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==President of Croatia (1990–1999)== [[File:Tudjman Lenta.jpg|left|thumb|First President of Croatia Franjo Tuđman with presidential sash]] In the weeks following the election, the new government introduced the traditional [[Flag of Croatia|Croatian flag]] and [[Coat of arms of Croatia|coat of arms]], without Communist symbols. The term "Socialist" in the title of the republic was removed. [[Constitution of Croatia|Constitutional changes]] were proposed with a multitude of political, economic, and social changes.{{sfn|Nazor|2001|p=21}} Tuđman offered the vice-presidency to [[Jovan Rašković]], president of the SDS, but Rašković declined the offer and called the elected deputies from his party to boycott the parliament. Local Serb police in [[Knin]] began operating as an independent force, often not responding to orders from Zagreb.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=262}} Many government employees, mostly in police where commanding positions were mainly held by Serbs and Communists, lost their jobs. This was based on a decision that the civil service ethnic structure should correspond to their percentage in the entire population.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=215}} On 25 July 1990, a Serbian Assembly was established in [[Srb]], north of Knin. [[Jovan Rašković]] announced a referendum on "Serb sovereignty and autonomy" in Croatia in August 1990, which Tuđman labeled as illegal. A series of incidents followed in areas populated by ethnic Serbs, mostly around Knin, known as the [[Log Revolution]].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=232}} The revolt in Knin concentrated the Croatian government on the problem of the lack of weapons. The effects of the JNA's confiscation of the Territorial Defence supplies was partly undone by the new Defence Minister, [[Martin Špegelj]], who bought weapons from [[Hungary]].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=235}} As it had no regular army, the government had focused on building up the police force. By January 1991 there were 18,500 policemen and by April 1991 around 39,000.{{sfn|Marijan|2008|p=48}} On 22 December 1990, the Parliament of Croatia ratified the new constitution. The Serbs in Knin proclaimed the [[SAO Krajina|Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Krajina]] in municipalities of the regions of Northern Dalmatia and Lika.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=219}} In December 1990 Tuđman and Slovenian President [[Milan Kučan]] presented their proposal on the restructuring of Yugoslavia on confederal grounds. Tuđman believed that a confederation of sovereign republics could accelerate the Croatian accession to the European Community.{{sfn|Sadkovich|2008|p=182}} The leaders of the Yugoslav republics held many meetings in early 1991 to resolve the growing crisis. On 25 March 1991, Tuđman and [[Slobodan Milošević]] [[Milošević–Tuđman Karađorđevo meeting|met at Karađorđevo]],{{sfn|Sadkovich|2007|p=239}} a meeting which became controversial due to claims that the two presidents discussed the [[partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina]] between [[Serbia]] and Croatia. However, the claims came from persons that were not present at the meeting and there is no record of this meeting that proves an existence of such an agreement,{{sfn|Sadkovich|2010|p=393}} while Milošević did not behave subsequently as if he had an agreement with Tuđman.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=264}} On 12 July 1991, Tuđman met with [[Alija Izetbegović]] and Milošević in Split.{{sfn|Sadkovich|2007|p=239}} ===War years=== {{Main|Croatian War of Independence}} {{multiple image | total_width = 350 | align = right | image1 = 1991 Croatian independence referenum government issued poster.jpg | alt1 = | caption1 = Poster for the [[1991 Croatian independence referendum]]. | image2 = Hrvatski povijesni muzej 27012012 Domovinski rat 23 Obavijest o odrzavanju referenduma.jpg | alt2 = | caption2 = [[Croatian History Museum]], Homeland War Exhibition, notice on the holding of the referendum for Croatian independence in 1991 . }} On 1 March the [[Pakrac clash]] occurred when local Serb police seized the town's police station and declared Pakrac a part of SAO Krajina. It was one of the first larger clashes between Croat forces and the rebel SAO Krajina, supported by the JNA. It ended without casualties and with the restoration of Croatian control.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=241}} On 31 March a Croatian police convoy was ambushed at the [[Plitvice Lakes incident|Plitvice Lakes]].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=243}} Until the spring of 1991 Tuđman, together with the Slovenian leadership, was ready to accept a compromise solution of a confederation or alliance of sovereign states within Yugoslavia. After the Serbian leadership rejected their proposals and armed provocations became more frequent, Tuđman decided to realize the idea of a complete Croatian independence.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=226}} On 25 April 1991, the Croatian Parliament decided to hold an [[1991 Croatian independence referendum|independence referendum]] on 19 May. [[Croatian Serbs]] largely boycotted the referendum.