Editing History of Botswana (section)

== Bechuanaland Protectorate ==
{{main|Bechuanaland Protectorate}}

=== Formation of the protectorate ===
The United Kingdom feared increasing German influence in the region, and it agreed to form the [[Bechuanaland Protectorate]].{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=40}}{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=23}} The British wished to preserve its influence over the Tswana tribes, as they provided a connection between southern and central Africa.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=44}} Tswana chiefs feared encroachment by [[German South West Africa]] and the [[Afrikaners]],{{Sfn|Molutsi|2004|p=161}} and they believed that the alternative to British control was [[settler colonialism]] by Germany.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=694}} They also wished to avoid falling under the control of South Africa or mining magnate [[Cecil Rhodes]], though the protectorate still found itself dependent on South Africa economically.{{Sfn|Rotberg|2023|p=197}}

The region was divided into tribal land ruled by the chiefs and [[crown land]] controlled by the United Kingdom.{{Sfn|Molutsi|2004|p=161}} Eight tribes were recognised by the British upon the creation of the protectorate. The largest four were given tribal reserves: the Kwena, the Ngwaketse, the Ngwato, and the Tawana. Three smaller ones were also recognised: the Kgatla, the [[Tlokwa people|Tlokwa]], and the [[Malete people|Malete]]. The eighth, the [[Tshidi people|Tshidi]], were given a reserve crossing the border between the protectorate and South Africa.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=30n1}} While members of non-Tswana minorities were allowed to participate in Tswana society and governance, they were given no tribal reserves of their own.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=703}} The introduction of tribal reserves altered the nature of Tswana governance, as tribes had previously been less defined and subject to expansion or shifting. With territories divided into tribal jurisdictions, residents were no longer able to easily leave a tribe.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|pp=46–47}}{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=24}} The protectorate initially extended to the Ngwato, reaching from 22 degrees south to the [[Molopo River]], but it was extended to 18 degrees south to reach the [[Chobe River]] in 1890.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=114}}{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=30}} This provided the British more labourers under its jurisdiction and created a larger barrier to limit German colonisation.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=30}} Other Tswana peoples lived to the south of the protectorate and were later absorbed into South Africa.{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=23}}

The Kgafela people settled in [[Mochudi]] in 1887. This Kgatla group quickly became influential in the region and its name became synonymous with Kgatla.{{Sfn|Matemba|2003|p=53}} British soldiers led by [[Charles Warren]] arrived in 1891 to formally establish the protectorate.{{Sfn|Molutsi|2004|p=161}} Its government was defined, and a commissioner was appointed as its head. The commissioner was given broad powers over the protectorate, so long as he respected previously established tribal law.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=45}} Its capital was the South African city of [[Vryburg]], meaning that the colonial rulers did not reside in the protectorate and had little direct involvement in its affairs.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=41}} Instead, the high commissioner operated through two assistant commissioners, and a district commissioner facilitated contact with the various tribes.{{Sfn|Makgala|2009|p=229}} The centralisation of British rule in South Africa meant that the Bechuanaland Protectorate was economically dependent on it.{{Sfn|Molutsi|2004|p=162}}

The British government believed the Bechuanaland Protectorate to be only a temporary entity and expected that it would soon be absorbed by a British colony.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=115}} In the meantime, it believed that a self-sufficient protectorate would cost less to maintain.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=694}}{{Sfn|Beaulier|Subrick|2006|p=108}} For these reasons, the colonial administration imposed very little direct control of the Bechuanaland Protectorate.{{Sfn|Holm|Molutsi|1992|p=77}} The chiefs benefited from these affairs and were able to empower and enrich themselves; they retained broad autonomy, but colonial backing meant that they no longer needed the consent of the tribes to maintain rule.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|pp=41–42}}{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=66–67}} Tribal rule became autocratic, which led to human rights abuses and discrimination against women and ethnic minorities.{{Sfn|Molutsi|2004|pp=161–162}}

