Editing Government of Ethiopia (section)

=== Historical context ===
The history of Ethiopia has played a pivotal role in shaping the country’s public management system. This evolution can be divided into three major periods:

==== The Monarchy era (1930–1974) ====
During this period, Ethiopia was ruled by the Emperor [[Haile Selassie]]. He introduced several initiatives to modernize the country's public management system, such as:

* Enacting Ethiopia’s first constitution in 1931 (later revised in 1955).<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last1=Misrak |first1=Yihenew |last2=Genet |first2=Yayew |last3=Muluye |first3=Ketemaw |date=2023-01-01 |title=The Demands and Contests of Constitutional Amendment in Ethiopia: Analysis on the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) Constitution |url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/09750878221114384 |journal=Insight on Africa |language=en |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=88–107 |doi=10.1177/09750878221114384 |issn=0975-0878}}</ref>
* Establishing ministries, defining responsibilities, and delegating administrative authority.
* