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==U.S. involvement== {{Main|United States support for Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War}} {{See also|Iraq–United States relations|Iran–United States relations}} American support for [[Ba'athist Iraq]] during the Iran–Iraq War, in which it fought against [[Iranian revolution|post-revolutionary]] [[Iran]], included several billion dollars' worth of economic aid, the sale of [[dual-use technology]], non-U.S. origin weaponry, military intelligence, and special operations training.<ref name=spidersweb>Friedman, Alan. ''Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq'', Bantam Books, 1993. {{ISBN?}}</ref><ref name="deathlobby">Timmerman, Kenneth R. ''The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq''. New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1991. {{ISBN?}}</ref> The U.S. refused to sell arms to Iraq directly due to Iraq's ties to [[State-sponsored terrorism|terrorist groups]], but several sales of "dual-use" technology have been documented; notably, Iraq purchased 45 [[Bell Textron|Bell helicopters]] for $200 million in 1985. Total sales of U.S. dual-use technology to Iraq are estimated at $500 million.<ref>{{cite book|author-link=Elaine Sciolino|last=Sciolino|first=Elaine|title=The Outlaw State: Saddam Hussein's Quest for Power and the Gulf Crisis|publisher=[[Wiley (publisher)|John Wiley & Sons]]|year=1991|isbn=9780471542995|page=[https://archive.org/details/outlawstate00elai/page/168 168]|quote=Under pressure from the Reagan administration, the <nowiki>[</nowiki>[[Export–Import Bank of the United States]]<nowiki>]</nowiki> began extending short-term loans to cash-starved Iraq for American-made spare parts and consumer goods. Iraq was also keenly interested in more than credits and rice, but the Reagan administration repeatedly told Iraq not even to ask for weapons. Iraq had more than enough arms from Moscow, Paris, and other capitals to fight Iran, and weapons sales to a country with a history of terrorism and antagonism to Israel would never receive congressional approval. ... In some instances, items that could be used for military purposes did go through. In 1985, for example, the United States approved a $200 million sale of 45 Bell helicopters to Iraq, on condition they would be used only for civilian purposes. But administration officials learned later that the Iraqi Army took possession of at least some of the helicopters, painted them in military colors, and used them to ferry VIP delegations and journalists to the war front.}}</ref><ref name="Byrne">{{cite book|last=Byrne|first=Malcolm|title=The Iran–Iraq War: New International Perspectives|chapter=Critical Oral History: A new approach to examining the United States' role in the war|publisher=[[Routledge]]|year=2013|isbn=9780415685245}}</ref> U.S. government support for Iraq was not a secret and was frequently discussed in open sessions of the [[United States Senate|Senate]] and [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]].<ref name="abc2">Koppel, Ted. [https://web.archive.org/web/20040824084457/http://homepage.ntlworld.com/jksonc/docs/ir655-nightline-19920701.html "The USS Vincennes: Public War, Secret War"], ABC ''Nightline''. 1 July 1992.</ref> American views toward Iraq were not enthusiastically supportive in its conflict with Iran, and activity in assistance was largely to prevent an Iranian victory. This was encapsulated by [[Henry Kissinger]] when he remarked, "It's a pity they both can't lose."<ref name="McCarthy"/> ===U.S. embargo=== [[File:Bush reagan.jpg|right|thumb|President [[Ronald Reagan]] and Vice President [[George H. W. Bush]] in the Oval Office of the White House, 20 July 1984]] A key element of U.S. political–military and energy–economic planning occurred in early 1983. The Iran–Iraq war had been going on for three years and there were significant casualties on both sides, reaching hundreds of thousands. Within the Reagan [[National Security Council (USA)|National Security Council]] concern was growing that the war could spread beyond the boundaries of the two belligerents. A National Security Planning Group meeting was called chaired by Vice President [[George Bush Sr.