=== Early years of the protectorate ===
{{Multiple image|total_width = 300
| image1            = Chief-khama-III.jpg
| image2            = Sebele I by Fritsch 1865.jpg
| image3            = Bathoen I in london1895.jpg
| footer            = [[Khama III]], [[Sebele I]], and [[Bathoen I]], who convinced the British government to not absorb the Bechuanaland Protectorate into the [[British South Africa Company]]
}}
The British planned to eventually incorporate the Bechuanaland Protectorate into the Union of South Africa.{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=24}} In the years after the protectorate's creation, the United Kingdom entered talks with Cecil Rhodes to absorb it into the [[British South Africa Company]].{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=40}} In response, three of the most influential chiefs—Khama III of the Ngwato, [[Sebele I]] of the Kwena, and [[Bathoen I]] of the Ngwaketse—made a diplomatic trip to the United Kingdom in 1895 and convinced the government not to complete the deal.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=41}}{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xvii}} This set a precedent of chiefs interacting with the British as a unified group{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=704}} and enshrined these three figures as early figures in Botswana's history as a single nation.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=29}} Rhodes's handling of the failed [[Jameson Raid]] discouraged the British and negotiations were postponed indefinitely.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|pp=30–31}} The celebration of these chiefs resulted in the publication of ''Three Great African Chiefs: Khamé, Sebéle and Bathoeng'' by the London Missionary Society the same year. This text introduced a [[founding myth]] that their three respective tribes were created by three brothers.{{Sfn|Parsons|2006|p=670}}

Also in 1895, the capital was moved from Vryburg to another South African city, [[Mafeking]],{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=41}} and the [[Ancient Ruins Company]] was registered to dig up prehistoric ruins in Bechuanaland and Rhodesia in search for gold.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=30}} The protectorate was heavily affected by the [[1890s African rinderpest epizootic]], losing large portions of its livestock and wild game.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xvii}} The protectorate's railroad was built in 1897 as the main north–south transit line.{{Sfn|Makgala|2009|p=226}}

When the United Kingdom raised the [[Pioneer Column]] to go to war with the Ndebele people, [[Khama III]] of the Ngwato assisted by sending soldiers.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=32}} Botswana became a staging ground for the [[Jameson Raid]] in 1896.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xvii}} The Kgatla tribe was later part of the [[Boer War]], fighting alongside the British Army.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=32}}

The early colonial economy of the Bechuanaland Protectorate remained much the same as the pre-colonial economy.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=26}} The United Kingdom primarily used the protectorate as a supply of labour, offering high wages to Batswana who migrated south to work in mines.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=42}} Taxes were also imposed, beginning with a [[hut tax]] in 1899, which was then replaced by a [[poll tax]] in 1909.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=43}} A native tax was later imposed in 1919.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=31}} Colonial taxes in the Bechuanaland Protectorate were higher than those in neighbouring colonies, causing mass exodus to the south, and the chiefs allowed more generous power sharing with citizens to incentivise them to stay.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|pp=43–44}} The United Kingdom considered integrating the protectorate into South Africa as it [[South Africa Act 1909|unified its southern African colonies]], but it ultimately grouped them economically by creating the [[South African Customs Union]],{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xvii}} joining in 1910.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=137}} Membership entitled the protectorate to only 2% of the union's revenue.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=31}}

By 1910, all Tswana tribes had adopted Christianity.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=38}} Bechuanaland sent several hundred soldiers to assist the British Army during [[World War I]].{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=32}} The London Missionary Society found itself in decline at this time, and it gradually lost influence over the protectorate.{{Sfn|Parsons|2006|p=670}}

[[Sebele II]] became chief of the Kwena in 1918, succeeding his father, [[Sechele II]]. Sechele II had conflicted with the dominant London Missionary Society, permitting an Anglican presence and reinstating many traditional practices such as polygyny, rainmaking, and ''[[bogwera]]''. Sebele II continued his father's challenge to the London Missionary Society, to the grievance of the British government.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=78}}

The dual government of the chiefs and the colonial administration made administration difficult, so the administration created two advisory councils to standardise these authorities.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=31}} The Native Advisory Council (later the African Advisory Council) was established in 1919.{{Sfn|Makgala|2009|p=229}} This annual meeting of the chiefs and other influential people in the protectorate allowed the British government to hear from and manage the tribes collectively instead of individually.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|pp=47–49}} Khama III of the Ngwato refused to participate, citing weak enforcement of alcohol prohibition in southern tribe. Khama III died in 1923{{Sfn|Makgala|2009|p=230}} and was succeeded by [[Sekgoma II]], who served until his own death in 1926.{{Sfn|Makgala|2009|p=230}} Sekgoma's son [[Seretse Khama]] was still an infant, so [[Tshekedi Khama]] became regent.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=87}} Tshekedi came to be recognised as a representative for all of the Tswana tribes.{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=25}} As Seretse grew, Tshekedi insisted that he be given a [[liberal education]] rather than be sent to a Rhodesian industrial school.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=179}}

