Editing History of Cologne (section)

== Cologne as Free Imperial City ==

=== Cologne Diocesan Feud ===
[[File:The Siege of Neuss by Charles the Bold in 1475. Museum Hof van Busleyden, Mechelen, Belgium.jpg|thumb|Existential Crisis: Charles the Bold at the Siege of Neuss]]

A dispute between Archbishop [[Ruprecht of the Palatinate (archbishop of Cologne)|Ruprecht of the Palatinate]] and the chapter of Cologne cathedral eventually evolved into a war with international involvement in 1474, known as the [[Cologne Diocesan Feud]]. This plunged the city of Cologne into an existential crisis. Since the archbishop refrained to abide by the financial agreements he had entered into when elected in 1463, the cathedral chapter appointed Landgrave [[Hermann IV of Hesse]] as diocesan administrator in 1473. Perceived as insubordination, the archbishop in consequence asked for military assistance from the powerful Duke of Burgundy, [[Charles the Bold]], ruler of Flanders and Dutch regions. When Charles started the campaign with a well equipped army and headed for a [[siege of Neuss]], part of [[Electorate of Cologne|Cologne electorate]], and threatened to subsequently attack Cologne, the burghers feared for their independence. The city began extensive preparations for war, reinforced the city walls and sent a contingent of troops to defend Neuss. Within months, the citizenry succeeded in persuading Emperor [[Frederick III (HRR)|Friedrich III]] to intervene with an imperial army; their arrival before Neuss forced the Burgundian troops to withdraw from the siege. Subsequently, the emperor officially elevated Cologne to the status of a [[Free imperial city]]. However, since the city itself had to bear the extraordinarily high war costs, including the maintenance of the imperial army, the city's finances were completely shattered. Cologne needed decades to regain its financial leeway.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, p. 182ff.</ref>

=== Steelyard for English trade ===
[[File:Droysens-28a.jpg|thumb|Commercial stronghold: Steelyard, the Cologne trading base in London]]

Traditionally, the most important stronghold for Cologne's long-distance commerce was the [[Steelyard]] (Stalhof) in London. This prestigious trading post, endowed with trading privileges, allowed Cologne merchants to dominate English trade along the Rhine. The status of the steelyard was the cause of the [[Anglo-Hanseatic War]] in 1469, which was not settled until 1474. This dispute was primarily fought as a privateer war. Cologne however remained neutral adhering to its special relations with the English capital for more than 300 years, and even accepted being excluded from the [[Hanseatic League]] in 1471. Only after the League had prevailed in the caper war, the steelyard being restituted to the merchants, and the old privileges being renewed by the English crown, Cologne was re-incorporated into Hanseatic League in 1476.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, p. 228f</ref> The English trade remained a major asset in Cologne's long-distance commerce until the second half of the 16th century, and England continued to flourish as primary market for wine traded from Cologne. The city’s merchants succeeded in largely monopolizing the distribution of English tin. In addition, the Cologne merchants dominated the English trade in armaments (swords, armor, spears).<ref>Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, Ulrich Soénius: Kleine illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln. Cologne 2013, p. 90 f.</ref> Overall, Cologne prospered as merchant city until the middle of the 16th century, which continued to control the flow of goods across the Rhine from London to Italy and at the same time linked them with west-east trade routes to Frankfurt and Leipzig. In fact, Cologne merchants could be found in all European commercial centers.<ref>Gerald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation und Katholischer Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, pp. 47ff</ref> The central importance of Cologne's commerce throughout the [[Holy Roman Empire|Reich]] was also reflected in the fact that the [[Cologne Mark]] was officially designated the [[Reichsmünzordnung|Reichsmünzgewicht]] (imperial currency standard) by Emperor [[Charles V (HRR)|Charles V]] in 1524. The Cologne penny, 160 of which were struck from one Cologne mark, was a standard currency of the High Middle Ages.<ref>Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, Ulrich Sóenius: Kleine illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2013, p. 73</ref>

=== Presence of emperor and king ===
[[File:Panorama Köln.jpg|thumb|upright=3.5|Imperial present: city panorama of the imperial city of Cologne (1531)]]

Between 1484 and 1531, emperors and kings often spent time in Cologne, enabling Cologne patricians a welcome proximity to [[House of Habsburg|Habsburg]] dynasty. As an indirect result of the [[Cologne Diocesan Feud]], in 1477 heir [[Maximilian I (HRR)|Maximilian of Austria]] had married [[Mary of Burgundy|Maria]], Duchess of Burgundy, thus enabling Habsburg access to the rich Burgundian lands of Flanders and the Netherlands. To secure this inheritance as a permanent possession, the royal presence in the region proved to be beneficial. In 1484 Maximilian was crowned German king to become the German deputy of his imperial father [[Frederick III (HRR)|Frederick III]]. The extended festivities took place in Cologne, giving the City that year the appearance of Habsburg capital. Maximilian appointed the Cologne merchant Nicasius Hackeney as his chief financial advisor. In 1505, the [[Imperial Diet (Holy Roman Empire)|Imperial Diet]] (Reichstag) was held in Cologne with all grandeur; it was perceived from contemporaries as the high point of Maximilian's imperial rule. Another diet, although started in Trier, was continued and concluded in 1512 in Cologne. [[Charles V (HRR)|Charles V]] was crowned Roman-German king in 1520, [[Ferdinand I (HRR)|Ferdinand I]] in 1531. In both cases coronation ceremonies adhered to the customary practice known for centuries. Cologne archbishop acted as coronator in the ceremony in [[Palatine Chapel, Aachen|Palatine Chapel]] in [[Aachen]], thereafter the coronation procession moved to Cologne to pay homage to the [[Shrine of the Three Kings|Three Magi]] in [[Cologne Cathedral]]. The final coronation festivities took place with great splendor in the city of Cologne. For the celebration in 1531, the Cologne Council had [[Anton Woensam]] produce a detailed Cologne city view, used as present for the newly crowned Ferdinand to highlight Cologne's status and greatness.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, p. 213ff.</ref> Emperor Charles V. also raised a Cologne patrician to his personal adviser. The twelve-time Cologne mayor Arnt von Siegen became a consultee in topics of faith policy. Unsurprisingly, the Emperor resided in the Siegen city palace at Holzmarkt during his visits to Cologne in 1545 and 1550.<ref>[https://rheinische-geschichte.lvr.de/Persoenlichkeiten/arnold-von-siegen/DE-2086/lido/5e3175aeec0ac0.80027395 Rheinische Geschichte: Arnold von Siegen]</ref>