<ref name="NYTimes-Referendum-20May1991">{{cite news|newspaper=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1991/05/20/world/croatia-votes-for-sovereignty-and-confederation.html?ref=croatia|title=Croatia Votes for Sovereignty and Confederation|first=Chuck|last=Sudetic|author-link=Chuck Sudetic|date=20 May 1991|access-date=12 December 2010}}</ref> The turnout was 83.56%, of which 93.24% or 2,845,521 voted in favour of the [[independence of Croatia]]. Both Slovenia and Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia on 25 June 1991. The Yugoslav side accused the two of secession. The federal government ordered the JNA to take control of border crossings in Slovenia, which led to the [[Ten-Day War]] in which the JNA was routed. The Ten-Day War ended with the signing of the [[Brioni Agreement]], when a three-month moratorium was placed on the implementation of the decision.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=226}} The armed incidents of early 1991 escalated into an all-out war over the summer. Tuđman's first plan was to win support from the European Community, avoiding the direct confrontation with the JNA that had been proposed by Martin Špegelj, the Minister of Defence, since the beginning of the conflict.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=250}} Tuđman rejected Špegelj's proposal as it would be damaging on Croatia's international position and there were doubts that the [[Croatian Army]] was ready for such an action.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=227}} The emerging Croatian Army had only four brigades in September 1991.{{sfn|Sadkovich|2008|p=188}} As the war escalated, Tuđman formed the [[Cabinet of Franjo Gregurić|National Unity Government]] which brought in members of most of the minor parties in the parliament, including Račan's [[Social Democratic Party of Croatia|Social Democratic Party]] (SDP).{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=253}} Fierce fighting took place in [[Vukovar]], where around 1,800 Croat fighters were blocking JNA's advance into [[Slavonia]]. Vukovar assumed enormous symbolic importance to both sides. Without it, Serbian territorial gains in eastern Slavonia were threatened. The unexpectedly fierce defence of the town against a much larger army inspired talk of a "Croatian [[Battle of Stalingrad|Stalingrad]]". Increasing losses and complaints from the Croatian public for failing to hit back compelled Tuđman to act. He ordered the [[Croatian National Guard]] to surround JNA army bases, thus starting the [[Battle of the Barracks]]. Tuđman named Gojko Šušak the new Minister of Defence in September 1991.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=256}} [[File:Iz_Banskih_dvora_raketiranje_1991_MGZ_080209.jpg|thumb|left|Exhibition commemorating the [[Bombing of the Banski Dvori]] in [[Zagreb]] on 7 October 1991, the Residence of the President of Croatia, by the [[Yugoslav Air Force]]]] In early October 1991, the JNA intensified its campaign in Croatia.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=263}} On 5 October, Tuđman made a speech in which he called upon the whole population to mobilize and defend against "Greater Serbian imperialism" pursued by the Serb-led JNA, Serbian paramilitary formations, and rebel Serb forces. Two days later the [[Yugoslav Air Force]] [[Bombing of Banski dvori|bombed Banski Dvori]], the seat of the Croatian Government in Zagreb, at the time when Tuđman had a meeting with Yugoslav president [[Stjepan Mesić]] and prime minister [[Ante Marković]], none of whom were injured in the attack.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=233}}{{sfn|Nazor|2001|p=29}} On 8 October the Croatian Parliament cut all remaining ties with Yugoslavia and declared independence.{{sfn|Nazor|2001|p=29}} Tuđman asked the [[Kosovo]] leadership to open a second front there against the JNA and offered help in weapons. The leadership decided against armed conflict, but gave support to the independence of Croatia and called on ethnic Albanians to desert the Yugoslav army.{{sfn|Phillips|Burns|2012|p=15}} In November 1991 the [[Battle of Vukovar]] ended that left the city devastated. The JNA and Serbian irregulars seized control of about a quarter of Croatia's territory by the end of 1991.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=277}} In December 1991, the SAO Krajina proclaimed itself the [[Republic of Serbian Krajina]] (RSK). Until the end of 1991 sixteen ceasefires were signed, none of which lasted longer than a day.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=231}} On 19 December 1991, [[Iceland]] and [[Germany]] recognized Croatia's sovereignty. Many observers believe Tuđman's good relationship with [[Hans-Dietrich Genscher]], Germany's foreign minister at the time, had much to do with this decision.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=274}} Hostilities in Croatia ended for a time in January 1992 when the [[Vance plan]] was signed. Tuđman hoped that the deployment of UN peacekeepers would consolidate Croatia's international borders, but the military situation in Croatia itself remained unsettled.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=279-281}} ====Bosnian War==== {{See also|Bosnian War|Croat–Bosniak War}} [[File:Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic and Croatian President Franjo Tudjman sign the Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement - Flickr - The Central Intelligence Agency.jpg|thumb|right|Tuđman and [[Alija Izetbegović]] signing the [[Washington Agreement]] in 1994]] As the war in Croatia reached a stalemate, the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina worsened. The JNA used its territory for offensives against Croatia, but avoided the Croat majority part of Herzegovina.