=== Development and increased British influence ===
In the 1920s, chief [[Isang Pilane]] of the Kgatla people oversaw the Bechuanaland Protectorate's first major water development scheme, having sixteen [[borehole]]s drilled, seven of which became successful water supplies. These became more common over the following decades as the British government took interest in expanding the protectorate's economy.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=70}} By the 1930s, Isang Pilane and the Native Advisory Council [[privatised]] the boreholes, as they were not maintained under collective ownership.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|pp=699–700}} A severe drought occurred in the early 1930s, killing over 60% of the protectorate's cattle.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=69}}

The British government took a more active role in the protectorate's governance beginning in 1930.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=58}}{{Sfn|Beaulier|Subrick|2006|p=108}} That year, it began providing direct funding to the protectorate.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=63}} [[Charles Rey]] was appointed Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, and he was responsible for reorganising the economy around cattle exports.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|pp=55–56}} An initiative to reform the protectorate toward mining and commercial agricultural development was attempted but saw push back from the chiefs.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=115}}

Resident Commissioner Rey came into conflict with chief Sebele II, having him exiled in 1931. Sebele II was replaced by his younger brother, Kgari.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=79}} Further initiatives were attempted by the British government in 1934 to constrain the unchecked power of the chiefs following the overthrow of Sebele II. These initiatives mandated advisory councils that chiefs had to consult and required that the British government be given access to court records.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=69–70}}{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=49}} Chief [[Bathoen II]] of Ngwaketse and regent Tshekedi Khama of Ngwato issued a legal challenge to these initiatives. Although the British court ruled against the challenge, the new policies were never fully implemented.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=72–73}}{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=50}} Other restrictions were adopted through colonial proclamation to limit the ability of the chiefs to levy taxes and seize stray cattle.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xvii}} A new resident commissioner, [[Charles Arden-Clarke]], was appointed in 1936 and worked more closely with the chiefs.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=50}}

=== Early years of World War II ===
Fears of German attack in Bechuanaland grew in the lead up to World War II due to its strategic position between Britain's central and southern colonies in Africa. 11 days before war was declared, the British government warned the protectorate to be on standby, and military forces were organised. Four days after Britain declared war on Germany, Resident Commissioner Arden-Clarke held a meeting with the chiefs where they pledged full support for the war effort.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=32–33}} The next day, the high commission issued a proclamation of [[emergency powers]] that gave it total control over public activity in the protectorate, but the chiefs were informed that they would be responsible for most enforcement and peacekeeping.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=33–34}}

The earliest years of World War II had almost no effect on the people of Bechuanaland, and many only had a vague idea that the war existed.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=34}} The colonial administration shrank as large numbers of white residents enlisted in the British Army. Those who remained were focused on security planning in case southern Africa became another front in the war.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=35}} Against the wishes of the chiefs, the colonial administration encouraged Batswana who wished to serve with the British Army to enlist with the South African [[Native Military Corps]].{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=38}} About 700 Batswana men enlisted with the group.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=50}}

Maintaining the Bechuanaland Protectorate became a low priority for the United Kingdom during the Great Depression and World War II,{{Sfn|Beaulier|Subrick|2006|p=108}} and the protectorate received no funding from the United Kingdom during the war.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=63}} The British Empire had relatively little control over Bechuanaland compared to its other territories, and British efforts to control wartime production in the protectorate were unsuccessful.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=124}} The war drastically altered the protectorate's economy as it went on, introducing shortages, rationing, and higher prices.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=123}} [[Profiteering]] and [[price gouging]] were common, and the colonial administration, unable to enforce [[price control]]s, resorted to [[gentlemen's agreement]]s with traders.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=138}} Taxes were raised and [[Colonial Development Fund]] projects were curtailed at the onset of World War II to establish financial independence from the empire.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=125–126}} The [[Control of Livestock Industry Proclamation No. 1 of 1940]] was passed to tax cattle, the protectorate's main industry, but it met overwhelming resistance from Batswana and the [[European Advisory Council]].{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=136}} A war fund operated in Bechuanaland, and although the United Kingdom expected that donations be voluntary, chiefs invoked their authority over their tribes to enforce donations. It was replaced by a levy in 1941, but this was less popular and proved difficult to enforce.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=128–131}}