=== Oligarchic cronies in the council ===
[[File:Festakt 500 Jahre Kölner Transfixbrief-8656.jpg|thumb|New rules of conduct: Transfixbrief (1513) amends the city constitution.]]

After the [[Cologne Diocesan Feud]] in 1475, Cologne was elevated as a [[Free Imperial City]], but left with significant financial burdens that brought the city to the brink of insolvency. The debtors were predominantly the wealthy merchants of Cologne, who had been forced to subscribe to compulsory bonds for financing purposes. The council, dominated by these circles, tried to maintain the city's solvency by raising indirect taxes &ndash; especially on food and wine &ndash; in order to assure the debt service.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, pp. 184, 191</ref>

In fact, during the heyday of the imperial city, Cologne Council was dominated by a small group of influential and very wealthy families who regarded themselves as Cologne patriciate; through a circle of council friends, they ensured that only initiated people moved up. This created an oligarchic rule in which corruption and favoritism increasingly spread, which became known proverbially as ''Kölscher Klüngel'' (Cologne cronyism). A center was formed by a lobby of councilmen who called themselves ''krensgin'' (chaplet) and who apparently made most of the important decisions, even without consulting the other members of the 49-member city council.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, pp. 195ff</ref> The non-transparent financial practices and the high taxation sometimes perceived as arbitrary led to an ongoing dispute within the city's leadership circles, which, after an attempted overthrow averted in 1482, was only resolved in 1513 by an amendment of the city constitution known as ''Transfixbrief'' (Transfix letter).<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, pp. 192ff</ref>

In 1481, councilor Werner von Lyskirchen, who was descended from one of Cologne's old patrician families, used the latent discontent in cooperative circles (Gaffeln) and guilds to attempt a coup. The action, which went down in the chronicles as the ''Große Schickung'' (big dispatch) was quickly stifled by rival families and partisans, and Werner was eventually beheaded. The oligarchic structures that dominated the city remained.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, pp. 187-191</ref> In the course of a dispute in 1512, the small circles in the council were tempted to bend the law and commit fraud in order to defend their privileges, at least from the point of view of rival citizens. A riot broke out in January 1513; the burghers organized in cooperative circles (Gaffeln) seized power and deprived the council of its authority. Ten former councilmen were convicted of misconduct and executed; the representatives of the Gaffeln reformed taxation and held a new election.<ref>Gerald Chaix: Köln in der Zeit von Reformation und Katholischer Reform, Cologne 2022, p. 81ff</ref> New rules of conduct, intended to contain the re-emergence of oligarchic structures, were codified by December 1513 in an amendment letter (Transfixbrief), which supplemented the city constitution (Verbundbrief) in force since 1396. Among other things, the new regulations extended the rights of burghers, especially the inviolability of person and home.<ref>Deeters, Helmrath (ed.): ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln.'' Volume II, p. 1 ff. and p. 238 ff.</ref>

=== Cathedral construction interrupted and suspended ===

[[File:Kölner Dom, Fenster des nördlichen Seitenschiffs, 2 Petrus-Wurzel-Jesse-Fenster 5.JPG|thumb|Illusion of precious stones: Craftsmanship of the Cologne stained glass window (Petrus-Wurzel-Jesse window / detail, 1508)]]

When the city of Cologne mobilized all its forces in 1474 to arm itself against the advancing [[Charles the Bold|Duke of Burgundy]], the construction work at [[Cologne Cathedral]] needed to be interrupted as well. The craftsmen were obliged to reinforce the city fortifications. Johann Kuyn von Frankenberg, the last master mason of the cathedral in the Middle Ages known by name, had to dissolve the masonry (Dombauhütte). After the war, Archbishop [[Hermann IV of Hesse|Hermann of Hesse]] refrained from continuing construction for about 30 years due to the excessive over-indebtedness of the [[Electorate of Cologne]]. He apparently used the donations, which continued to flow in abundance, to regain the financial leeway of the [[Hochstift|prince-archbishopric]]. It was not until his successor, Archbishop [[Philip II of Daun-Oberstein]], that the cathedral masonry was re-established and the late gothic stained glass windows were installed in the north aisle of the Cathedral in 1508. They are considered to be of particularly high quality, for which the most respected representatives of the [[Cologne School of Painting]] created the designs. Eventually, the regular flow of construction activities stalled after 1525, because the most important financing instrument, the trade with [[indulgence]]s, dried up due to the [[Reformation]]. At the latest in 1560, the cathedral construction was entirely suspended — and was only resumed in 1823.<ref>Rüdiger Marco Booz: Kölner Dom, die vollkommene Kathedrale, Petersberg 2022, p. 142.</ref>