|George Bush]] to review U.S. options. It was determined that there was a high likelihood that the conflict would spread into Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, but that the United States had little capability to defend the region.<ref name="wpain1"/> It was determined that a prolonged war in the region would induce much higher oil prices and threaten the fragile world recovery which was just beginning to gain momentum. On 22 May 1984, President Reagan was briefed on the project conclusions in the Oval Office by [[William Flynn Martin]] who had served as the head of the NSC staff that organised the study. The full declassified presentation can be seen here.<ref name="wpain1">{{cite web|url=http://www.wpainc.com/Archive/Reagan%20Administration/WFM%20Papers%20from%20Reagan%20Archives/Iran-Iraq/Presentation%20on%20Gulf%20Oil%20Disruption%205-22-84.pdf|title=Presentation on Gulf Oil Disruption 5–22–84|access-date=21 August 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304041513/http://www.wpainc.com/Archive/Reagan%20Administration/WFM%20Papers%20from%20Reagan%20Archives/Iran-Iraq/Presentation%20on%20Gulf%20Oil%20Disruption%205-22-84.pdf|archive-date=4 March 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref> The conclusions were threefold: firstly, oil stocks needed to be increased among members of the [[International Energy Agency]] and, if necessary, released early in the event of oil market disruption; second, the United States needed to reinforce the security of friendly Arab states in the region; and thirdly, an embargo should be placed on sales of military equipment to Iran and Iraq. The plan was approved by the President and later affirmed by the G-7 leaders headed by [[Margaret Thatcher]] in the [[10th G7 summit|London Summit of 1984]]. ===U.S. knowledge of Iraqi chemical weapons use=== According to ''Foreign Policy'', the "Iraqis used mustard gas and [[sarin]] prior to four major offensives in early 1988 that relied on U.S. satellite imagery, maps, and other intelligence. ... According to recently declassified CIA documents and interviews with former intelligence officials like Francona, the U.S. had firm evidence of Iraqi chemical attacks beginning in 1983."<ref>{{cite news|title=Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/08/26/exclusive-cia-files-prove-america-helped-saddam-as-he-gassed-iran/|work=[[Foreign Policy]]|date=26 August 2013|access-date=1 January 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140915042349/http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/08/25/secret_cia_files_prove_america_helped_saddam_as_he_gassed_iran?page=0%2C2|archive-date=15 September 2014|url-status=live}}</ref> ===Iraqi attack on U.S. warship=== {{Main|USS Stark incident}} [[File:USS Stark.jpg|thumb|[[USS Stark|USS ''Stark'']] listing following two hits by [[Exocet]] missiles|right]] On 17 May 1987, an Iraqi [[Dassault Mirage F1]] fighter jet launched two [[Exocet|Exocet missiles]] at {{USS|Stark|FFG-31|6}}, a [[Oliver Hazard Perry class|''Perry'' class]] frigate.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://warisboring.com/in-1987-a-secret-iraqi-warplane-struck-an-american-frigate-and-killed-37-sailors-b341a948fa21#.av4l0q41w|archive-date=17 August 2016|archive-url=http://webarchive.loc.gov/all/20160817044851/https://warisboring.com/in%2D1987%2Da%2Dsecret%2Diraqi%2Dwarplane%2Dstruck%2Dan%2Damerican%2Dfrigate%2Dand%2Dkilled%2D37%2Dsailors%2Db341a948fa21#.av4l0q41w|url-status=dead|title=In 1987, a Secret Iraqi Warplane Struck an American Frigate and Killed 37 Sailors|first=War Is|last=Boring|date=27 July 2016}}</ref> The first struck the port side of the ship and failed to explode, though it left burning propellant in its wake; the second struck moments later in approximately the same place and penetrated through to crew quarters, where it exploded, killing 37 crewmen and injuring 21. Whether or not Iraqi leadership authorised the attack is still unknown. Initial claims by the Iraqi government that ''Stark'' was inside the Iran–Iraq War zone were shown to be false, and the motives and orders of the pilot remain unanswered.