=== Batswana participation in World War II ===
[[File:Bechuanaland Boys cleaning Aa Guns in the Twilight after Action, Syracuse, Sicily Art.IWMARTLD4576.jpg|thumb|''Bechuanaland Boys cleaning Aa Guns in the Twilight after Action, Syracuse, Sicily'', 1944 art piece by [[Leslie Cole (artist)|Leslie Cole]]]]
Military recruitment began in Bechuanaland in 1941.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=34–35}} About 5,500 men were trained and sent to war within the first six months.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=44}} Another 5,000 Batswana men joined the war in 1942.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=46}} In total, approximately 11,000 soldiers from Bechuanaland fought alongside the British Army during the war.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=35}} Over 10,000 of these served in the British Army's [[African Auxiliary Pioneer Corps]].{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=50}} The chiefs traditionally had the right to [[conscript]] soldiers, and they ignored the colonial government's wishes that military service should be entirely voluntary.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=44–46}} Regent Tshekedi Khama of Ngwato made himself unpopular by using military conscription as a tool for control, weaponising it to silence critics and political opponents.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=43}} Men who wished to avoid conscription sometimes fled to South Africa or to remote areas like the [[Okavango Delta]] swamps and the [[Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park|Kgalagadi bush]].{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=47}} Others used more immediate precautions, such as digging holes when recruiters visited.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=55}}

The chiefs wished to leverage their participation in the war for additional rights within the British Empire, and they feared that British defeat would make them subjects of Germany or South Africa, a fate they wished to avoid.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=39–40}} The war effort was also an opportunity to reclaim Tswana men who had migrated to South Africa for mining jobs; the chiefs wished to end this practice and felt they could do so by offering military jobs.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=41–43}} Some military pay was deferred to the families of soldiers, and limitations on exports were lifted during the war, causing an influx of money into Bechuanaland.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=133}}

Relative to other nations in the British Empire, the people of Beschuanaland approved of the war. Many Batswana held a sense of loyalty to the empire or felt that their interests were aligned.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|pp=36–37}} Some chiefs, such as [[Kgari Sechele II]] of the Kwena and [[Molefi Pilane]] of the Kgatla, personally enlisted. They served as [[regimental sergeant majors]], the highest rank available to Batswana.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=43}}

Toward the end of World War II, the colonial government allowed Batswana to have business licenses and operate within the protectorate. This had previously been restricted to whites and Indians.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=135}}

The [[High Commissions Territories Corps]] was stationed in the Middle East from 1946 to 1949.{{Sfn|Jackson|1999|p=31}}

=== Independence movement ===
[[File:1960 6d Bechuanaland Protectorate stamp.jpg|thumb|A 1960 stamp of the Bechuanaland Protectorate featuring images of [[Queen Victoria]] and [[Elizabeth II]], the first and last British monarchs of the protectorate]]
The end of World War II came with drastic social change. The chiefs came to be seen as less essential to social structure, and many gave up their universal claims over tribal cattle.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=51}} Other public resources, such as land and labour, were privatised and commodified.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=52}} Access to education created a class of [[liberalism|liberal]] intellectuals who opposed the rule of the chiefs and began forming their own centres of power in workers' associations and civic groups.{{Sfn|Molutsi|2004|p=165}} By 1946, only 2% of the population had employment outside of agriculture and services.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=57}} The protectorate saw a major increase in birth rates as part of the [[mid-20th century baby boom]] in the years after World War II, accompanied by an increase in [[life expectancy]].{{Sfn|Leith|2005|pp=12–13}} The colonial administration began its first development project in the protectorate, a [[slaughterhouse]], in the 1950s.{{Sfn|Holm|Molutsi|1992|p=81}} The British, still expecting to merge the protectorate into South Africa, finally scrapped this plan after the beginning of [[Apartheid]].{{Sfn|Leith|2005|pp=24–25}} As efforts began to develop a new path for the protectorate's future, the protectorate was placed in a state of limbo, and no path forward was clear.{{Sfn|Parsons|2006|pp=672–673}} One proposal was to incorporate it into the [[Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland]], which the United Kingdom formed under a policy of "multi-racial partnership".{{Sfn|Parsons|2006|p=673}}