=== Silk made in Cologne ===

[[Silk]] production, which had been costumary practice in Cologne since the early Middle Ages, experienced its last flowering by the middle of the 16th century.<ref>Hans Koch: Geschichte des Seidengewerbes in Köln vom 13. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert; Leipzig 1907, p. 67ff</ref> Along with Paris, Cologne was considered one of the great production centers north of the Alps.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation and Katholischer Reform, 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, p. 57</ref> Around 1500, silk cloth probably made up for Cologne's most successful export commerce.<ref>[https://www.rheinische-geschichte.lvr.de/Persoenlichkeiten/fygen-lutzenkirchen/DE-2086/lido/57c9462879e723.18645665 Rheinische Geschichte: Fygen Lutzenkirchen]</ref> The production of silk fabrics was controlled by the Silk Office (Seidenamt), a guild in which predominantly women were active. This practice, which was maintained only in Cologne except in Paris, allowed a larger number of female guild masters to achieve considerable wealth. For the daughters of upper class families, entering the silk business became a recognized career prospect. The most famous female guild master was [[Fygen Lutzenkirchen]], who is considered to be the most successful silk entrepreneur in Cologne and was one of the wealthiest citizens of Cologne around 1498.<ref>Wolfgang Herborn, Carl Dietmar: Köln im Spätmittelalter 1288-1512/13, Cologne 2019, p. 41</ref> Silk production was closely linked to the silk trade because the raw silk had to be imported from northern Italian trading centers, usually via Venice and Milan. The silk weaving and craft processing &ndash; braid weaving, silk embroidery<ref>Maria Männig: Review of: Marita Bombeck / Gudrun Sporbeck: Kölner Bortenweberei im Mittelalter. Corpus Kölner Borten, Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner 2012, in: [http://www.sehepunkte.de/2015/10/21636.html sehepunkte 15 (2015), no. 10 [15.10.2015<nowiki>]</nowiki>]</ref> &ndash; was organized mainly through the [[putting-out system]]. The wholesaler prefinanced the raw materials and left the craftswomen to work at home. The main buyers of Cologne's silk products were the clergy of Cologne and the export markets in Frankfurt, Strasbourg and Leipzig. On the markets in Flanders (Bruges, Antwerp, Ghent), Cologne merchants increasingly came up against intense local competition, which by the middle of the 16th century became increasingly noticeable in Cologne as well.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation und Katholischer Reform, 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, pp. 218, 222</ref> At the end of its heyday in 1560, Cologne counted 60 to 70 silk merchants who processed 700 bales of silk each year.<ref>Hans Koch: Geschichte des Seidengewerbes in Köln vom 13. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert; Leipzig 1907, p. 70</ref>

=== Patricians seek prestigious splendor ===
From the last decades of the 15th century on, the patricians of Cologne felt an increased need to express their status and therefore developed a lively activity as benefactors. Many of them ordered large [[winged altarpiece]]s, the wealthiest financed entire chapels or parts of church furnishings. Therefore, by the end of the 18th century, in "Cologne were more medieval works of art than anywhere else in the world."<ref>Hiltrud Kier, Frank Günter Zehnder: Lust und Verlust, Kölner Sammler zwischen Trikolore und Preußenadler, Cologne 1995, p. 13.</ref>

Some families had large courtyards built in the city. Nicasius Hackeney, who was particularly close to the emperor [[Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor|Maximilian]] as his chief financial administrator, had the Hackeney'schen Hof built around 1505 at Neumarkt, which also served the emperor as a city palace.<ref>Thesy Teplitzky: Geld, Kunst, Macht: eine Kölner Familie zwischen Mittelalter und Renaissance. Cologne 2009, p. 24.</ref> Johann Rinck from a dynasty of influential merchants and mayors built at the same time the Rinkenhof opposite St. Mauritius.<ref>Wolfgang Schmid: Kölner Sammler im Renaissancezeitalter; in: Hiltrud Kier, Frank Günter Zehnder: Lust und Verlust, Kölner Sammler zwischen Trikolore und Preußenadler, Cologne 1995, pp. 15-31, here pp. 15ff.</ref> Both palaces demonstrated with a polygonal stair tower the importance of their owners; a generation later, the twelve-time mayor Arnt von Siegen equipped his family mansion on Holzmarkt with a comparable tower. Thus, these towers became a status demonstrating meaning, cited in public buildings until the 19th century (for example, at the Zeughaus and at the Stapelhaus).<ref>Udo Mainzer: Kleine illustrierte Architekturgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2017, p. 73.</ref> The foundation of chapels should not only serve the representative memory, but above all the salvation of the donors. In 1493, mayor Johann von Hirtz donated a chapel in [[St. Maria im Kapitol]], today known as Hirtz Chapel; Johannes Hardenrath and his wife Agnes van Merle decided to commission the New Sacristy at the Kartäuserkirche (Carthusian Church) St. Barbara in 1510. Their intention materialized into the most refined sling vault of late Gothic church architecture in Cologne.<ref>Udo Mainzer: Kleine illustrierte Architekturgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2017, p. 63f.</ref>

<gallery>
Köln - Richmodislegende Johann Bussemacher 1604 Stadtmuseum.jpg|Imperial Palace at Neumarkt (Hackeney)
Amwesen-der-von-Siegen-Ausschnitt-Mercator-Köln-1571.jpg|Estate with tower at Holzmarkt (Siegen)
</gallery>

