Editing Battle of Bosworth Field (section)

==Engagement==
[[File:Bosworth Field - Clash.svg|thumb|upright=1.15 |alt=Battlefield map. Red, white and blue boxes converge to the centre of the map. Richard charges into Henry. William Stanley advances to Henry's rescue. Richard fights to his death. Northumberland and Lord Stanley remain stationary. |Late battle (a scenario based on historical interpretations): Richard led a small group of men around the main battle and charged Henry, who was moving towards the Stanleys. William Stanley rode to Henry's rescue.]]

The Yorkist army, variously estimated at between 7,500 and 12,000&nbsp;men, deployed on the hilltop{{sfn|Ross|1999|p=215}}{{sfn|Mackie|1983|p=52}} along the ridgeline from west to east. Norfolk's force (or "[[Battle (formation)|battle]]" in the parlance of the time) of spearmen stood on the right flank, protecting the cannon and about 1,200&nbsp;archers. Richard's group, comprising 3,000&nbsp;infantry, formed the centre. Northumberland's men guarded the left flank; he had approximately 4,000&nbsp;men, many of them mounted.<ref>{{harvnb|Gravett|1999|pp=54–55}}; {{harvnb|Ross|1999|pp=217–218}}.</ref> Standing on the hilltop, Richard had a wide, unobstructed view of the area. He could see the Stanleys and their 4,000–6,000 men holding positions on and around Dadlington Hill, while to the south-west was Henry's army.{{sfn|Ross|1999|p=217}}

Henry's force has been variously estimated at between 5,000 and 8,000 men, his original landing force of exiles and mercenaries having been augmented by the recruits gathered in Wales and the English border counties (in the latter area probably mustered chiefly by the Talbot interest), and by deserters from Richard's army. Historian John Mackie believes that 1,800&nbsp;French mercenaries, led by Philibert de Chandée, formed the core of Henry's army.{{sfn|Mackie|1983|p=51}} [[John Major (philosopher)|John Mair]], writing thirty-five years after the battle, claimed that this force contained a significant Scottish component,{{sfn|Major|1892|p=393}} and this claim is accepted by some modern writers,{{sfn|Gravett|1999|pp=34–36}} but Mackie argues that the French would not have released their [[Garde Ecossaise|elite Scottish knights and archers]], and concludes that there were probably few Scottish troops in the army, although he accepts the presence of captains like [[Bernard Stewart, Lord of Aubigny]].{{sfn|Mackie|1983|p=51}}{{sfn|Major|1892|p=393}}

In their interpretations of the vague mentions of the battle in the old text, historians placed areas near the foot of Ambion Hill as likely regions where the two armies clashed, and thought up possible scenarios of the engagement.{{sfn|Hicks|1995|p=23}}{{sfn|Ross|1999|p=216}}{{sfn|Gravett|1999|pp=46–52}} In their recreations of the battle, Henry started by moving his army towards Ambion Hill where Richard and his men stood. As Henry's army advanced past the marsh at the south-western foot of the hill, Richard sent a message to Stanley, threatening to execute his son, [[George Stanley, 9th Baron Strange|Lord Strange]], if Stanley did not join the attack on Henry immediately. Stanley replied that he had other sons. Incensed, Richard gave the order to behead Strange but his officers temporised, saying that battle was imminent, and it would be more convenient to carry out the execution afterwards.{{sfn|Rowse|1998|p=219}} Henry had also sent messengers to Stanley asking him to declare his allegiance. The reply was evasive—the Stanleys would "naturally" come, after Henry had given orders to his army and arranged them for battle. Henry had no choice but to confront Richard's forces alone.{{sfn|Chrimes|1999|p=47}}

Well aware of his own military inexperience, Henry handed command of his army to Oxford and retired to the rear with his bodyguards. Oxford, seeing the vast line of Richard's army strung along the ridgeline, decided to keep his men together instead of splitting them into the traditional three battles: vanguard, centre, and rearguard. He ordered the troops to stray no further than {{convert|10|ft|m}} from their banners, fearing that they would become enveloped. Individual groups clumped together, forming a single large mass flanked by horsemen on the wings.{{sfn|Chrimes|1999|p=48}}

The Lancastrians were harassed by Richard's cannon as they manoeuvred around the marsh, seeking firmer ground.{{sfn|Ross|1999|pp=220–221}} Once Oxford and his men were clear of the marsh, Norfolk's battle and several contingents of Richard's group, under the command of Sir [[Robert Brackenbury]], started to advance. Hails of arrows showered both sides as they closed. Oxford's men proved the steadier in the ensuing hand-to-hand combat; they held their ground and several of Norfolk's men fled the field.{{sfn|Adams|2002|p=19}} Norfolk lost one of his senior officers, [[Walter Devereux, 8th Baron Ferrers of Chartley|Walter Devereux]], in this early clash.{{sfn|Markham|1906|p=252}}

Recognising that his force was at a disadvantage, Richard signalled for Northumberland to assist but Northumberland's group showed no signs of movement. Historians, such as [[Rosemary Horrox|Horrox]] and Pugh, believe Northumberland chose not to aid his king for personal reasons.<ref>{{harvnb|Horrox|1991|pp=319–320}}; Pugh (1992). p. 49.</ref> Ross doubts the aspersions cast on Northumberland's loyalty, suggesting instead that Ambion Hill's narrow ridge hindered him from joining the battle. The earl would have had to either go through his allies or execute a wide flanking move—near impossible to perform given the standard of drill at the time—to engage Oxford's men.{{sfn|Ross|1999|pp=221–223}}