When the Ngwato heir Seretse Khama came of age, regent Tshekedi Khama attempted to hold on to power.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=696}} Seretse married a white woman, [[Ruth Williams Khama|Ruth Williams]], while studying in the United Kingdom, causing scandal in the Ngwato royal family.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=87}} Though the public initially opposed the marriage, Tshekedi's unpopularity shifted opinion in Seretse's favour.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=58}} The issue was raised in the ''kgotla'' in 1949, and Tshekedi's rule was overwhelmingly rejected by thousands in attendance.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=696}}{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=58}} Tshekedi and his supporters fled to the Kwena in exile.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=89}}

The British government was less tolerant of Seretse's marriage to a white woman. In an attempt to appease the Apartheid government of South Africa, it banished the couple from the protectorate in 1950. This provoked a burgeoning nationalist movement among Seretse's supporters in the protectorate, which fully emerged in 1952.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=115}} During Seretse's absence, the United Kingdom placed the district commissioner in charge for four years before appointing [[Rasebolai Kgamane]], a supporter of Tshekedi, as regent.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=89}}

The Ngwato tribe rebelled against Seretse's banishment.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=53}} His supporters petitioned for his return, and riots broke out when they were denied. Seretse was eventually allowed to return in 1956.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=90}} By this time, the stricter racial segregation in Apartheid South Africa dissuaded the United Kingdom from appeasing it.{{Sfn|Rotberg|2023|p=200}} Throughout the ordeal of Seretse's banishment, power shifted away from the chiefdomship and toward electoral bodies.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=91}} Tshekedi and Seretse made peace upon Seretse's return, and Seretse became the ''de facto'' leader of the Ngwato, though the United Kingdom forbade him from being the official chief.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=90}} With British support, the Ngwato tribe developed a tribal council, of which both Seretse and Tshekedi were members.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=53}} Other tribes then established similar tribal councils, which served as checks on the power of the chiefs.{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=26}} Some animosity remained between the two men: Tshekedi wished to retain the tribal government and the power of the chiefs, while Seretse envisioned a representative democracy and weaker chiefs.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=91–92}} The amount of power invested in the chiefs became the most contentious issue in the burgeoning independence movement, especially among the Ngwato people and the Khama family.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=93–94}}

The [[Bechuanaland Protectorate Federal Party]] was the first political party formed in the protectorate when it was created by the Ngwato union leader [[Leetile Disang Raditladi]] in 1959. Composed primarily of elites and intellectuals, it advocated a unification of the Tswana tribes. The party failed to gain support and was short-lived.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=94}} The following year, the [[Bechuanaland People's Party]] (BPP, later the Botswana People's Party) was created as a more radical party, objecting to traditional tribal government and gaining appeal among migrant workers.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=95}} It was led by [[Motsamai Mpho]], [[Philip Matante]], and [[Kgalemang Morsete]].{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xviii}} The BPP, created as a Tswana counterpart to the [[African National Congress]] party of South Africa,{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=74}} supported immediate independence and the total abolition of chiefdom.{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=27}} Fearing that the BPP would undermine the existing government and ignite tensions with the Apartheid government of South Africa, the chiefs and the British government restricted its ability to meet.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=95}}

The protectorate's tribes collectively formed a legislative council in 1961.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=115}} The Kwena people found themselves under a regent, [[Neale Sechele]], in 1963, meaning that they had little political influence as the independence movement developed.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=102}} The ''[[Bechuanaland Protectorate Development Plan 1963/1968]]'' was drafted through a deliberative process in 1963, creating an outline for the nation's independence.{{Sfn|Leith|2005|pp=26–27}}

As the population was politically inactive overall, the United Kingdom came to be one of the leading forces toward independence. Worrying that the BPP was too radical, the United Kingdom encouraged its preferred leader, Seretse Khama, to form a political party.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=74}} Though Khama agreed with the BPP's antiracist and republican values, he opposed its dogmatic approach to politics and its acceptance of socialism.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=96}} He agreed to give up his claim over the Ngwato people to serve as a politician, forming the [[Bechuanaland Democratic Party]] (BDP, later the Botswana Democratic Party) in 1962.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=74}} The BDP established itself as the "party of chiefs", and it adopted ideas associated with pre-colonial tribal rule.{{Sfn|Hjort|2009|p=694}} The United Kingdom supported the BDP, understanding that it would maintain the colonial era livestock trade.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=149}} By 1963, the Kgatla chief Linchwe was the only chief who opposed the BDP and had political influence, but the Kgatla people were in favour of the BDP, so he remained apolitical.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=102}} A transition process began with BDP expected to rule an independent Botswana, and the colonial government worked with BDP leadership to prepare them for running a nation.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=78}}

A conference was held in 1963 to oversee the creation of a new constitution. Internal strife within the BPP meant that the BDP had the most influence over the process. Tshekedi Khama had died by this time, so Bathoen II became the leader of the pro-federalisation faction, believing it would keep power in the hands of the chiefs. The United Kingdom and the Batswana politicians endorsed a unitary national government because Botswana was too poor to divide its resources and because a lack of centralisation would make it vulnerable to attacks from other nations.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=97}} Federalisation proved politically unviable, so a compromise was made that the chiefs would form the [[Ntlo ya Dikgosi|House of Chiefs]], an advisory body within the [[Parliament of Botswana]].{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=98–99}} The chiefs still opposed this arrangement, and in a movement led by Bathoen, the House of Chiefs passed a vote of [[no confidence]] in the new government, but its lack of political power prevented it from leveraging meaningful reform.{{Sfn|Samatar|1999|p=56}} The District Council's Act was passed as another means of limiting chiefs power by creating councils to preside over each district and town,{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=xviii}} making these elected bodies the primary local authorities.{{Sfn|Holm|Molutsi|1992|p=78}}

[[Gaborone]] was built in 1965 and declared the new capital.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=74}} It was built on British crown land, which provided a neutral location not controlled by any one tribe.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=16}} [[Constitution of Botswana|The constitution]] was implemented the same year.{{Sfn|Hillbom|Bolt|2018|p=74}} With this in effect, the United Kingdom granted the protectorate self-governance.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=116}} 1965 also saw the passing of the [[District Councils Act of 1965|District Councils Act]] that adapted the colonial role of district commissioner by tying it to newly created district councils,{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=25}} and it saw the establishment of the state-owned [[National Development Bank of Botswana|National Development Bank]].{{Sfn|Leith|2005|p=95}}

Mpho split from the BPP to create the [[Bechuanaland Independence Party]] (BIP) in 1965.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=32}} Led by Seretse Khama and [[Quett Masire]], the BDP campaigned in almost every village in the protectorate leading up to the [[1965 Bechuanaland general election|first general election]]. Unlike other political figures in Bechuanaland, Seretse Khama had appeal across the different tribes.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|p=102}} The BDP was subsequently elected to lead the first government.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=116}} The BPP won only three seats in the legislature, and the BIP failed to win any.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|p=32}} After the election, the [[Botswana National Front]] (BNF) was created as a unified opposition to the BDP.{{Sfn|Denbow|Thebe|2006|pp=32–33}} Founded by [[Kenneth Koma]], the BNF became the BDP's largest rival.{{Sfn|Beaulier|Subrick|2006|p=109}}{{Sfn|Leith|2005|pp=31–33}}

The BDP chose Khama as the nation's prime minister.{{Sfn|Rotberg|2023|p=204}} Unlike most inaugural political parties in Africa, the BDP was a moderate conservative party instead of a radical anti-colonial party.{{Sfn|Brown|2020|p=711}} After its formation, the House of Chiefs delivered a vote of no confidence in the constitution in 1966, leading to a national campaign in support of the constitution that garnered enough support for the chiefs to end their efforts to challenge it.{{Sfn|Gulbrandsen|2012|pp=100–101}} The protectorate was granted independence as the Republic of Botswana in 1966.{{Sfn|Robinson|Parsons|2006|p=116}}