{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=252}} Tuđman doubted that Bosnia and Herzegovina could survive the dissolution of Yugoslavia, but supported its integrity if it remained outside a Yugoslav federation and Serbian influence.{{sfn|Sadkovich|2007|pp=239–240}} The first Croat casualties in the country fell in October 1991 when the village of [[Ravno, Bosnia and Herzegovina|Ravno]] was attacked and destroyed by the JNA. Several days later Bosnian president [[Alija Izetbegović]] gave a televised proclamation of neutrality, stating that "''this is not our war''".{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=255}}{{sfn|Krišto|2011|p=43}} The Bosniak leadership initially showed willingness to remain in a rump Yugoslavia, but later changed their policy and opted for independence.{{sfn|Krišto|2011|p=43}} The Croat leadership started organizing themselves in Croat-majority areas and on 18 November 1991 established the [[Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia|Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia]] as an autonomous Croat territorial unit.{{sfn|Krišto|2011|p=44}}{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=259}} At a meeting in December 1991 with the [[Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina|HDZ BiH]] leadership Tuđman discussed the possibility of joining Herzeg-Bosnia to Croatia as he thought that Bosnian representatives were working to remain in Yugoslavia. There he criticized HDZ BiH president [[Stjepan Kljujić]] for siding with Izetbegović. However, in February 1992 he encouraged Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina to support the upcoming [[1992 Bosnian independence referendum|Bosnian independence referendum]].{{sfn|Krišto|2011|pp=47–48}} Izetbegović declared the country's independence on 6 April that was immediately recognised by Croatia.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=285}} At the beginning of the [[Bosnian war]] a Croat-Bosniak alliance was formed, though it was often not harmonious.{{sfn|Christia|2012|p=154}} The Croatian government helped arm both Croat and Bosniak forces.{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=266}} On 21 July 1992, the [[Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia|Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation]] was signed by Tuđman and Izetbegović, establishing a military cooperation between the two armies.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=243}} In September 1992 they signed two more agreements on cooperation and further negotiations regarding the internal organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina,{{sfn|Mrduljaš|2008|p=859}} though Izetbegović rejected a military pact.{{sfn|Krišto|2011|p=51}} In January 1993 Tuđman said that Bosnia and Herzegovina could survive only as a confederal union of three nations.{{sfn|Mrduljaš|2008|p=862}} Over time, the relations between Croats and Bosniaks worsened, resulting in the [[Croat–Bosniak War]].{{sfn|Christia|2012|pp=157–158}} The Bosniak side claimed that Tuđman wanted to partition Bosnia and Herzegovina, a view that was increasingly accepted by the international community. This made it difficult for Tuđman to protect Croatia's interests and support Herzeg-Bosnia.{{sfn|Krišto|2011|p=51}} As the conflict escalated, Croatia's foreign policy reached a low point.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=247}} Throughout 1993 [[Peace plans proposed before and during the Bosnian War|several peace plans]] were proposed by the international community. Tuđman and the Herzeg-Bosnia leadership accepted all of them, including the Vance-Owen Plan in January 1993 and the Owen-Stoltenberg in July 1993. However, no lasting ceasefire was agreed.{{sfn|Sadkovich|2007|p=218}} In early 1994 the United States became increasingly involved in resolving the wars. They were concerned with the way the Croat-Bosniak war helped the Serbs and put pressure on the two sides to sign a final truce. The war ended in March 1994 with the signing of the [[Washington Agreement]].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=292}} In June 1994 Tuđman visited Sarajevo to open the Croatian embassy there. He met with Izetbegović and discussed the creation of the [[Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Croat-Muslim Federation]] and its possible confederation with Croatia.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/1994/06/14/croatian-president-visits-sarajevo/|title=Croatian President Visits Sarajevo|date=14 June 1994 |publisher=chicagotribune|access-date=19 July 2015}}</ref> ====Ceasefire in Croatia==== Despite considerable difficulties, Croatian diplomacy managed to achieve recognition in the following months. Croatia was recognised by the European Community on 15 January 1992 and became a member of the [[United Nations]] on 22 May.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=274}} In April 1992, Washington recognised Croatia, Slovenia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina simultaneously. Since the new [[Presidency of Bill Clinton|Clinton administration]] came to power it had lobbied consistently for a hard line against Milošević, a political position often largely attributed to the policies of then-[[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[Madeleine Albright]].