From the pronounced need for prestige benefited the numerous late Gothic masters of the [[Cologne School of Painting]], whose best known were commissioned with large-scale altarpieces.<ref>Brigitte Corley: Maler und Stifter des Spätmittelalters in Köln 1300-1500, Kiel 2009, p. 35ff.</ref> Among the most notable painters were the [[Master of the Holy Kinship]], sometimes identified with Lambert von Luytge,<ref>Rüdiger Marco Booz: Kölner Dom, die vollkommene Kathedrale, Petersberg 2022, p. 142.</ref> and the [[Master of the Saint Bartholomew Altarpiece]], who has been introduced as a "genius without a name" in recent art history.<ref>Rainer Budde, Roland Krischel (eds.): Genie ohne Namen. Der Meister des Bartholomäus-Altars, Cologne 2001.</ref> Both show the late Gothic painting in highest perfection expressed in the somewhat conservative Cologne style. The most sophisticated mastery of Cologne late Gothic sculpture is realized in the rood screen of [[Saint Pantaleon's Church, Cologne|St. Pantaleon Church]], attributed to Master Tilman, and donated by Abbot Johannes Lüninck around 1502.<ref>Udo Mainzer: Kleine illustrierte Kunstgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2015, p. 74.</ref>

<gallery>
Anne trinitaire avec saints.jpg|[[Master of the Glorification of the Virgin]] (c. 1480)
Retable saint Sébastien.jpg|[[Master of the Holy Kinship]] (c. 1493)
Meister des Bartholomäusaltars 001.jpg|[[Master of the Saint Bartholomew Altarpiece|Master of Bartholomew Altarpiece]] (c. 1501)
</gallery>

=== Printed in Cologne ===
[[File:Köln - Koelhoffsche Chronik Titelblatt mit Stadtwappen, Petrus und Kölner Heiligen, 1499, RBA.jpg|thumb|City arms and saints: title page of Koelhoff's Chronicle 1499]]
The emerging technology of letterpress printing quickly was adopted in Cologne; as early as 1464, [[Ulrich Zell]] printed the first book. Until the end of the 15th century, there was evidence of 20 printing works in Cologne, producing more than 1200 different editions. This made Cologne &ndash; after Venice, Paris and Rome &ndash; a leading book printing center in Europe.<ref>Wolfgang Schmitz: Eine Verlagsstadt von europäischem Rang: Köln im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert; in: [[Dagmar Täube]], Miriam Fleck (eds.): Glanz und Größe des Mittelalters: Kölner Meisterwerke aus den großen Sammlungen der Welt, Cologne 2012, pp. 220-231, here p. 222</ref> For the families involved in the printing and publishing business, such as the Quentel, Birckmann and Gymnich, it was a prospering venture. Many of them expanded to other metropolises in Europe and formed cross-city cooperatives. Peter Quentel, the busiest in the new industry, was re-elected as a Cologne councilman for many years.<ref>Wolfgang Schmitz: Die Überlieferung deutscher Texte im Kölner Buchdruck des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts. Habil.-Schrift Cologne 1990, p. 439</ref> In 1524, Quentel published an edition in Low German language of [[Luther's Bible|Luther’s]] New Testament translation; from the late 1520s, however, the printing and distribution of Lutheran books was banned by the Cologne Council. Again, it was Peter Quentel who published the first complete German translation of the Bible by [[Johann Dietenberger]] (the so-called Dietenberger Bible), which was printed in Mainz in 1534 and eventually gained recognition as one of the Catholic correction Bibles.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation und Katholischer Reform 1512/13-1688, Cologne 2021, pp. 170, 172, 174</ref>

By developing into a leading publishing place for Latin-language works Cologne gained an exceptional position compared to all other book printing centers of the empire. The Cologne publishers aimed at nationwide distribution and unleashed a program including primarily religious, scientific, and humanistic works. For example, along with Basel, Cologne was the leading printing center to publish the writings of the humanist [[Erasmus of Rotterdam]]. Moreover, Cologne remained the only one of the major imperial cities to remain Catholic, and thus offered a comprehensive book program of counter-Reformation works that continued to argue in Latin.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation und Katholischer Reform 1512/13-1688, Cologne 2021, pp. 168, 175</ref> The book that, from today's perspective, most prominently represents the Cologne printing industry, however, is the Koelhoff Chronicle with the title "Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen" (Chronicle of the Holy City of Cologne): the work written in the Ripuarian dialect of Cologne region was published in 1499 by Johann Koelhoff the Younger. Today, it is considered the high point of late medieval Cologne city history.<ref>{{NDB|12|319|319|Koelhoff, Johann d. J.|[[Hans Lülfing]]|121980782}}</ref>

=== Mockery of obscurors from Cologne ===
[[File:Epistolæ obscurorum virorum, Nordisk familjebok.png|thumb|left|Obscuri viri: Mockery of the Dark Ones from Cologne (1517)]]
[[File:Victor von Carben carving.jpg|thumb|Former Jew: Propaganda of Faith in Cologne Cathedral (c. 1500)]]

