Editing Spanish–American War (section)

===US response===
{{Further|Presidency of William McKinley}}
The eruption of the Cuban revolt, Weyler's measures, and the popular fury these events whipped up proved to be a boon to the newspaper industry in New York City. [[Joseph Pulitzer]] of the ''[[New York World]]'' and [[William Randolph Hearst]] of the ''[[New York Journal]]'' recognized the potential for great headlines and stories that would sell copies. Both papers denounced Spain but had little influence outside New York. American opinion generally saw Spain as a hopelessly backward power that was unable to deal fairly with Cuba. American Catholics were divided before the war began but supported it enthusiastically once it started.<ref>Scott Wright, "The Northwestern Chronicle and the Spanish–American War: American Catholic Attitudes Regarding the 'Splendid Little War,'" ''American Catholic Studies'' 116#4 (2005): 55–68.</ref><ref>However, three Catholic newspapers were critical of the war after it began. Benjamin Wetzel, "A Church Divided: Roman Catholicism, Americanization, and the Spanish–American War." ''Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era'' 14#3 (2015): 348–66.</ref>

The U.S. had important economic interests that were being harmed by the prolonged conflict and deepening uncertainty about Cuba's future. Shipping firms that had relied heavily on trade with Cuba now suffered losses as the conflict continued unresolved.<ref>Trade with Cuba had dropped by more than two thirds from a high of US$100 million. {{Harvnb|Offner|2004|p=51}}.</ref> These firms pressed Congress and McKinley to seek an end to the revolt. Other American business concerns, specifically those who had invested in Cuban sugar, looked to the Spanish to restore order.<ref>David M. Pletcher, ''The Diplomacy of Trade and Investment: American Economic Expansion in the Hemisphere, 1865–1900'' (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998).</ref> Stability, not war, was the goal of both interests. How stability would be achieved would depend largely on the ability of Spain and the U.S. to work out their issues diplomatically.

[[File:Judge-2-6-1897.jpg|thumb|An American cartoon published in ''[[Judge (magazine)|Judge]]'', February 6, 1897: [[Columbia (name)|Columbia]] (representing the American people) reaches out to the oppressed Cuba (the caption under the chained child reads "Spain's 16th century methods") while [[Uncle Sam]] (representing the U.S. government) sits blindfolded, refusing to see the atrocities or use his guns to intervene (cartoon by [[Grant E. Hamilton]]).]]

Lieutenant Commander Charles Train, in 1894, in his preparatory notes in an outlook of an armed conflict between Spain and the United States, wrote that Cuba was entirely dependent on the outside world for food supplies, coal, and maritime supplies and that Spain would not be able to resupply a naval expeditionary force locally.<ref name="auto1">{{cite web|url=https://www.history.navy.mil/research/publications/documentary-histories/united-states-navy-s/pre-war-planning/plan-of-operations-a-5.html|title=Plan Of Operations Against Spain Prepared By Lieutenant Commander Charles J. Train (1894)|publisher=Naval History and Heritage Command|accessdate=November 7, 2021|archive-date=November 7, 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211107014014/https://www.history.navy.mil/research/publications/documentary-histories/united-states-navy-s/pre-war-planning/plan-of-operations-a-5.html|url-status=live}}</ref>

While tension increased among the Cubans and Spanish government, popular support of intervention began to spring up in the United States. Many Americans likened the Cuban revolt to the American Revolution, and they viewed the Spanish government as a tyrannical oppressor. Historian Louis Pérez notes that "The proposition of war in behalf of Cuban independence took hold immediately and held on thereafter. Such was the sense of the public mood." Many poems and songs were written in the United States to express support of the "Cuba Libre" movement.<ref>{{cite book|author=Louis A. Pérez Jr.|title=The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OVFV4qclY-YC&pg=PA24|year=2000|page=24|publisher=Univ of North Carolina Press |access-date=February 13, 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170102151229/https://books.google.com/books?id=OVFV4qclY-YC&pg=PA24|archive-date=January 2, 2017|url-status=live|df=mdy-all|isbn=978-0807866979}}</ref> At the same time, many [[African Americans]], facing growing racial discrimination and increasing retardation of their civil rights, wanted to take part in the war. They saw it as a way to advance the cause of equality, service to country hopefully helping to gain political and public respect amongst the wider population.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Russell|first1=Timothy Dale|title=African Americans and the Spanish–American War and Philippine Insurrection. Military Participation, Recognition and Memory 1898–1904|date=2013|publisher=University of California, Riverside|location=Riverside, CA|page=8|edition=First. Published dissertation|url=http://escholarship.org/uc/item/6n09f9g0#page-8|access-date=3 September 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170903075627/http://escholarship.org/uc/item/6n09f9g0#page-8|archive-date=September 3, 2017|url-status=live|df=mdy-all}}</ref>
[[File:USS Maine entering Havana harbor HD-SN-99-01929.JPEG|thumb|The battleship Maine entering [[Havana Harbor|Havana Bay]].]]
President McKinley, well aware of the political complexity surrounding the conflict, wanted to end the revolt peacefully. He began to negotiate with the Spanish government, hoping that the talks would dampen yellow journalism in the United States and soften support for war with Spain. An attempt was made to negotiate a peace before McKinley took office. However, the Spanish refused to take part in the negotiations. In 1897 McKinley appointed [[Stewart L. Woodford]] as the new minister to Spain, who again offered to negotiate a peace. In October 1897, the Spanish government refused the United States' offer to negotiate between the Spanish and the Cubans, but promised the U.S. it would give the Cubans more autonomy.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=Politics, reform, and expansion, 1890–1900.|last=Faulkner|first=Harold|publisher=Harper|year=1963|location=New York|pages=231}}</ref> However, with the election of a more liberal Spanish government in November, Spain began to change its policies in Cuba. First, the new Spanish government told the United States that it was willing to offer a change in the Reconcentration policies if the Cuban rebels agreed to a cessation of hostilities. This time the rebels refused the terms in hopes that continued conflict would lead to U.S. intervention and the creation of an independent Cuba.<ref name=":0" /> The liberal Spanish government also recalled the Spanish Governor-General Valeriano Weyler from Cuba. This action alarmed many Cubans loyal to Spain.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|title=War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895–1898|last=Tone|first=John|publisher=University of North Carolina Press|year=2006|location=Chapel Hill|page=239}}</ref>

The Cubans loyal to Weyler began planning large demonstrations to take place when the next Governor General, [[Ramón Blanco, 1st Marquess of Peña Plata|Ramón Blanco]], arrived in Cuba. U.S. consul Fitzhugh Lee learned of these plans and sent a request to the U.S. State Department to send a U.S. warship to Cuba.<ref name=":1" /> This request led to the [[armored cruiser]] {{USS|Maine|1889|6}} being sent to Cuba. While ''Maine'' was docked in Havana harbor, a spontaneous explosion sank the ship. The sinking of ''Maine'' was blamed on the Spanish and made the possibility of a negotiated peace very slim.{{sfn|Pérez|1998|p=58}} Throughout the negotiation process, the major European powers, especially Britain, France, and Russia, generally supported the American position and urged Spain to give in.<ref>{{Harvnb|Offner|1992|pp=54–69}}</ref> Spain repeatedly promised specific reforms that would pacify Cuba but failed to deliver; American patience ran out.<ref>{{Harvnb|Offner|1992|pp=86–110}}</ref>