<ref name=fisk05/> Though American officials claimed that the pilot who attacked ''Stark'' had been executed, an ex-Iraqi Air Force commander since stated he had not been punished, and was still alive at the time.<ref name=fisk05>{{cite book|last=Fisk|first=Robert|title=The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East|url=https://archive.org/details/greatwarforcivil00fisk_0|url-access=registration|year=2005|publisher=Alfred A. Knopf|isbn=1-84115-007-X|location=New York|author-link=Robert Fisk}}</ref> The attack remains the only successful anti-ship missile strike on an American warship.<ref name="ROE">{{Cite journal|journal=Military Law Review|volume=143|date=Winter 1994|title=Rules of Engagement for Land Forces: A Matter of Training, Not Lawyering|first=Mark S.|last=Martins|pages=43–46|url=https://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/Military_Law/Military_Law_Review/pdf-files/27687D~1.pdf|access-date=29 December 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171011172209/http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/Military_Law/Military_Law_Review/pdf-files/27687D~1.pdf|archive-date=11 October 2017|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="NoHigher61">{{Cite book|title=No Higher Honor: Saving the USS Samuel B. Roberts in the Persian Gulf|pages=61–63|first=Bradley|last=Peniston|publisher=Naval Institute Press|isbn=1-59114-661-5|url=http://www.navybook.com/nohigherhonor/pic-stark.shtml|location=Persian Gulf|year=2006|access-date=4 June 2006|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120622121924/http://www.navybook.com/nohigherhonor/pic-stark.shtml|archive-date=22 June 2012|url-status=dead}}</ref> Due to the extensive political and military cooperation between the Iraqis and Americans by 1987, the attack had little effect on relations between the two countries. ===U.S. military actions toward Iran=== U.S. attention was focused on isolating Iran as well as maintaining [[freedom of navigation]]. It criticised Iran's mining of international waters, and sponsored [[s:United Nations Security Council Resolution 598|UN Security Council Resolution 598]], which passed unanimously on 20 July, under which the U.S. and Iranian forces skirmished during [[Operation Earnest Will]]. During [[Operation Nimble Archer]] in October 1987, the United States attacked Iranian oil platforms in retaliation for an Iranian attack on the U.S.-flagged Kuwaiti tanker ''[[MV Sea Isle City|Sea Isle City]]''.<ref name=kelley07 /> On 14 April 1988, the frigate {{USS|Samuel B. Roberts|FFG-58|6}} was badly damaged by an Iranian mine, and 10 sailors were wounded. U.S. forces responded with [[Operation Praying Mantis]] on 18 April, the U.S. Navy's largest engagement of surface warships since World War II. Two Iranian oil platforms were destroyed, and five Iranian warships and gunboats were sunk. An American helicopter also crashed.<ref name=kelley07 /> ====Iran Air Flight 655==== In the course of escorts by the U.S. Navy, the cruiser {{USS|Vincennes|CG-49|6}} shot down [[Iran Air Flight 655]] on 3 July 1988, killing all 290 passengers and crew on board. The American government claimed that ''Vincennes'' was in international waters at the time (which was later proven to be untrue), that the [[Airbus A300]] had been mistaken for an Iranian [[F-14 Tomcat]], and that ''Vincennes'' feared that she was under attack.<ref name=fisk05 />{{rp|260–273|date=November 2012}}<ref name="ROE" /> The Iranians maintain that ''Vincennes'' was in their own waters, and that the passenger jet was turning away and increasing altitude after take-off. U.S. Admiral [[William J. Crowe]] later admitted on ''[[Nightline (U.S. news program)|Nightline]]'' that ''Vincennes'' was in Iranian territorial waters when it launched the missiles. At the time of the attack, Admiral Crowe claimed that the Iranian plane did not identify itself and sent no response to warning signals he had sent. In 1996, the United States expressed their regret for the event and the civilian deaths it caused.<ref name="AggrPolitics" /><ref name="ROE" />
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