At the beginning of the 16th century, a pamphleteering battle developed from Cologne throughout the empire over whether Jewish books — and in particular the [[Talmud]] — should be confiscated and burnt, with the intention of stifling the Jewish faith. The driver of this anti-Jewish action was [[Johannes Pfefferkorn]], a Jew convert to [[Catholic Church|Catholic]] [[Christianity]] who was apparently supported by the Cologne [[Dominican Order]];<ref>[https://www.deutsche-biographie.de/gnd118848801.html NDB - Johannes Pfefferkorn]</ref> the Dominican theologian [[Jacob van Hoogstraaten]], prior to the convent of Cologne, and acting as a papal inquisitor, flanked the anti-Jewish religious propaganda with expert opinions and prohibitory pamphlets, which were mainly directed against [[Johannes Reuchlin]], a leading humanist and [[Hebraist]]. This anti-Jewish attitude also found expression in [[Cologne Cathedral]]. A series of stone reliefs, donated by the former Jew [[Victor von Carben]], exemplifies the change from [[Judaism]] to [[Christianity]].<ref>Rüdiger Marco Booz: Kölner Dom, die vollkommene Kathedrale, Petersberg 2022, p. 131</ref> The controversy, which spread across the whole [[Holy Roman Empire|Empire]] and engaged numerous [[Humanism|Humanists]] and Emperor [[Maximilian I (HRR)|Maximilian]], exposed van Hoogstraaten and the [[University of Cologne|Cologne University]] faculty to the ridicule of the [[Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum|Letters of Obscure Men]] written by humanists, which discredited Cologne's theological conservatism for decades to come. The book controversy was eventually eclipsed by the onset of the [[Reformation]].<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln in der Zeit von Reformation und katholischer Reform, 1512/13-1620, Cologne 2022, pp. 156f, 187, 397</ref>

=== Simple-minded apprehension averted ===
[[File:Holzchnitt-1553-Schrift-Ludwig-Rabus.jpg|thumb|At the stake: Cologne archbishop had [[Protestantism|Protestants]] burned]]

The pioneering [[95 theses|theses]] of [[Martin Luther]] triggered ongoing controversy also in Cologne over whether and to what degree the church should renew itself. On the occasion of the coronation of Emperor [[Charles V (HRR)|Charles V]] in 1520, the writings of the [[Augustinian Order|Augustinian monk]] were publicly burned in the cathedral courtyard and Luther’s theses persecuted as heresy. The city council decided in 1527 to banish all Lutherans of the city, but claimed to pursue a policy of reconciliation, which the city defended to the Diet of 1532 &ndash; as did the imperial cities of Nuremberg, Augsburg or Frankfurt.<ref>Gerald Chaix: ''Köln in der Zeit von Reformation und katholischer Reform 1512/13-1610'', Cologne 2022, p. 93ff</ref> Persons who publicly professed [[Reformation]] ideas, such as the preacher [[Adolf Clarenbach]] and [[Peter Fliesteden]] were handed over by the council to the archbishop's jurisdiction. Archbishop [[Hermann V. von Wied|Hermann of Wied]], who wanted to prove his authority in religious matters, sentenced them to death at the stake. In the following years however, the God-fearing archbishop, who perceived church debauchery as an abomination, tried to set the [[Electorate of Cologne|Archbishopric]] on a course of renewal; the efforts eventually proved to be in vain. In the attempt to bridge the opposing positions of the faith dispute, Hermann progressively endorsed Reformation ideas, and finally invited the reform theologians [[Martin Bucer#Reform in the Electorate of Cologne (1542–1547)|Martin Bucer]] and [[Philipp Melanchthon]] to the Rhine, who published the programmatic paper "Einfältiges Bedenken" (Simple-minded Apprehension) on behalf of the archbishop. The counter-position, deep-routed in the Catholic conviction of the cathedral chapter, was formulated by [[Johannes Gropper]], one of the leading Catholic theologians of his time.<ref>Hansgeorg Molitor: Das Erzbistum Köln im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe (1515-1688), Cologne 2008, p. 159ff</ref> In 1544, the bishop had a preacher's pulpit erected in [[Cologne Cathedral]], with the intention to emphasize the importance of the preacher's word in accordance to reformist doctrine.<ref>Rüdiger Marco Booz: Kölner Dom, die vollkommene Kathedrale, Petersberg 2022, pp. 134, 141</ref> Thus, the Catholic party in the archdiocese and in the Cologne city council finally became suspicious of Hermann; longtime councillor Arnt von Siegen, a devout Catholic, leveraged his access to [[Charles V (HRR)|Charles V.]] In 1547, the emperor forced the archbishop to resign. In this way, the last, possibly too simple-minded attempt, to outbalance the schism in the empire, proved to be a complete failure.<ref>Hansgeorg Molitor: Das Erzbistum Köln im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe (1515-1688), Cologne 2008, pp. 159ff</ref> The successors, the archbishops [[Adolf III of Schauenburg|Adolf]] and [[Anton of Schaumburg]], steered the archbishopric back on a clear Catholic course.<ref>Hansgeorg Molitor: Das Erzbistum Köln im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe (1515-1688), Cologne 2008, pp. 161-176</ref>

=== Trade routes to Flanders ===
[[File:DomusOsterlingorum.jpg|thumb|left|[[Kontor of Bruges]]: hub for Hanseatic merchants]]
[[File:Hansehausantwerpen.jpg|thumb|[[Oostershuis|Kontor of Antwerp]]: central place of Hanseatic trade in Flanders]]