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=292}} In May 1992 Croatia established diplomatic relations with China. A year later Tuđman was the first president from the former Yugoslavia to visit China.{{Citation needed|date=April 2023}} The war caused great destruction and indirect damage in tourism, transit traffic, investment, etc.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=236}} President Tuđman estimated the cost of direct material damage at over $20 billion and that Croatia was spending $3 million daily on care for hundreds of thousands of refugees.<ref>Jane Shapiro Zacek, Ilpyong J. Kim: [https://books.google.com/books?id=9-dNe9K5h20C The Legacy of the Soviet Bloc], University Press of Florida, 1997, p. 130</ref> When the ceasefire of January 1992 came into effect Croatia slowly recovered. As economic activity picked up steadily and negotiations with the leaders of RSK got nowhere, the Defence Minister, [[Gojko Šušak]], started amassing weapons in preparation for a military solution.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=284}} Tuđman won the [[1992 Croatian presidential election|presidential elections in August 1992]] in the first round with 57.8% of the vote.<ref>[[Dieter Nohlen|Nohlen, Dieter & P. Stöver]] (2010) ''Elections in Europe: A data handbook'', p. 410<!-- ISSN/ISBN needed --></ref> Simultaneously, the [[1992 Croatian parliamentary election|parliamentary elections]] were held that were also won by HDZ. During the campaign, [[Dobroslav Paraga]], the extreme right-wing leader of the [[Croatian Party of Rights]], accused Tuđman of betraying Croatian interests by not engaging in an all-out war with Serbian forces. Tuđman tried to marginalize his party due to their use of [[Ustaše]] symbols, that brought criticism in the foreign press towards Croatia. Paraga won only 5 seats in the parliament and 5,4% of the vote in the presidential election.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=265}}<ref>Charles Vance, Yongsun Paik: [https://books.google.com/books?id=9gGKtLTQlUcC Managing a Global Workforce: Challenges and Opportunities in International Human Resource Management], M.E. Sharpe, 2006, p. 614<!-- ISSN/ISBN needed --></ref> In January 1993 the [[Croatian Army]] launched [[Operation Maslenica]] and recaptured the vital [[Maslenica Bridge (D8)|Maslenica bridge]] linking Dalmatia with northern Croatia. Although the UN Security Council condemned the operation, there were no incurring sanctions. This victory enabled Tuđman to counter domestic accusations that he was weak in his dealings with RSK and the UN.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=288}} Despite clashes with the RSK forces, during 1993 and 1994 the overall condition of the economy improved substantially and unemployment was gradually falling. On 4 April 1993 Tuđman appointed [[Nikica Valentić]] as prime minister. The anti-inflationary stabilization steps in 1993 successfully lowered inflation. The [[Croatian dinar]], that was introduced as a transitional currency, was replaced with the [[Croatian kuna|kuna]] in 1994.<ref>Istvan Benczes: [https://books.google.com/books?id=f4R2BgAAQBAJ Deficit and Debt in Transition: The Political Economy of Public Finances in Central and Eastern Europe], Central European University Press, 2014, p. 203<!-- ISSN/ISBN needed --></ref> GDP growth reached 5.9% in 1994.<ref name=unstats>{{Cite web|url=https://unstats.un.org/unsd/snaama/Index|title=National Accounts - Analysis of Main Aggregates (AMA)|website=unstats.un.org}}</ref> ====End of the war==== [[File:Croatian President Tudjman at the Knin Fortress during the Operation Storm, 6 August 1995.jpg|thumb|right|Tuđman visiting [[Knin Fortress]] on 6 August 1995, a day after the [[Croatian Army]] entered [[Knin]]]] In May 1995, the Croatian army launched [[Operation Flash]], its third operation against RSK since the January 1992 ceasefire, and quickly recaptured western Slavonia. International diplomats drafted the [[Z-4 Plan]], proposing the reintegration of the RSK into Croatia. RSK would keep its flag and have its own president, parliament, police and a separate currency. Although Tuđman was displeased with the proposal, RSK authorities rejected it outright.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=294}} On 22 July 1995, Tuđman and Izetbegović signed the [[Split Agreement]], binding both sides to a "joint defence against Serb aggression". Tuđman soon put his words into action and initiated [[Operation Summer '95]], carried out by joint forces of HV and HVO. These forces overran the towns of [[Glamoč]] and [[Bosansko Grahovo]] in western Bosnia, virtually isolating Knin from Republika Srpska and FR Yugoslavia.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=296}} [[File:Signing the Dayton Agreement Milosevic Tudjman Izetbegovic.jpg|thumb|left|The [[Dayton Agreement|Dayton Peace Accords]] on 21 November 1995]] At 5:00 a.m. on Friday, 4 August 1995, Tuđman publicly authorized the attack on RSK, codenamed [[Operation Storm]]. He called on the [[Army of the Republic of Serb Krajina|Serb army]] and their leadership in Knin to surrender, and at the same time called Serb civilians to remain in their homes, guaranteeing them their rights. The decision to head straight for Knin, the centre of RSK, paid off and by 10{{nbsp}}am on 5 August, on the second day of the operation, Croatian forces entered the city with minimal casualties. By the morning of 8 August the operation was effectively over, resulting in the restoration of Croatian control of 10,400 square kilometres (4,000 square miles) of territory. Around 150,000–200,000 Serbs fled and a variety of crimes were committed against the remaining civilians.