Editing Prime Minister of Poland (section)

==Relationship with the presidency==
Throughout the history of the Third Republic, the relationship between the prime minister and the president has ebbed and flowed. In the early to mid-1990s, the relationship largely depended on different interpretations of the vague, legal prerogatives of each office at the time, though since the passage of the Constitution of 1997, political preferences and individual personalities have characterised the relationship. Conflicts between the two offices, however, have generated party splits and political paralysis in the past.

Both before and after his 1990 election to the presidency, Lech Wałęsa had a deeply strained relationship with Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, stemming from Wałęsa's belief that Mazowiecki was not aggressive enough in the dismissal of former Polish United Workers' Party members from senior government and economic positions.<ref name="VanHoorn205">[[#Van Hoorn|Van Hoorn]] p. 205</ref> Mazowiecki's famous 1989 [[Thick line|Thick Line]] speech (''gruba kreska'') further exacerbated the splintering. The split between the two men fractured the original uniting [[Solidarity Citizens' Committee]] by 1990, with intellectuals supporting Mazowiecki's new [[Citizens' Movement for Democratic Action]], while workers supported the [[Centre Agreement]], a political movement based around Wałęsa.<ref name="VanHoorn205" />

Similarly, Prime Minister [[Jan Olszewski]] also retained a notoriously strained relationship with Wałęsa during Olszewski's brief government between 1991 and 1992. Olszewski proceeded with a cautious approach to economic reform instead of implementing [[shock therapy (economics)|shock therapy]], putting him at odds with the president.<ref name="Goldman p. 233">[[#Goldman|Goldman]] p. 233</ref> While Wałęsa advocated for constitutional reform to enlarge presidential prerogatives over the prime minister, Olszewski launched a campaign to deliberately embarrass the president and undermine Wałęsa's stature, releasing a list of alleged ex-communist collaborators within the Sejm, with some conspirators linked to the president.<ref>[[#Linz and Stepan|Linz and Stepan]] p. 282</ref> Wałęsa was further infuriated by Olszewski's attempts to gain influence within the Polish Armed Forces by appointing [[Radosław Sikorski]] as deputy defence minister without consultation.<ref name="Goldman p. 233" /> Wałęsa repeatedly called for the Olszewski government's dismissal, which the Sejm obliged, forcing the collapse of Olszewski's coalition in June 1992.<ref>[[#Simon|Simon]] pp. 65–66</ref> Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, who succeeded in forming a government after [[Waldemar Pawlak]]'s failure to gather a workable coalition, enjoyed a far more amicable relationship with the president.<ref>[[#Goldman|Goldman]] p. 244-245 When Prime Minister Suchocka fought against a vote of confidence against her premiership in May 1993, the ''[[New York Times]]'' quoted Wałęsa as saying Suchocka was "[T]he best premier we have had, and she still gives rise to hope."</ref>

[[File:Tusk L Kaczynski 2007.jpg|thumb|left|President [[Lech Kaczyński]] (left) and Prime Minister [[Donald Tusk]] (right), seen during Tusk's oath of office in November 2007. Frequent disputes between the two leaders characterised Polish politics between 2007 and 2010.]]

The implementation of a new constitution in 1997 profoundly affected the relationship between the premiership and the presidency. Uncertainties over presidential and prime ministerial power that marked the Third Republic's first years were removed, eliminating the ability of the president to fully disrupt the government, and further strengthening the prime minister's position.<ref name="Bernhard242">[[#Bernhard|Bernhard]] p. 242</ref> Under President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Prime Minister [[Jerzy Buzek]]'s government became the first administration to be elected under the new constitution.<ref name="Bernhard242" /> Despite being from opposite parties (Kwaśniewski's centre-left [[Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland]] and Buzek's centre-right [[Solidarity Electoral Action]]), the relationship between both offices was smooth, partly due to Kwaśniewski's non-confrontational personality.<ref name="Bernhard242" /> Kwaśniewski sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with, choosing to let the government's [[concordat]] with the [[Holy See]], a new [[Lustration in Poland|lustration]] act and new electoral statutes to proceed without hindrance, though Kwaśniewski vetoed Buzek's privatisation plan.<ref name="Bernhard242" /> Kwaśniewski's relationships with the like-minded social democratic premierships of [[Leszek Miller]] and [[Marek Belka]] were virtually free of conflict.

Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of [[Lech Kaczyński]] and Prime Minister [[Donald Tusk]]. Political rivals for years, fueled by the [[2005 Polish presidential election|2005 presidential poll]] which saw both men as the main challengers, Tusk's centre-right [[Civic Platform]] toppled Kaczyński's twin brother [[Jarosław Kaczyński|Jarosław's]] government in the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007 parliamentary election]]. Tusk's support for stronger integration into the [[European Union]], including the signing of the [[Treaty of Lisbon|Lisbon Treaty]], and a rapprochement with [[Russia]], put Kaczyński directly at odds with the prime minister.<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22">[[#Szczerbiak|Szczerbiak]] pp. 21–22</ref> From 2007 until Kaczyński's death in the [[Smolensk air disaster]] in 2010, policy differences between the two offices were a constant source of division, with the president employing his limited veto powers numerous times over the government's legislation; Tusk's government lacked a 60 percent threshold to overturn such vetoes.<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22"/> In response, Tusk made no secret his party's desire to replace Kaczyński in the [[2010 Polish presidential election|2010 presidential election]].<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22"/> Although Tusk and Kaczyński found several areas of compromise, clashes between the Chancellery and the Presidential Palace became a regular feature in both the domestic and international political scenes for the next two and a half years.<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22" /> Frustrated by Kaczyński's veto, Tusk argued for a constitutional amendment in November 2009 to strip the presidency of its veto powers, declaring: "The president should not have veto power. People make their decision in elections and then state institutions should not be in conflict...Let us change some provisions so we can have fewer conflicts and more cooperation. We propose changes to the constitution so that the centre of power lies with the government... The presidential veto brings more harm than good.".<ref>{{cite web |date=21 November 2009 |url=http://www.buenosairesherald.com/BreakingNews/View/17934 |publisher=[[Buenos Aires Herald]] |title=Polish PM says president should lose veto power |access-date=4 April 2010 |archive-date=24 May 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130524125303/http://www.buenosairesherald.com/BreakingNews/View/17934 |url-status=live }}</ref>

In 2015 in a short period of time relations between President [[Andrzej Duda]] and Prime Minister [[Ewa Kopacz]] were tense too. On 31 May 2015 Duda announced the resolution electing him president during the ceremony. He appealed for no major political changes to be made before his swearing-in, as well as no changes "that may arouse unnecessary emotions and create conflicts." The prime minister noted that the government's relations with the president are defined in the Constitution: "This is indeed a surprising appeal. Please remember that the constitution regulates even friendly relations between the head of state and the government. The government has its duties, but also obligations towards Poles." She assured that her government had already fulfilled 90 percent of its announcements made in the expose and would continue to implement its programme. "The government should work until the end. That's what Poles pay it for," said Kopacz. The dispute between the president and the prime minister continues. Neither during the ceremony at Westerplatte nor immediately after did the politicians decide to talk. Even though Duda and Kopacz were standing next to each other, they did not shake hands.".<ref>{{cite web |date=31 May 2015 |url=https://www.gazetaprawna.pl/wiadomosci/artykuly/874678,duda-prosi-rzad-o-niepodejmowanie-powaznych-decyzji-kopacz-to-zaskakujacy-apel.html|publisher=[[Dziennik Gazeta Prawna]] |title=Duda prosi rząd o niepodejmowanie poważnych decyzji. Kopacz: To zaskakujący apel |access-date=31 May 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=1 September 2015 |url=https://wiadomosci.wp.pl/ewa-kopacz-i-andrzej-duda-nie-podali-sobie-rak-na-westerplatte-6027700451021953a|publisher=[[Wirtualna Polska]]|title=Ewa Kopacz i Andrzej Duda nie podali sobie rąk na Westerplatte |access-date=1 September 2015}}</ref>

Duda's relationships with the conservative prime ministers [[Beata Szydło]] and [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] were virtually free of conflict. Duda sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with. The most known were [[Lex TVN]] and [[Przemysław Czarnek|Lex Czarnek]].<ref>{{cite web |date=2 March 2022 |url=https://tvn24.pl/tvn24-news-in-english/polands-president-vetoes-controversial-education-law-amendment-known-as-lex-czarnek-5620073|publisher=[[TVN24]]|title=President Duda vetoes education law amendment known as lex Czarnek |access-date=2 March 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=27 December 2021 |url=https://tvn24.pl/tvn24-news-in-english/polands-president-vetoes-contested-media-reform-bill-targeting-tvn-5540476|publisher=[[TVN24]]|title=President Duda vetoes contested media reform bill targeting TVN |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref>

Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of Duda and Prime Minister Tusk. [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] would be unable to govern on its own, and Duda stated his intention to re-appoint incumbent Morawiecki as Prime Minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party.<ref name=":4">{{Cite web |last=Cienski |first=Jan |date=2023-11-27 |title=Poland's zombie government shuffles into being |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/poland-government-election-donald-tusk-mateusz-morawiecki-andrzej-duda/ |access-date=2023-12-11 |website=POLITICO |language=en}}</ref> The four opposition parties criticised Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, ''de facto'' taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former Prime Minister and [[President of the European Council|European Council President]] Donald Tusk as their candidate.<ref>{{cite web |author=Easton, Adam |date=10 November 2023 |title=Poland's Tusk-led pro-EU opposition signs deal and waits to govern |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-67381267.amp |access-date=10 November 2023 |work=[[BBC]]}}</ref> [[Third Cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki|Morawiecki's new cabinet]], dubbed the "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite web |title=Prezydent powoła "rząd dwutygodniowy" |url=https://wyborcza.pl/7,75398,30444513,prezydent-powola-rzad-dwutygodniowy.html |access-date=2023-11-27 |website=wyborcza.pl |language=pl}}</ref> Duda said he would veto the government’s amended 2024 spending bill and propose his own, in a challenge to Tusk. In a post on the social media platform [[Twitter|X]], Duda cited the bill’s funding of public media, and said blocking it was appropriate “in view of the flagrant violation of the constitution.” Tusk himself tweeted that “the president’s veto takes away money from teachers”, to which Duda responded that if “you convene [parliament] after Christmas and pass by bill, which will included raises for teachers”, then they would not lose out.<ref>{{cite web |date=23 December 2023 |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/poland-andrzej-duda-vow-veto-budget-propose-his-own/|publisher=[[Politico]]|title=Polish president vows to veto spending bill in massive clash with new government |access-date=23 December 2023}}</ref> On 31 January 2024, Duda signed the national budget, agreed by the government, but sent it swiftly to the constitutional court citing doubts over its adoption. Although the budget was passed with a large majority, the absence of the two MPS, whose parliamentary mandates were annulled over criminal convictions, meant the National Assembly was not at full capacity when the vote took place. Tusk warned on Tuesday of a snap election if the budget is blocked by Duda. After Duda signed the budget, Tusk said sending the signed bill to the Constitutional Tribunal wouldn't change anything. "The budget is approved and that was the goal. The rest doesn't matter. People will get the money, nothing will stop it now.".<ref>{{cite web |date=1 February 2024 |url=https://www.jurist.org/news/2024/02/poland-president-sends-2024-budget-to-the-constitutional-court-for-assessment/|publisher=[[Jurist]]|title=Poland president sends 2024 budget to the Constitutional Court for assessment |access-date=1 February 2024}}</ref> On 29 March 2024 Polish President vetoes bill restoring access to emergency contraception. In a statement, Duda’s office outlined that his motivation in rejecting the legislation was to “protect the health of children”. He is opposed to the fact that the law would have allowed anyone aged 15 and above (Poland’s age of sexual consent) to buy the morning-after pill without the involvement of a doctor. The bill to restore prescription-free access to the 'morning-after pill' came from Prime Minister Donald Tusk's [[Third Cabinet of Donald Tusk|government]], Tusk wrote on platform X  "The president did not take advantage of the opportunity to stand on the side of women. We are implementing plan B".<ref>{{cite web |date=29 March 2024 |url=https://www.channelstv.com/2024/03/29/polish-president-vetoes-move-to-restore-access-to-emergency-contraception/|publisher=[[channelstv]]|title=Polish President Vetoes Move To Restore Access To Emergency Contraception |access-date=29 March 2024}}</ref>  In April 2024, the Polish [[Sejm]] took a significant step by approving a [[Bill (law)|bill]] that recognizes Silesian as an official regional language in Poland. This recognition was accepted by the [[Senate of Poland|Senate]],<ref>{{cite web |date=26 April 2024 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/04/26/law-to-recognise-silesian-as-regional-language-in-poland-approved-by-parliament/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=Law to recognise Silesian as regional language in Poland approved by parliament|access-date=26 April 2024}}</ref> however on 29 May 2024 The President has vetoed the bill. The president’s decision, which had been widely expected, was criticised by figures from the ruling coalition, it would allow the inclusion of Silesian in school curricula and its use within local administration in municipalities. Tusk responded on platform X "I would tell you in Silesian, Mr. President, what I think about your veto, but it is not appropriate in public".<ref>{{cite web |date=29 May 2024 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/05/29/president-vetoes-law-recognising-silesian-as-regional-language-in-poland/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=President vetoes law recognising Silesian as regional language in Poland |access-date=29 May 2024}}</ref> On 16 August 2024 Duda vetoed a bill that would have disbanded a commission investigating Russian influence on Poland’s internal security from 2007 to 2022.<ref>{{cite web |date=16 August 2024 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/08/16/president-vetoes-polish-governments-move-to-abolish-predecessors-russian-influence-commission/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=President vetoes Polish government’s move to abolish predecessor’s Russian influence commission |access-date=16 August 2024}}</ref> On 11 March 2025 President Andrzej Duda has vetoed a bill passed by the Polish government’s majority in parliament that would have changed the way the results of this year’s presidential election are validated by the Supreme Court.<ref>{{cite web |date=11 March 2025 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/03/11/president-vetoes-polish-ruling-coalitions-bill-changing-how-presidential-election-would-be-validated/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=President vetoes Polish ruling coalition’s bill changing how presidential election would be validated |access-date=11 March 2025}}</ref> On 17 April 2025 President sent a bill that would expand Poland’s hate crime laws to include sexual orientation, sex/gender, age and disability as protected categories to  the Constitutional Tribunal (TK).<ref>{{cite web |date=17 April 2025 |url=https://www.polskieradio.pl/395/7784/Artykul/3512133,polish-president-refers-hate-speech-law-to-constitutional-court-over-legal-concerns|publisher=PolskieRadio|title=Polish president refers hate speech law to constitutional court over legal concerns|access-date=17 April 2025}}</ref>