For the Cologne commerce, the trade route to Flanders and the North Sea was of foundational importance. In the 16th century, it needed to be realigned as trading flows shifted from [[Bruges]] to [[Antwerp]], which emerged as the economic center of Europe in the mid-16th century.<ref>Fernand Braudel: The perspective of the world, London 1984, p. 143</ref> By 1526, the city on the [[Scheldt]] surpassed 50,000 inhabitants and outnumbered Cologne,<ref>Floris Prims: Antwerpen door de eeuwen heen, Antwerp 1951, p. 373</ref> and by 1560 Antwerp had doubled its population.<ref>J.A. Houtte: Anvers aux XVe et XVIe siècles : expansion et apogée. In: Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations. 16e année, N. 2, 1961; pp. 248-278, here p. 249</ref> In contrast, the importance of the [[Hanseatic]] [[Kontor of Bruges]] faded until the end of the 15th century, since Bruges could no longer be approached by seagoing ships due to the silting of the [[Zwin]]. Antwerp benefited from overseas trade flows; Portuguese merchants made the city a hub for long-distance import, for example to distribute sugar and pepper. Eventually, the Hanseatic League moved its Kontor to Antwerp in 1545 and had a prestigious new trading house built by [[Cornelis Floris II]] from 1563 to 1569; however, it was only used to one-fifth of its capacity. Cologne merchants found it increasingly difficult to hold their own against international competition. To avoid confessional unrest in Antwerp, Portuguese, Italian as well as Flemish merchants settled directly in Cologne. They imported grain and furs, but above all cloth and silk fabrics, which put them in direct competition with Cologne's production. At times, the non-Cologne merchants bundled a third of Cologne's long-distance trade.<ref>Gerald Chaix: Köln in der Zeit von Reformation und katholischer Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, p. 217ff</ref>

=== Renaissance in Cologne ===
In the 16th century, the patricians of Cologne began to reflect the Renaissance art trends they got to know on their trade journeys especially in Flanders, when commissioning works of art.<ref>Isabelle Kirgus: Renaissance in Köln, Architektur und Ausstattung 1520-1620, Bonn 2004.</ref> In 1517, the Cologne families Hackeney, Hardenrath, von Merle, von Straelen, Salm and von Berchem donated a rood screen for [[St. Maria im Kapitol]]; the elaborate work was ordered from an art carver in Mechelen, who thus made the [[Renaissance in the Low Countries|Flemish Renaissance]] known in Cologne.<ref>Thesy Teplitzky: Geld, Kunst, Macht: eine Kölner Familie zwischen Mittelalter und Renaissance. Cologne 2009, p. 106ff.</ref> The town hall’s extension, called Löwenhof (Lion‘s Courtyard), was built in 1540 by Laurenz Cronenberg blending elements in late Gothic and Renaissance style. The Antwerp-born [[Cornelis Floris de Vriendt|Cornelis Floris]] was commissioned by the cathedral chapter in 1561 to erect the [[epitaphs]] of the two archbishops from the house of [[Adolf III of Schauenburg|Schaumburg]], whose depiction gained proverbial recognition in Cologne as the Floris style.<ref>Rüdiger Marco Booz: Kölner Dom, die vollkommene Kathedrale, Petersberg 2022, p. 140.</ref> Floris was also requested for the design of the [[Cologne City Hall|city hall]] [[loggia]], which was built from 1567; the construction, however, was assigned to the Cologne stonemason Wilhelm Vernukken.<ref>Isabelle Kirgus: Die Rathauslaube in Köln 1569-1573, Architektur und Antikenrezeption, Bonn 2003.</ref> The most sought-after Cologne Renaissance painter was [[Barthel Bruyn the Elder]], who developed his own form for portrait paintings in Cologne.<ref>Udo Mainzer: Kleine illustrierte Kunstgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2015, p. 93.</ref> Families who could afford it, however, had their members portrayed in London by the royal court painter [[Hans Holbein the Younger]].<ref>Miriam Verena Fleck: Köln - "... so berühmt und von so hohem Rufe, gewissermaßen einzigartig in deutschen Landen ..."; in: Dagmar Täube, Miriam Verena Fleck (eds.): Glanz und Größe des Mittelalters, Kölner Meisterwerke aus den großen Sammlungen der Welt, Munich 2011, pp. 20-36, here p. 29.</ref>

<gallery>
Main altar and screen - St. Maria im Kapitol - Cologne - Germany 2017.jpg|Flemish: rood screen in [[St. Maria im Kapitol]]
Friese im Löwenhof des Historischen Rathauses von Köln-3422.jpg|Transitional style: Löwenhof in the City Hall
Koelner Dom Epitaph Schaumburg.jpg|Floris style: epitaph in [[Cologne Cathedral]]
Kölner Rathaus - Renaissance–Laube (2621-23).jpg|Triumphant arch style: [[Cologne City Hall|City Hall Loggia]]
</gallery>

=== Efforts for the Cologne trade ===
[[File:Heinrich Sudermann.jpg|thumb|Syndic of the Hanseatic League: Heinrich Sudermann from Cologne]]