{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=297}} United States President [[Bill Clinton]] said he was "hopeful that Croatia's offensive will turn out to be something that will give us an avenue to a quick diplomatic solution."{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=298}} [[File:Spomen-poprsje Franji Tuđmanu u Vukovaru.jpg|thumb|right|President Tuđman's "Vukovar speech" after the arrival of the "Peace Train" in [[Vukovar]], on 8 June 1997: " ''A victor that doesn’t know how to forgive is sowing the seeds of new evil. The Croatian people don’t want that, nor have they ever wanted it.'' " , on the picture:Tuđman's bust in Vukovar. ]] A joint offensive of Croatian and Bosniak forces followed in western and northern Bosnia. Bosnian Serb forces quickly lost territory and were forced to negotiate. Talks regarding a peace treaty were held in [[Dayton, Ohio]].{{sfn|Christia|2012|p=165}} Tuđman insisted on solving the question of RSK-held eastern Slavonia and its peaceful return to Croatia at the Dayton peace talks. On 1 November he had a heated debate with Milošević, who denied control over the region's leadership. Tuđman was ready to hinder the Dayton agreement and continue the war if Slavonia was not peacefully reintegrated. The military situation gave him an upper hand and Milošević agreed on his request.{{sfn|Holbrooke|1999|p=237}} The [[Dayton Agreement]] was drafted in November 1995. Tuđman was one of the signatories of it, along with the leaderships of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, that ended the [[Bosnian War]]. On 12 November the [[Erdut Agreement]] was signed with local Serb authorities regarding the return of [[Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia (1995–98)|Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia]] to Croatia, with a two-year transitional period. This ended the war in Croatia.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=255-256}} Official figures on wartime damage published in Croatia in 1996 specify 180,000 destroyed housing units, 25% of the Croatian economy destroyed, and US$27 billion of material damage.<ref name="Darko Zubrinic">{{cite web|author=Darko Zubrinic|url=http://www.croatianhistory.net/etf/et112.html|title=Croatia within ex-Yugoslavia|publisher=Croatianhistory.net|access-date=7 February 2010}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=February 2019}} Regarding the exodus of some 150,000 Krajina Serbs from Croatia, Tudjman remarked that the refugees left so fast that they "didn't even have time to collect their dirty currency and their dirty underwear".<ref>{{cite news |last1=Cohen |first1=Roger |title=The World; Finally Torn Apart, The Balkans Can Hope |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1995/09/03/weekinreview/the-world-finally-torn-apart-the-balkans-can-hope.html |work=The New York Times |date=3 September 1995}}</ref> He later boasted to his generals: "We have resolved the Serbian question... [t]here will never be 12 percent of Serbs" in Croatia. "If there are three or five per cent of them, that isn't a threat to the Croatian state".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Travis |first1=Hannibal |title=Genocide, Ethnonationalism, and the United Nations: Exploring the Causes of Mass Killing Since 1945 |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-13629-799-1 |page=120 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=y1_e3WihYBQC&pg=PA120}}</ref> ===Post-war policy=== [[File:Tuđman i Ana Havel.jpg|thumb|left|Tuđman and journalist Ana Havel in 1997]] [[File:Predsjednički izbori u Hrvatskoj 1997.png|upright|thumb|Municipal results of the [[1997 Croatian presidential election|1997 presidential election]]. Tuđman won the municipalities in blue.]] In 1995 [[1995 Croatian parliamentary election|parliamentary elections]] were held that resulted in a victory of HDZ with 75 out of 127 seats in the parliament. Tuđman named [[Zlatko Mateša]] the 6th prime minister, who formed the first [[Cabinet of Zlatko Mateša|peacetime government of independent Croatia]]. The elections were held in conjunction with local elections in Zagreb, which were won by the opposition parties. Tuđman refused to provide a formal confirmation to the proposed mayor of Zagreb, which led to the [[Zagreb crisis]]. In 1996 a large demonstration was held in Zagreb in response to revoking broadcasting license to [[Radio 101 (Croatia)|Radio 101]], a radio station that was critical towards the ruling party.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=273}} Treatment of the media brought criticism from some international organizations.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=273}} Notably, the ''[[Feral Tribune]]'', a weekly Croatian political and satirical newspaper magazine, was subjected to several lawsuits and criminal charges from government officials as well as being forced to pay a tax usually reserved for pornographic magazines.<ref>{{cite news |title=Tudjman tries to silence accusers |url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/tudjman-tries-to-silence-accusers-1.159076 |newspaper=The Irish Times |date=2 June 1998}}</ref> Some opposition parties in Croatia advocated the view that, far from Europeanising Croatia, Tuđman was responsible for its "Balkanisation" and that during his presidency, he acted like a despot. Other parties, for instance the [[Croatian Party of Rights]], argued that Tuđman was not radical enough in his defence of the Croatian state.