At this juncture Richard saw Henry at some distance behind his main force.{{sfn|Jones|Langley|2013|p=201}} Seeing this, Richard decided to end the fight quickly by killing the enemy commander. He led a charge of mounted men around the melee and tore into Henry's group; several accounts state that Richard's force numbered 800–1000&nbsp;knights, but Ross says it was more likely that Richard was accompanied only by his household men and closest friends.<ref>{{harvnb|Gravett|1999|p=69}}; {{harvnb|Ross|1999|pp=222–224}}.</ref> Richard killed Henry's standard-bearer [[William Brandon (standard-bearer)|Sir William Brandon]] in the initial charge and unhorsed burly [[John Cheyne, Baron Cheyne|John Cheyne]], Edward IV's former standard-bearer,{{sfn|Horrox|1991|p=325}} with a blow to the head from his broken lance.{{sfn|Chrimes|1999|p=49}} French mercenaries in Henry's retinue related how the attack had caught them off guard and that Henry sought protection by dismounting and concealing himself among them to present less of a target. Henry made no attempt to engage in combat himself.{{sfn|Jones|Langley|2013|pp=202, 205}}

Oxford had left a small reserve of [[Pike (weapon)|pike]]-equipped men with Henry. They slowed the pace of Richard's mounted charge, and bought Tudor some critical time.{{sfn|Jones|Langley|2013|p=203}} The remainder of Henry's bodyguards surrounded their master, and succeeded in keeping him away from the Yorkist king. Meanwhile, seeing Richard embroiled with Henry's men and separated from his main force, William Stanley made his move and rode to the aid of Henry. Now outnumbered, Richard's group was surrounded and gradually pressed back.{{sfn|Chrimes|1999|p=49}} Richard's force was driven several hundred yards away from Tudor, near to the edge of a marsh, into which the king's horse toppled. Richard, now unhorsed, gathered himself and rallied his dwindling followers, supposedly refusing to retreat: "God forbid that I retreat one step. I will either win the battle as a king, or die as one."{{sfn|Jones|Langley|2013|p=206}} In the fighting Richard's banner man—Sir [[Percival Thirlwall]]—lost his legs, but held the Yorkist banner aloft until he was killed. It is likely that [[James Harrington (Yorkist knight)|James Harrington]] also died in the charge.{{sfn|Adams|2002|p=20}}{{sfn|Hammond|2013|p=101}} The king's trusted advisor [[Richard Ratcliffe]] was also slain.{{sfn|Ross|1999|p={{page needed|date=April 2024}}}}

[[Polydore Vergil]], Henry Tudor's official historian, recorded that "King Richard, alone, was killed fighting manfully in the thickest press of his enemies".<ref>[[#Kendall|Kendall]], p. 368.</ref> Richard had come within a sword's length of Henry Tudor before being surrounded by William Stanley's men and killed. The Burgundian chronicler [[Jean Molinet]] says that a Welshman struck the death-blow with a [[halberd]] while Richard's horse was stuck in the marshy ground.<ref name = "rhys">Ralph Griffith (1993). ''Sir Rhys ap Thomas and his family: a study in the Wars of the Roses and early Tudor politics'', University of Wales Press, p. 43, {{ISBN|0708312187}}.</ref> It was said that the blows were so violent that the king's helmet was driven into his skull.<ref>[[Thomas Penn (historian)|Thomas Penn]] (2011). ''Winter King: Henry VII and The Dawn of Tudor England'', Simon & Schuster, p. 9, {{ISBN|978-1-4391-9156-9}}</ref> The contemporary Welsh poet [[Guto'r Glyn]] implies the leading Welsh Lancastrian [[Rhys ap Thomas]], or one of his men, killed the king, writing that he {{lang|cy|"Lladd y baedd, eilliodd ei ben"}} ("Killed the boar, shaved his head").<ref name="rhys"/><ref>E. A. Rees (2008). ''A Life of Guto'r Glyn'', Y Lolfa, p. 211, {{ISBN|086243971X}}. The original Welsh is "Lladd y baedd, eilliodd ei ben". The usual meaning of ''eilliodd'' is "shaved", which might mean "chopped off" or "sliced".</ref> Analysis of [[Exhumation and reburial of Richard III of England|King Richard's skeletal remains]] found 11 wounds, nine of them to the head; a blade consistent with a halberd had sliced off part of the rear of Richard's skull, suggesting he had lost his helmet.<ref>{{cite web |title=Richard III – Osteology – Injuries |url=https://www.le.ac.uk/richardiii/science/osteology-5-injuries.html |publisher=University of Leicester |access-date=2018-07-19}}</ref>

Richard's forces disintegrated as news of his death spread. Northumberland and his men fled north on seeing the king's fate,{{sfn|Chrimes|1999|p=49}} and Norfolk was killed by the knight [[John Savage (soldier)|Sir John Savage]] in single combat according to the Ballad of Lady Bessy.<ref>Brereton, H. The most pleasant song of Lady Bessy: the eldest daughter of King Edward the Fourth, and how she married King Henry the Seventh of the House of Lancaster p.46 (Text taken from the Ballad of Lady Bessy a contemporary primary source)</ref>