Editing Camp David Accords (section)

===Framework for Peace in the Middle East===
The preamble of the ''"Framework for Peace in the Middle East"'' starts with the basis of a peaceful settlement of the [[Arab–Israeli conflict]]:<ref name=Framework_PME>Jimmy Carter Library, [http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/documents/campdavid/accords.phtml ''The Framework for Peace in the Middle East''] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131216211951/http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/documents/campdavid/accords.phtml |date=16 December 2013 }}, 17 September 1978</ref>

{{Blockquote|text=The agreed basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict between Israel and its neighbors is United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, in all its parts.}}

The framework itself consists of 3 parts. The first part of the framework was to establish an autonomous self-governing authority in the [[West Bank]] and the [[Gaza strip]] and to fully implement [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 242|Resolution 242]].{{citation needed|date=November 2020}}

The Accords recognized the "legitimate rights of the Palestinian people", a process to be implemented guaranteeing the full autonomy of the people within a period of five years. The Israeli prime minister [[Menachem Begin|Begin]] insisted on the adjective "full" to ensure that it was the maximum political right attainable;<ref name="TEXTOFACCORDS"/> however, Begin also specifically insisted that "on no condition will there be a Palestinian state".<ref name=Filiu2014/> This so-called 'full autonomy' was to be discussed with the participation of Israel, Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinians. The withdrawal of Israeli troops from the West Bank and Gaza was agreed to occur after an election of a self-governing authority to replace Israel's military government.<ref name="TEXTOFACCORDS"/> The Accords did not mention the Golan Heights, Syria, or Lebanon. This was not the comprehensive peace that Kissinger, Ford, Carter, or Sadat had in mind during the previous American presidential transition.<ref name="Stein, Kenneth 1999, p.254">Stein, 1999, p. 254.</ref> It was less clear than the agreements concerning the Sinai, and was later interpreted differently by Israel, Egypt, and the United States. The [[positions on Jerusalem|fate of Jerusalem]] was deliberately excluded from this agreement.<ref>Gold, 175</ref>

The second part of the framework dealt with Egyptian–Israeli relations, the real content worked out in the second Egypt–Israel framework. The third part, "Associated Principles," declared principles that should apply to relations between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors.

==== West Bank, Gaza and "the Palestinian problem" ====
* ''Egypt, Israel, Jordan and the representatives of the Palestinian people should participate in negotiations on the resolution of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects.''
* (1.) ''Egypt and Israel agree that, in order to ensure a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority, and taking into account the security concerns of all the parties, there should be transitional arrangements for the West Bank and Gaza for a period not exceeding five years. In order to provide full autonomy to the inhabitants, under these arrangements the Israeli military government and its civilian administration will be withdrawn as soon as a self-governing authority has been freely elected by the inhabitants of these areas to replace the existing military government.''
* (2.) ''Egypt, Israel, and Jordan will agree on the modalities for establishing elected self-governing authority in the West Bank and Gaza. The delegations of Egypt and Jordan may include Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza or other Palestinians as mutually agreed. The parties will negotiate an agreement which will define the powers and responsibilities of the self-governing authority to be exercised in the West Bank and Gaza. A withdrawal of Israeli armed forces will take place and there will be a redeployment of the remaining Israeli forces into specified security locations. The agreement will also include arrangements for assuring internal and external security and public order. A strong local police force will be established, which may include Jordanian citizens. In addition, Israeli and Jordanian forces will participate in joint patrols and in the manning of control posts to assure the security of the borders.''
* (3.) ''When the self-governing authority (administrative council) in the West Bank and Gaza is established and inaugurated, the transitional period of five years will begin. As soon as possible, but not later than the third year after the beginning of the transitional period, negotiations will take place to determine the final status of the West Bank and Gaza and its relationship with its neighbors and to conclude a peace treaty between Israel and Jordan by the end of the transitional period. These negotiations will be conducted among Egypt, Israel, Jordan and the elected representatives of the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza. ... The negotiations shall be based on all the provisions and principles of UN Security Council Resolution 242. The negotiations will resolve, among other matters, the location of the boundaries and the nature of the security arrangements. The solution from the negotiations must also recognize the legitimate right of the Palestinian peoples and their just requirements.''