In the 1550s, it became apparent that international trade was undergoing a fundamental change. Kontors based trade underpinned with trading privileges was losing cohesive strength; as overseas destinations were increasingly discovered, long-distance trade shifted away from the Rhine to the North Sea. [[History of Amsterdam|Antwerp]], which by 1560 had more than 100,000 inhabitants, emerged as the economic center of Europe and developed great commercial dynamism, displacing the Cologne merchants.<ref>Fernand Braudel: The perspective of the world, London 1984, p. 143</ref> In southern Germany, the imperial cities of [[Augsburg]] and [[History of Nuremberg|Nürnberg]] had also developed into important trading hubs; both cities had grown to over 30,000 inhabitants, almost the size of Cologne. This was also true for [[History of Magdeburg|Magdeburg]], which benefited from the [[staple right]]s on the Elbe.<ref>Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, Ulrich Soénius: Kleine Illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2013, p. 72</ref> The Cologne wholesalers, who dominated the city's council, therefore sought to strengthen Cologne's position in international trade. In 1553, the Cologne commodity exchange was founded inspired by Antwerp practice, which allowed the trading of commodity contracts. Additionally, the bill of exchange business became established when the Antwerp finance business partially shifted to Cologne.<ref>Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, Ulrich Soénius: Kleine Illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2013, p. 96</ref> In order to strengthen its traditional business branches &ndash; especially wine and cloth &ndash; Cologne became intensively involved in the [[Hanseatic League]] and in 1556 created the role of a syndic, a kind of secretary-general in an institution that until then had not known any representative.<ref>Gerald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter der Reformation und katholischer Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, p. 47ff</ref> The position was assigned to [[Heinrich Sudermann]] of Cologne, who was to use diplomatic means to prolong the old trading privileges. However, after [[Elizabeth I]] had taken up the government in England in 1558, it was not possible to make her endorse the continuation of the privileges for the [[Stalhof]] in London, whose importance therefore diminished over the years. After the relocation of the [[Kontor of Bruges|flanders Kontor]] to Antwerp and the construction of a respresentative trading post from 1563 to 1569, Sudermann struggled - ultimately in vain - to give the Kontor greater economic relevance.<ref>[https://www.rheinische-geschichte.lvr.de/Persoenlichkeiten/heinrich-sudermann/DE-2086/lido/57c9595c96bad6.60738451 Rheinische Geschichte: Heinrich Sudermann]</ref> More successful was the initiative of the Cologne Council to strengthen the trading business on the Rhine by building a new stacking house (Stapelhaus) (1558-1561). The building allowed, above all, to handle the fish trade more effectively; despite all international adversities, Cologne still benefited considerably from the [[Stapelrecht]], that continued to remain in force.<ref>Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, Ulrich Soénius: Kleine Illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2013, pp. 80, 88</ref>

=== King's coronation in Frankfurt ===
[[Maximilian II, Holy Roman Emperor|Maximilian II]] got crowned German king in November 1562 in [[Frankfurt am Main]] - and not in [[Aachen]], as generations of his ancestors. The ritualized procession that the coronator and king had celebrated since time immemorial from Aachen to Cologne to visit the [[shrine of the Three Kings]] was dispensed with. The king skipped the tradition, to pay homage to the Magi in Cologne. The coronation festivities, which for centuries had guaranteed Cologne a closeness to the imperial dominion and had given it a great character since 1484, were held in Frankfurt am Main. This Cologne setback resulted because Archbishop [[Frederick IV of Wied]] had not yet been papally confirmed at the time of the coronation; because of the autumn season, the great men of the Empire avoided the long journey from Frankfurt, where the election had taken place anyway, to Aachen and Cologne. In addition, the king sympathized with Protestant ideas and found relic homages out of date. All subsequent imperial coronations also took place in Frankfurt; as coronator henceforth celebrated the archbishop of [[Mainz]].<ref>Hansgeorg Molitor: Das Erzbistum Köln im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe (1515-1688), (Geschichte des Erzbistums Köln Band 3), Cologne 2008, p. 181.</ref> Thus, this relocation detrimented the centuries-old narrative of the "Holy Cologne."<ref>Rüdiger Marco Booz: Kölner Dom, die vollkommene Kathedrale, Petersberg 2022, p. 147.</ref> Not coincidentally, from 1567, Cologne councilors built a [[Cologne City Hall|city hall]] loggia, which in its Renaissance style deliberately cited the triumphal arch architecture of Roman antiquity, thus recalling the historical greatness of Cologne.<ref>Isabelle Kirgus: Die Rathauslaube in Köln 1569-1573, Architektur und Antikenrezeption, Bonn 2003.</ref>

=== Regulation of the Rhine ===
Since the High Middle Ages, the people of Cologne had observed with concern that the [[Rhine]] began to shift its river bed on the right bank near [[Poll, Cologne|Poll]]. Floods and ice flows broadened this deviation. To prevent an eastern breach of the Rhine between Poll and [[Deutz, Cologne|Deutz]], Cologne planned to fortify the bank with the so-called "Poll Heads" (Poller Köpfe), but it was not until 1557 that the council was able to reach an agreement with the archbishop on the measures. In 1560, the large-scale project was started and continued for more than 250 years. In total, three heavy headlands were built as shore fortification. In addition to hundreds of ships laid aground, willow plantings and [[groynes]] were brought in to prevent deviations in the course of the river. Iron-reinforced oak logs &ndash; weighted down with basalt boulders and connected by heavy crossbeams &ndash; were driven into the river bottom. The northern headland is said to have had a length of 1500 meters.<ref>''Niedrigwasser macht’s möglich - Entdeckung am Kölner Rheinufer.'' In: Deutsche Stiftung Denkmalschutz (ed.): [http://www.monumente-online.de/06/03/streiflicht/04_PollerWiesen.php?seite=1 ''Monumente online.''] May 2006.</ref>

=== Map based city administration ===

[[File:KölnArnoldMercator.png|thumb|upright=1.8|Cartographically sophisticated : Cologne city map by Arnold Mercator]]

The religious and economic unrest afflicting the Spanish Netherlands from 1566 onward was observed in Cologne with apprehensiveness.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation und Katholischer Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, p. 242</ref> The Spanish general [[Fernando Álvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba|Duke of Alba]], sent to Brussels in 1567 as the new governor-general of the Spanish crown, sought to quell Flemish discontent with draconian measures and military force. Because of the tensions, many refugees left Antwerp and settled in Cologne; among the most illustrious were [[Jan Rubens]], father of the subsequently famous painter [[Peter Paul Rubens|Peter Paul]], and [[Anna of Saxony]], wife of [[William the Silent|William of Orange]], who eventually became governor of the united Dutch provinces. Duke Alba therefore also exerted considerable pressure on the city of Cologne to keep refugees out of the Rhine city and to secure military transit routes to the Habsburg possessions in southern Europe.<ref>Magnus Ressel: Der Herzog von Alba und die deutschen Städte im Westen des Reiches 1567–1573. Köln, Aachen und Trier im Vergleich; in: Andreas Rutz (ed.), Krieg und Kriegserfahrung im Westen des Reiches 1568-1714, Göttingen 2016, pp. 31-63, here p. 61</ref>