<ref name="Bellamy">{{cite book|last=Bellamy|first=Alex J.|title=The formation of Croatian national identity: a centuries-old dream|publisher=[[Manchester University Press]]|isbn=0-7190-6502-X|page=84|year=2003|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T3PqrrnrE5EC&q=tudman+despotism&pg=PA84|access-date=4 February 2011}}</ref> Croatia became a member of the [[Council of Europe]] on 6 November 1996.<ref>{{cite web |title=Chronology of Croatia's accession to the Council of Europe |url=http://www.mvep.hr/en/foreign-politics/multilateral-relationsold/council-of-europe-(ce)/relations-between-croatia-and-the-council-of-europe-/ |website=mvep.hr |publisher=Republic of Croatia Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs}}</ref> On 15 June 1997 Tuđman won the [[1997 Croatian presidential election|presidential elections]] with 61.4% of the votes, ahead of [[Zdravko Tomac]] and [[Vlado Gotovac]], and was re-elected to a second five-year term. [[Marina Matulović-Dropulić]] became the Mayor of Zagreb having won the [[1997 Zagreb local elections|1997 local elections]], which formally ended the Zagreb crisis.{{citation needed|date=November 2023}} In January 1998 Eastern Slavonia was officially reintegrated into Croatia.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=277}} In February 1998 Tuđman was re-elected as president of HDZ. The beginning of the year was marked by a large syndical protest in Zagreb, due to which the government adopted legislation regulating public gatherings and demonstrations in April.<ref>Taylor & Francis Group: [https://books.google.com/books?id=wGA4o-UhAfgC Europa World Year], Taylor & Francis, 2004, p. 1339</ref> After the war, Tuđman controversially suggested that the remains of those killed during the [[Yugoslav death march of Nazi collaborators]] be brought and laid to rest at [[Jasenovac concentration camp#Memorial site|Jasenovac]], an idea he later abandoned. This idea included burying Ustaša troops, anti-fascist Partisans and all civilians together and was inspired by General [[Francisco Franco]]'s [[Valle de los Caídos]].<ref name="Milekic1">{{cite web |last1=Milekic |first1=Sven |title=Why Croatia's President Tudjman Imitated General Franco |url=https://balkaninsight.com/2017/10/11/why-croatia-s-president-tudjman-imitated-general-franco-10-12-2017/ |website=BalkanInsight.com |publisher=BIRN |date=11 October 2017}}</ref> Previously he had appointed [[Ustaše]] official [[Vinko Nikolic]] to the Croatian Parliament<ref>{{cite news |title=Fascists Reborn as Croatia's Founding Fathers |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1997/04/12/world/fascists-reborn-as-croatia-s-founding-fathers.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=12 April 1997}}</ref> and his administration named multiple streets after Ustaše politician [[Mile Budak]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ramet |first1=Sabrina P. |title=The Three Yugoslavias State-Building and Legitimation, 1918-2005 |date=2006 |publisher=Indiana University Press |page=389}}</ref> He also appointed former Ustaše official [[Ivo Rojnica]] as Ambassador to Argentina but after some controversy he was replaced.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Kinzer |first1=Stephen |title=Pro-Nazi Rulers' Legacy Still Lingers for Croatia |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1993/10/31/world/pro-nazi-rulers-legacy-still-lingers-for-croatia.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=31 October 1993}}</ref> In 1998 Tuđman claimed that his program of national reconciliation had prevented a civil war in Croatia during the collapse of Yugoslavia.{{sfn|Ramet|2010|p=267}} ====Economy==== As a result of the macro-stabilization programs, the negative growth of GDP during the early 1990s stopped and turned into a positive trend. Post-war reconstruction activity provided another impetus to growth. [[Consumer spending]] and private sector investments, both of which were postponed during the war, contributed to improved economic conditions and growth in 1995–97.<ref name=IBP/> Real GDP growth in 1995 was 6.8%, in 1996 5.9% and in 1997 6.6%.<ref name=unstats/> In 1995 a Ministry of Privatization was established with Ivan Penić as its first minister.<ref>William Bartlett: [https://books.google.com/books?id=VFiFAgAAQBAJ Europe's Troubled Region: Economic Development, Institutional Reform, and Social Welfare in the Western Balkans], Routledge, 2007, p. 18</ref> [[Privatization in Croatia]] had barely begun when war broke out in 1991. Infrastructure sustained massive damage from the war, especially the revenue-rich tourism industry, and its transformation from a [[market socialism|market socialist economy]] to a [[market economy|free-market economy]] was thus slow and unsteady. Public mistrust rose when many state-owned companies were sold to politically well-connected at below-market prices.<ref name=IBP>International Business Publications: [https://books.google.com/books?id=qND3Dii7qjIC Croatia Investment and Trade Laws and Regulations Handbook], p. 22</ref> The ruling party was criticised for transferring enterprises to a group of privileged owners connected to the party.