The framework merely concerned autonomy of the inhabitants of West Bank and Gaza. It neither mentions the [[status of Jerusalem]], nor the [[Palestinian Right of Return]].<ref name=Framework_PME/>

==== Criticism on the concept of 'autonomy' ====
The French historian, arabist, orientalist and professor [[Jean-Pierre Filiu]], diplomatic adviser to three French ministers between 1990 and 2002, and also U.S.-born (with Palestinian roots) historian and Professor [[Rashid Khalidi]], in the years 2013–2014  criticised the concept of '[[autonomy]]' as used in the Camp David Accords: it is "devoid of meaning and content", it does not facilitate Palestinian's "right to liberty and self-determination" (etc.).<ref name=Filiu2014>{{cite book|author=Jean-Pierre Filiu|title=Gaza: A History - Jean-Pierre Filiu|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Gaza&pg=PA|year=|publisher=Oxford University Press, 2014 |isbn=978-0-19-020189-0}}</ref><ref name=Khalidi,2013>{{cite book|author=Rashid Khalidi|title=Brokers of Deceit: How the US Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Brokers_of_Deceit&pg=PA|year=|publisher=Beacon Press, 2013 |isbn=978-0-8070-4475-9|quote=Even though Yitzhak Rabin was the first Israeli prime minister to accept formally the idea that the Palestinians were a people, he never officially conceded that this people had the right of national self-determination and statehood. These terms consequently occur nowhere in the 1993 agreements. Thus, although they nominally accepted that the Palestinians were a people, the Oslo accords in fact did no more than formally consecrate Begin’s scheme: we have seen that the canny Polish-born lawyer understood that the terms he had obdurately insisted on at Camp David in 1978 “‘guarantee that under no condition’ can a Palestinian state be created.”}}</ref> The Israeli prime minister [[Menachem Begin]], these professors say, had emphatically construed an 'autonomy'-concept that did not include<ref name=Filiu2014/> (or according to Begin not even allowed for<ref name=Khalidi,2013/>) a Palestinian state to be created. This flawed non-[[sovereignty]]-concept would be repeated in the 1993 [[Oslo Accords]], Khalidi asserted.<ref name=Khalidi,2013/>

====UN Rejection of the Middle East Framework====
The [[UN General Assembly]] rejected the ''Framework for Peace in the Middle East'', because the agreement was concluded without participation of UN and PLO and did not comply with the Palestinian right of return, of self-determination and to national independence and sovereignty. In December 1978, it declared in ''Resolution 33/28 A'' that agreements were only valid if they are within the framework of the United Nations and its Charter and its resolutions, include the Palestinian right of return and the right to national independence and sovereignty in Palestine, and concluded with the participation of the [[Palestine Liberation Organization|PLO]].<ref>UNGA, 7 December 1978, [https://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/45650594884CB837852560DD0051C2AF ''Resolution 33/28 A. Question of Palestine''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140111144829/http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/45650594884CB837852560DD0051C2AF |date=11 January 2014 }} (doc.nr. A/RES/33/28)</ref> On 6 December 1979, the UN condemned in ''Resolution 34/70'' all partial agreements and separate treaties that did not meet the Palestinian rights and comprehensive solutions to peace; it condemned Israel's continued occupation and demanded withdrawal from ''all'' occupied territories.<ref>UNGA, 6 December 1979, [https://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/6118CF31EC9EB7FB852560DA006E47F3 ''Resolution 34/70. The situation in the Middle East''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140111145137/http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/6118CF31EC9EB7FB852560DA006E47F3 |date=11 January 2014 }} (doc.nr. A/RES/34/70)</ref> On 12 December, in ''Resolution 34/65 B'', the UN rejected more specific parts of the Camp David Accords and similar agreements, which were not in accordance with mentioned requirements. All such partial agreements and separate treaties were strongly condemned. The part of the Camp David accords regarding the Palestinian future and all similar ones were declared invalid.<ref>UNGA, 12 December 1979, [https://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/0/1CFBE54A74E1AB8B852560DA006DE34D ''Resolution 34/65 B. Question of Palestine''] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120329074242/http://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/0/1CFBE54A74E1AB8B852560DA006DE34D |date=29 March 2012 }}. [doc.nr. A/RES/34/65 (A-D)]</ref>