scotland: A new History'', pp. 138β139</ref> The weakening of government if anything, Lynch suggests, came not before the 1384 coup but after it, even though the coup had at its root Robert II's favouring of his third son, [[Alexander Stewart, Earl of Buchan]] (known as "the Wolf of Badenoch").<ref>Lynch, ''Scotland: A new History'', p. 139</ref>
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