<ref>William Bartlett: [https://books.google.com/books?id=VFiFAgAAQBAJ Europe's Troubled Region: Economic Development, Institutional Reform, and Social Welfare in the Western Balkans], Routledge, 2007, p. 66</ref> The method of privatization contributed to the increase of state ownership because the unsold shares were transferred to state funds. In 1999 the private sector share in GDP reached 60%, which was significantly lower than in other former socialist countries.<ref>Istvan Benczes. [https://books.google.com/books?id=f4R2BgAAQBAJ ''Deficit and Debt in Transition: The Political Economy of Public Finances in Central and Eastern Europe''], Central European University Press, 2014, pp. 205-06.</ref> The privatization of large government-owned companies was practically halted during the war and in the years immediately following the conclusion of peace. At the end of Tuđman's rule, roughly 70% of Croatia's major companies were still state-owned, including water, electricity, oil, transportation, telecommunications, and tourism.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ellington |first1=Lucien |title=Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture, Volume 1 |date=2005 |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-1-57607-800-6 |page=473 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lVBB1a0rC70C}}</ref> Value-added tax was introduced in 1998 and the central government budget was in surplus that year.<ref>OECD: [https://books.google.com/books?id=WxvKqey-mmoC Agricultural Policies in Emerging and Transition Economies 1999], p. 43</ref> The consumer boom was disrupted when the economy went into recession at the end of 1998, as a result of the bank crisis when 14 banks went bankrupt,<ref name=IBP/> and GDP growth slowed down to 1.9%. The recession continued throughout 1999 when GDP fell by 0.9%.<ref name=unstats/> Unemployment increased from around 10% in 1996 and 1997 to 11.4% in 1998. By the end of 1999 it reached 13.6%. The country emerged from the recession in the 4th quarter of 1999.<ref name=Benczes2>Istvan Benczes:[https://books.google.com/books?id=f4R2BgAAQBAJ Deficit and Debt in Transition: The Political Economy of Public Finances in Central and Eastern Europe], Central European University Press, 2014, p. 207</ref> After several years of successful macroeconomic stabilization policies, low inflation and a stable currency, economists warned that the lack of fiscal changes and the expanding role of the state in economy caused the decline in the late 1990s and were preventing a sustainable economic growth.<ref name=Benczes2/><ref name=Gale>Gale Research: [https://books.google.com/books?id=uX8pX4H3u0kC Countries of the World and Their Leaders: Yearbook 2001], p. 456</ref> ====Foreign policy==== [[Mate Granić]] was the Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1993 until the end of the Tuđman administration. In 1996 he signed an agreement on normalization of relations with FR Yugoslavia.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.vecernji.hr/biografije/mate-granic-265|title=VL biografije - Mate Granić|publisher={{Lang|hr|[[Večernji list]]}}|access-date=1 December 2016|archive-date=1 December 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161201083928/http://www.vecernji.hr/biografije/mate-granic-265|url-status=dead}}</ref> On 9 September 1996 Croatia established diplomatic relations with FR Yugoslavia.{{citation needed|date=November 2023}} The US was the main mediator in reaching a peace treaty in the region and continued to have most influence after 1995.{{sfn|Bing|2008|p=339}} The Croatian offensives in 1995 did not receive unambiguous supports from the US, but they supported Croatian demands for territorial integrity. However, the Croatian-American relations after the war did not develop as Tuđman expected. Serb minority rights and cooperation with the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]] were asserted as the main issues and they led to a deterioration of relations at the end of 1996 and during 1997.{{sfn|Bing|2008|pp=343–345}} Tuđman tried to counter the pressure with closer relations with Russia and China.{{Citation needed|date=April 2023}} In November 1996 he received the [[Medal of Zhukov]], awarded for contribution to the antifascist struggle, from Russian president [[Boris Yeltsin]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.hrt.hr/arhiv/99/12/12/HRT0057.html|title=Odlikovanja predsjednika Hrvatske dr. Franje Tuđmana|publisher=Croatian Radio Television|date=12 December 1999|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100419143648/http://www.hrt.hr/arhiv/99/12/12/HRT0057.html|archive-date=19 April 2010}}</ref> A confederation between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, adopted under the [[Washington Agreement]], was not accomplished,{{sfn|Krišto|2011|pp=57–58}} while the Croat-Bosniak Federation acted only on paper. In August 1996 Tuđman and Izetbegović agreed to fully implement the Dayton agreement. Herzeg-Bosnia was to be formally abolished by the end of the month.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1996/08/15/world/muslim-and-croatian-leaders-approve-federation-for-bosnia.html|title=Muslim and Croatian Leaders Approve Federation for Bosnia|newspaper=The New York Times|date=15 August 1996}}</ref> In 1999 the [[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia|NATO intervention in Kosovo]] began. Tuđman expressed his concerns regarding the potential damage to Croatian economy and tourism, which was estimated at $1 billion. Still, the government expressed their support to NATO and granted permission to NATO planes to use Croatia's airspace. In May, Tuđman said that a possible solution is to deploy UN peacekeepers in Kosovo that would enable the return of Albanian refugees, while Yugoslav forces would retreat to Serb-majority northern Kosovo.