The Cologne Council endeavored to meet Spanish demands for improved city administration and a rigorous attitude toward refugees. To this end, as a modern administrative measure of the time, the council had a detailed [[Bird's-eye view]] of the city drawn up, to enhance the mastery of inhabitants and immigrants.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Köln im Zeitalter von Reformation und Katholischer Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, pp. 198f</ref> The cartographer [[Arnold Mercator]] drew up the plan at a scale of 1:2450, striving for a work that satisfied cartographic-scientific standards; the map was based on a comparatively accurate survey of the city's topography and showed the building tracts in the aim to create a spatial effect with a skillful mixture of elevation and bird's-eye view. Given its detailed and true-to-scale representation, the so-called ''Mercator Plan'' is considered today to be the first reliable city plan of Cologne<ref>Peter Noelke: Entdeckung der Geschichte, Arnold Mercators Stadtansicht von Köln. In: Renaissance am Rhein, Katalog zur Ausstellung im LVR-Landesmuseum Bonn, 2010/2011, Munich 2010, p. 251</ref> and is perceived as one of the first ever cartographically correct city maps.<ref>Stephan Hoppe: Die vermessene Stadt. Kleinräumige Vermessungskampagnen im Mitteleuropa des 16. Jahrhunderts und ihr funktionaler Kontext. In: Ingrid Baumgärtner (Ed.): Fürstliche Koordinaten. Landesvermessung und Herrschaftsvisualisierung um 1600, Leipzig 2014, p. 251–273, here p. 269</ref>

=== Futile pacification efforts ===
[[File:Duitse troepen verlaten Antwerpen, 2 augustus 1577.jpg|thumb|left|Deserted Kontor: Germans escape from Antwerp (1577)]]
[[File:Vloot van de vier keurvorsten op de Rijn, 1580 Reysiger zeug und munition der vier Churfursten bey Rhein, Coln, Meintz, Trier, und Pfaltz am 28 Augusti Ao. D. 1580 (titel op object) Serie 8 Nederlan, RP-P-OB-78.785-152.jpg|thumb|Watch on the Rhine: Fleet of the Rhenish Electors (1580)]]

The economic region of the Spanish Netherlands, so foundational for Cologne's prosperity, did not come to rest in the 1570s. In 1575, the Spanish king [[Philip II of Spain|Philipp II]] had to declare a state bankruptcy; the Spanish occupation troops of the Netherlands remained without pay. In 1576, they went marauding through Flanders and, looting, wreaked havoc in the city of [[Antwerp]]. This caused proverbial horror as the [[Spanish Fury]] and strengthened the resistance of the Flemings and Dutch against the Spanish crown. In the course of the riots, the newly built [[Oostershuis|Hanseatic Kontor]] in Antwerp was also looted several times. The merchants of Cologne tried in vain to be compensated for the damage; in the following years, the Kontor lost its economic importance.<ref>[https://www.rheinische-geschichte.lvr.de/Persoenlichkeiten/heinrich-sudermann/DE-2086/lido/57c9595c96bad6.60738451 Rhenish History: Heinrich Sudermann]</ref>

The [[Union of Arras]], agreed in January 1579 and followed promptly by the [[Union of Utrecht]], marked the arising separation of the Spanish Netherlands, from which the states of the Netherlands and Belgium would ultimately emerge. The Union of Utrecht, dominated by the Province of Holland, was also joined by almost all the Brabant and Flanders cities. To pacify the disputes in the provinces, which formally still were part of the [[Holy Roman Empire]], Emperor [[Rudolf II (HRR)|Rudolf II]], the brother-in-law of the Spanish king, sought a negotiated settlement. The so-called Pacification Day took place in Cologne from April to November 1579, because the imperial city, as a strategically important metropolis, could be accepted as a neutral location and provide the necessary infrastructure for the delegations. The representatives of the Netherlands, the emperor and the Spanish crown were accommodated in the city palaces of Cologne's councillors. The negotiations themselves took place in the City hall called [[Gürzenich City hall|Gürzenich]]. However, the conferences ended without any agreement.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Cologne in the Age of Reformation and Catholic Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, p. 243</ref> 
Today, Cologne's Pacification Day is understood as the starting point for the emergence of an independent Dutch state.<ref>Thomas P. Becker: Der Kölner Pazifikationskongress von 1579 und die Geburt der Niederlande, in: Michael Rohrschneider (ed.): Frühneuzeitliche Friedensstiftung in landesgeschichtlicher Perspektive, Cologne 2019, pp. 99-119, here p. 118</ref> How vitally the Dutch disputes affected Cologne's interests got evidence in 1580, when Dutch warships came up the Rhine and advanced as far as Cologne. The coordinated efforts of a fleet of Rhenish electors promptly drove off the invaders.<ref>Gérald Chaix: Cologne in the Age of Reformation and Catholic Reform 1512/13-1610, Cologne 2022, p. 244</ref> Overall, developments were unfavorable to Cologne's economic interests. The unrest severely disrupted Cologne's trade routes to Flanders; in addition, the Dutch were able to control sea access to the Rhine. Both gravely impeded Cologne's trade flows and brought Cologne's trade with England to an almost complete standstill.<ref>Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, Ulrich Soénius: Kleine Illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, Cologne 2013, p. 78</ref>