Editing Texas Revolution (section)

===Texas Consultation and the Matamoros Expedition===
The Consultation finally convened on November 3 in [[San Felipe de Austin|San Felipe]] with 58 of the 98 elected delegates.<ref name=lack43and3>Lack (1992), pp. 43–34.</ref>  After days of bitter debate, the delegates voted to create a provisional government based on the principles of the Constitution of 1824. Although they did not declare independence, the delegates insisted they would not rejoin Mexico until federalism had been reinstated.<ref name=lack49>Lack (1992), p. 49.</ref>  The new government would consist of a governor and a General Council, with one representative from each municipality. Under the assumption that these two branches would cooperate, there was no [[Separation of powers|system of checks and balances]].<ref name=lack50and1>Lack (1992), pp. 50–51.</ref><ref name=todish24>Todish ''et al.'' (1998), p. 24.</ref>

On November 13, delegates voted to create a [[regular army]] and named [[Sam Houston]] its commander-in-chief.<ref name=lack51/> In an effort to attract volunteers from the United States, soldiers would be granted land bounties. This provision was significant, as all public land was owned by the state or the federal government, indicating that the delegates expected Texas to eventually declare independence.<ref name=davis167>Davis (2006), p. 167.</ref>  Houston was given no authority over the volunteer army led by Austin, which predated the Consultation.<ref name=lack51>Lack (1992), p. 51.</ref> Houston was also appointed to the Select Committee on Indian Affairs. Three men, including Austin, were asked to go to the United States to gather money, volunteers, and supplies.<ref name=todish24/> The delegates elected [[Henry Smith (Texas Governor)|Henry Smith]] as governor.<ref name=winders72>Winders (2004), p. 72.</ref> On November 14, the Consultation adjourned, leaving Smith and the Council in charge.<ref name=lack52>Lack (1992), p. 52.</ref>

The new Texas government had no funds, so the military was granted the authority to impress supplies. This policy soon resulted in an almost universal hatred of the council, as food and supplies became scarce, especially in the areas around Goliad and Béxar, where Texian troops were stationed.<ref name=lack54>Lack (1992), p. 54.</ref>  Few of the volunteers agreed to join Houston's regular army.<ref name=lack55>Lack (1992), p. 55.</ref>  The ''[[Telegraph and Texas Register]]'' noted that "some are not willing, under the present government, to do any duty ... That our government is bad, all acknowledge, and no one will deny."<ref name=lack74>Lack (1992), p. 74.</ref>

Leaders in Texas continued to debate whether the army was fighting for independence or a return to federalism.<ref name=lack55/>  On December 22, Texian soldiers stationed at La Bahía issued the [[Goliad Declaration of Independence]].<ref name=lack56>Lack (1992), p. 56.</ref> Unwilling to decide the matter themselves, the Council called for another election, for delegates to the [[Convention of 1836]]. The Council specifically noted that all free white males could vote, as well as Mexicans who did not support centralism.<ref name=lack45and57>Lack (1992), pp. 56–57.</ref>  Smith tried to veto the latter requirement, as he believed even ''Tejanos'' with federalist leanings should be denied suffrage.<ref name=lack77>Lack (1992), p. 77.</ref>

Leading federalists in Mexico, including former governor Viesca, [[Lorenzo de Zavala]], and [[José Antonio Mexía]], were advocating a plan to attack centralist troops in [[Matamoros, Tamaulipas|Matamoros]].<ref name=todish27>Todish ''et al.'' (1998), p. 27.</ref>  Council members were taken with the idea of a [[Matamoros Expedition]]. They hoped it would inspire other federalist states to revolt and keep the bored Texian troops from deserting the army. Most importantly, it would move the war zone outside Texas.<ref name=winders78>Winders (2004), p. 78.</ref> The Council officially approved the plan on December 25, and on December 30 Johnson and his aide Dr. [[James Grant (Texas)|James Grant]] took the bulk of the army and almost all of the supplies to Goliad to prepare for the expedition.<ref name=todish29>Todish ''et al.'' (1998), p. 29.</ref>  Historian Stuart Reid posits that Grant was secretly in the employ of the [[Government of the United Kingdom|British government]], and that his plan to capture Matamoros, and thus tie Texas more tightly to Mexico, may have been an unofficial plan of his to advance the interests of his employers in the region.<ref name=reid70>Reid (2007), p. 70.</ref><ref group=Note>As of March 2015, no other historian has examined Reid's theory in detail. The [[Texas State Historical Association]]'s article on Grant was written by Reid and includes mention of this theory.</ref>

Petty bickering between Smith and the Council members increased dramatically, and on January 9, 1836, Smith threatened to dismiss the Council unless they agreed to revoke their approval of the Matamoros Expedition.<ref name=lack59to60>Lack (1992), pp. 59–60.</ref><ref name=winders90>Winders (2004), p. 90.</ref>  Two days later the Council voted to impeach Smith and named [[James W. Robinson (Texas and California)|James W. Robinson]] the Acting Governor.<ref name=lack60>Lack (1992), p. 60.</ref> It was unclear whether either side actually had the authority to dismiss the other.<ref name=hardin109>Hardin (1994), p. 109.</ref>  By this point, Texas was essentially in anarchy.<ref name=lack62>Lack (1992), p. 62.</ref>

Under orders from Smith, Houston successfully dissuaded all but 70 men from continuing to follow Johnson.<ref name=hardin109through11>Hardin (1994), pp. 109–111.</ref>  With his own authority in question following Smith's impeachment, Houston washed his hands of the army and journeyed to [[Nacogdoches, Texas|Nacogdoches]] to negotiate a treaty with [[Cherokee]] leaders. Houston vowed that Texas would recognize Cherokee claims to land in East Texas as long as the Indians refrained from attacking settlements or assisting the Mexican army.<ref name=Haley107and108>Haley (2002), pp. 107–108.</ref>  In his absence, Fannin, as the highest-ranking officer active in the regular army, led the men who did not want to go to Matamoros to Goliad.<ref name=stuart68-70>Stuart (2008), pp. 68–70.</ref>

The council had neglected to provide specific instructions on how to structure the February vote for convention delegates, leaving it up to each municipality to determine how to balance the desires of the established residents against those of the volunteers newly arrived from the United States.<ref name=lack76and7>Lack (1992), pp. 76–77.</ref>  Chaos ensued; in Nacogdoches, the election judge turned back a company of 40 volunteers from Kentucky who had arrived that week. The soldiers drew their weapons; Colonel [[Sidney Sherman]] announced that he "had come to Texas to fight for it and had as soon commence in the town of Nacogdoches as elsewhere".<ref name=lack79>Lack (1992), p. 79.</ref>  Eventually, the troops were allowed to vote.<ref name=lack79/> With rumors that Santa Anna was preparing a large army to advance into Texas, rhetoric degenerated into framing the conflict as a race war between Anglos defending their property against, in the words of [[David G. Burnet]], a "mongrel race of degenerate Spaniards and Indians more depraved than they".<ref name=lack86>Lack (1992), p. 86.</ref>