Editing Whig Party (United States) (section)

=== Taylor and Fillmore, 1849–1853 ===
{{Further|Presidency of Zachary Taylor|Presidency of Millard Fillmore}}
[[File:Millard Fillmore.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Millard Fillmore]], the last Whig president]]

Reflecting the Taylor administration's desire to find a middle ground between traditional Whig and Democratic policies, Secretary of the Treasury [[William M. Meredith]] issued a report calling for an increase in tariff rates, but not to the levels seen under the Tariff of 1842.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 445–448.</ref> Even Meredith's moderate policies were not adopted, and, partly due to the strong economic growth of the late 1840s and late 1850s, traditional Whig economic stances would increasingly lose their salience after 1848.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 685–686.</ref> When Taylor assumed office, the organization of state and territorial governments and the status of slavery in the Mexican Cession remained the major issue facing Congress.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 389–390.</ref>

To sidestep the issue of the Wilmot Proviso, the Taylor administration proposed that the lands of the Mexican Cession be admitted as states without first organizing territorial governments; thus, slavery in the area would be left to the discretion of state governments rather than the federal government.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 437–438.</ref> In January 1850, Senator Clay introduced a separate proposal which included the admission of California as a free state, the [[State cessions|cession]] by Texas of some of its northern and western territorial claims in return for debt relief, the establishment of [[New Mexico Territory|New Mexico]] and [[Utah Territory|Utah]] territories, a ban on the importation of slaves into the District of Columbia for sale, and a more stringent fugitive slave law.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=111–112}}

[[File:Unsuccessful 1852.jpg|thumb|upright|Gen. [[Winfield Scott]], the unsuccessful Whig candidate in the [[1852 United States presidential election|1852 presidential election]]]]

Taylor died in July 1850 and was succeeded by Vice President Fillmore.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=157–158}} In contrast to John Tyler, Fillmore's legitimacy and authority as president were widely accepted by members of Congress and the public.<ref name="vpmf">{{cite web|title=VP Millard Fillmore|url=https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/VP_Millard_Fillmore.htm|website=United States Senate|access-date=27 February 2017}}.</ref> Fillmore accepted the resignation of Taylor's entire Cabinet<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 524–525.</ref> and appointed Whig leaders like Crittenden, [[Thomas Corwin]] of Ohio, and Webster, whose support for the Compromise had outraged his Massachusetts constituents.{{sfn|Finkelman|pp=73–78}} With the support of Fillmore and an impressive bipartisan and bi-sectional coalition, a Senate bill providing for a final settlement of Texas's borders won passage shortly after Fillmore took office.{{sfn|Bordewich|pp=306–313}}

The Senate quickly moved to other significant issues, passing bills that provided for the admission of California, the organization of New Mexico Territory, and the establishment of a new fugitive slave law.{{sfn|Bordewich|pp=314–316, 329}} Passage of what became known as the [[Compromise of 1850]] soon followed in the House of Representatives.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=188–189}} Though the future of slavery in New Mexico, Utah, and other territories remained unclear, Fillmore himself described the Compromise of 1850 as a "final settlement" of sectional issues.<ref>McPherson (1998), pp. 75–76.</ref>

Following the passage of the Compromise of 1850, Fillmore's enforcement of the [[Fugitive Slave Act of 1850]] became the central issue of his administration.{{sfn|Finkelman|pp=85–88, 103–104}} The Whig Party became badly split between pro-Compromise Whigs like Fillmore and Webster and anti-Compromise Whigs like William Seward, who demanded the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 552–553.</ref>

Though Fillmore's enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act made him unpopular among many in the North, he retained considerable support in the South. Meanwhile, Secretary Webster had long coveted the presidency and, though in poor health, planned a final attempt to gain the White House.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=239–244}} A third candidate emerged in the form of General Winfield Scott, who won the backing of many Northerners but whose association with Senator William Seward made him unacceptable to Southern Whigs.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=239–244}}

On the first presidential ballot of the [[1852 Whig National Convention]], Fillmore received 133 of the necessary 147 votes, while Scott won 131 and Webster won 29. Fillmore and Webster's supporters were unable to broker a deal to unite behind either candidate, and Scott won the nomination on the 53rd ballot.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=244–247}} The [[1852 Democratic National Convention]] nominated a dark horse candidate in the form of former New Hampshire senator [[Franklin Pierce]], a Northerner sympathetic to the Southern view on slavery.{{sfn|Smith|1988|pp=237–239, 244}}

As the Whig and Democratic national conventions had approved similar platforms, the 1852 election focused largely on the personalities of Scott and Pierce.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 726–727.</ref> The 1852 elections proved to be disastrous for the Whig Party, as Scott was defeated by a wide margin and the Whigs lost several congressional and state elections.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 754–755.</ref> Scott amassed more votes than Taylor had in most Northern states, but Democrats benefited from a surge of new voters in the North and the collapse of Whig strength in much of the South.<ref>Holt (1999), pp. 756–760.</ref>