{{sfn|Buckley|Cummings|2001|pp=53–55}} ====Relation to the Catholic Church==== [[Živko Kustić]], a Croatian [[Eastern Catholic]] priest and journalist for ''[[Jutarnji list]]'', wrote that Tuđman's perception of the [[Catholic Church in Croatia|church's role in Croatia]] was contradictory to the goals of [[Pope John Paul II]]. Moreover, Kustić expressed doubt that Tuđman had ever been truly religious except when he was very young. Tuđman considered the Catholic religion to be important for the modern Croatian nation. When taking the oath in 1992 he added sentence "Tako mi Bog pomogao!" ({{langx|en|So help me God}}) which was not then part of the official text.<ref name="IWP">{{cite web|url=https://impious.wordpress.com/tag/zivko-kustic|title=Živko Kustić | Irreverent Impiety|publisher=Impious.wordpress.com|date=18 February 2010|access-date=15 May 2015}}</ref> In 1997, he officially included the sentence in the oath.<ref name="IWP"/> Tuđman's era was the era of the Catholic revival in Croatia. Church attendance rose; even former communists massively participated in church sacraments. The state was funding the building and renewal of churches and monasteries. Between 1996 and 1998 Croatia signed various treaties with the Holy See, by which the Catholic Church in Croatia was granted some financial rights, among others.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.concordatwatch.eu/showsite.php?org_id=890|title=Concordat Watch - Croatia|publisher=Concordatwatch.eu|access-date=15 May 2015}}</ref> {{further|Treaties between the Republic of Croatia and the Holy See}} ====Health problems and death==== Tuđman was diagnosed with cancer in 1993. His general health had deteriorated by the late 1990s. On 1 November 1999 he appeared in public for the last time. While being hospitalized opposition parties accused the ruling [[HDZ]] of hiding the fact that Tuđman was already dead and that the authorities were keeping his death secret in order to win more seats in the upcoming [[2000 Croatian parliamentary election|January 2000 general election]]. Tuđman's death was officially declared on 10 December 1999.<ref name="Death">{{cite news|date=11 December 1999|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/559712.stm|title=Croats mourn Croatian president|work=BBC News|quote=His organs did not function properly, he was taken off the life support system he had been attached to since his November surgery. Tudjman died at 23:14 (22:14 GMT) on Friday [10 Dec] at the Dubrava clinic in the capital Zagreb, a government spokesman said.}} [http://archives.cnn.com/1999/WORLD/europe/12/13/croatia.tudjman.02/index.html Death of Tudjman] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090607094622/http://archives.cnn.com/1999/WORLD/europe/12/13/croatia.tudjman.02/index.html |date=7 June 2009 }}, cnn.com; 13 December 1999; accessed 16 May 2015.</ref> He had a funeral Mass in [[Zagreb Cathedral]] and was buried in [[Mirogoj Cemetery]].{{citation needed|date=November 2023}} ===Vrhovnik=== Tuđman was conferred by the Croatian Parliament the military rank of Supreme commander of Croatia, or 'Vrhovnik' on 22 March 1995.<ref name="Vrhovnik">{{cite web|url=http://hidra.srce.hr/arhiva/263/18315/www.nn.hr/clanci/sluzbeno/1995/0478.htm|title=Odluku o proglašenju zakona o službi u oružanim snagama Republike Hrvatske|access-date=5 January 2012}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.aimpress.ch/dyn/pubs/archive/data/199504/50403-001-pubs-zag.htm|title=VRHOVNIK CISTI HRVATSKU VOJSKU|access-date=3 January 2012}}</ref> It was the highest honorific title in the [[Croatian Armed Forces]] and equivalent to [[Marshal]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://web.ffos.hr/hdpl/zbornici2/Stolac%20et%20al%20ur%20Jezik%20u%20drustvenoj%20interakciji%2030%20Mikulan.pdf|title=Prevodenje Vojnih Pojmova: Nazivi Cinova, Duznosti, Polozaja i Zvanja|access-date=17 May 2015|archive-date=3 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303213807/http://web.ffos.hr/hdpl/zbornici2/Stolac%20et%20al%20ur%20Jezik%20u%20drustvenoj%20interakciji%2030%20Mikulan.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> Tuđman was the only person to ever hold this rank.{{citation needed|date=May 2015}} He held it until his death. The uniform for this position allegedly was modeled on the uniform of [[Josip Broz Tito]] as Tuđman was a dedicated [[Major General]] of the [[Yugoslav People's Army]].<ref name=NYTimes>{{cite news|title=Tudjman Is Dead; Croat Led Country Out of Yugoslavia|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1999/12/11/world/tudjman-is-dead-croat-led-country-out-of-yugoslavia.html?pagewanted=all|newspaper=New York Times|date=11 December 1999|first=David|last=Binder}}</ref> The title was eventually abolished in 2002.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.morh.hr/images/stories/morh_sadrzaj/pdf/zakon%20o%20sluzbi%20u%20osrh%20nn33-02.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210225154055/http://www.morh.hr/images/stories/morh_sadrzaj/pdf/zakon%20o%20sluzbi%20u%20osrh%20nn33-02.pdf|url-status=dead|archive-date=25 February 2021|title=Odluku O Proglašenju Zakona O Službi u Oružanim Snagama Republike Hrvatske|access-date=17 May 2015}}</ref>
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