Editing Linguistic anthropology (section)

===Socialization===
In a series of studies, linguistic anthropologists [[Elinor Ochs]] and [[Bambi Schieffelin]] addressed the anthropological topic of [[socialization]] (the process by which infants, children, and foreigners become members of a community, learning to participate in its culture), using linguistic and other ethnographic methods.<ref>Ochs, Elinor. 1988. ''Culture and language development: Language acquisition and language socialization in a Samoan village''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
*Ochs, Elinor, and Bambi Schieffelin. 1984. Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three Developmental Stories and Their Implications. In ''Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self, and Emotion''. R. Shweder and R.A. LeVine, eds. Pp. 276–320. New York: Cambridge University.
*Ochs, Elinor, and Carolyn Taylor. 2001. The “Father Knows Best” Dynamic in Dinnertime Narratives. In ''Linguistic Anthropology: A Reader''. A. Duranti, ed. Pp. 431–449. Oxford. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
*Schieffelin, Bambi B. 1990. ''The Give and Take of Everyday Life: Language Socialization of Kaluli Children''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref> They discovered that the processes of [[enculturation]] and socialization do not occur apart from the process of [[language acquisition]], but that children acquire language and culture together in what amounts to an integrated process. Ochs and Schieffelin demonstrated that [[baby talk]] is not [[universal proposition|universal]], that the direction of adaptation (whether the child is made to adapt to the ongoing situation of speech around it or vice versa) was a variable that correlated, for example, with the direction it was held vis-à-vis a caregiver's body. In many societies caregivers hold a child facing outward so as to orient it to a network of kin whom it must learn to recognize early in life.

Ochs and Schieffelin demonstrated that members of all societies socialize children both ''to'' and ''through'' the use of language. Ochs and Schieffelin uncovered how, through naturally occurring stories told during dinners in white [[middle class]] households in [[Southern California]], both mothers and fathers participated in replicating [[Patriarchy|male dominance]] (the "father knows best" syndrome) by the distribution of participant roles such as protagonist (often a child but sometimes mother and almost never the father) and "problematizer" (often the father, who raised uncomfortable questions or challenged the competence of the protagonist). When mothers collaborated with children to get their stories told, they unwittingly set themselves up to be subject to this process.

Schieffelin's more recent research has uncovered the socializing role of [[pastor]]s and other fairly new Bosavi converts in the [[Southern Highlands, Papua New Guinea]] community she studies.<ref name=Schieffelin1995>Schieffelin, Bambi B. 1995. Creating evidence: Making sense of written words in Bosavi. ''Pragmatics'' 5(2):225–244.</ref><ref>Schieffelin, Bambi B. 2000. Introducing Kaluli Literacy: A Chronology of Influences. In ''Regimes of Language''. P. Kroskrity, ed. Pp. 293–327. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press.</ref><ref name=Schieffelin2002>Schieffelin, Bambi B. 2002. Marking time: The dichotomizing discourse of multiple temporalities. ''Current Anthropology'' 43(Supplement):S5-17.</ref><ref name=Schieffelin2006>Schieffelin, Bambi B. 2006. PLENARY ADDRESS: Found in translating: Reflexive language across time and texts in Bosavi, PNG. Twelve Annual Conference on Language, Interaction, and Culture, University of California, Los Angeles, 2006.</ref> Pastors have introduced new ways of conveying knowledge,  new linguistic [[epistemic]] markers<ref name=Schieffelin1995/>—and new ways of speaking about time.<ref name=Schieffelin2002/> And they have struggled with and largely resisted those parts of the Bible that speak of being able to know the inner states of others (e.g. the [[gospel of Mark]], chapter 2, verses 6–8).<ref name=Schieffelin2006/>