Editing Xunantunich (section)

==Relationships with other sites==

During a time period when most of Maya civilizations were crumbling, Xunantunich was managing to expand its city and its power over other areas within the valley. It lasted a century longer than most of the sites within the region.  It is known that Xunantunich superseded Buenavista as the hub of sociopolitical administration for the upper valley, in addition to the main location for elite ancestral and funeral rites and ceremonies. One theory is the move was made due to political strife in the lowlands due to neighbors vying for control over Buenavista, and that Xunantunich was a much more easily defensible site (located on top of a hill).<ref name="Three">Taschek, Jennifer T., and Joseph W. Ball. "Buenavista Del Cayo, Cahal Bech, and Xunantunich: Three Centers, Three Histories, One Central Place." The Ancient Maya of the Belize Valley: Half a Century of Archaeological Research. Gainesville: University of Florida, 2004. 191–206. Print.</ref>

There is evidence of trade and communication between other sites in abundance. First, there is the disbursement of pine. Pine naturally grows in the Mountain Pine Ridge, which is accessible via the Macal River. It was imported to Xunantunich, where the disbursement of this valuable commodity could be controlled by elites and rulers. This resource was used in ritualistic and building purposes for the upper class, and would sometimes be given to members of the lower class to strengthen socio-political strategies.<ref>Lentz, David L., Jason Yaeger, Cynthia Robin, and Wendy Ashmore. "Pine, Prestige and Politics of the Late Classic Maya at Xunantunich, Belize." Antiquity 79 (2005): 573–85. Print.</ref> Similarities between pottery among different sites is a trait commonly looked for by archaeologists. The difference between qualities of pottery can accentuate gaps between social classes within a location, just as it can show the difference between classes of other polities.  In the Terminal Classic period, equality in the distribution of pottery at Xunantunich can be seen as political currency across the Belize Valley.<ref>LeCount, Lisa J. "Polychrome Pottery and Political Strategies in Late and Terminal Classic Lowland Maya Society." Latin American Antiquity 10.3 (1999): 239–58. Print.</ref> Pottery types became uniform among sites found in the areas in Belize Valley around Xunantunich, further evidence of their strong relationships with the “Stone Woman” site.<ref name="”Creating Histories”"/>

===Naranjo===

Due to regional conflicts, [[Naranjo]], a regional polity, began to disintegrate around the 9th century. It transformed from a regional authority to a smaller site, which eventually disappeared into the background.<ref name="Classic" /> For reasons not yet understood, documentary hieroglyphs rapidly disappeared in AD 820 at Naranjo; which aligns with the earliest stela at Xunantunich, Stela 8. The stela, hieroglyphs and architecture are stylistically similar to Naranjo's in style<ref name="Belize Valley">Leventhall, Richard M., and Wendy Ashmore. "Xunantunich in a Belize Valley Context." The Ancient Maya of the Belize Valley: Half a Century of Archaeological Research. Gainesville: University of Florida, 2004. 168-79. Print.</ref> From here, there was a power shift to Xunantunich, although the influence of Naranjo prior to this is certain. The construction of the core site itself is extremely similar to the layout of Naranjo's Group B layout. The pronounced north–south axis (believed to be a link to royal authority and continuity) is shared between the two, the buildings are placed in similar spots, and the shapes of the buildings resemble one another.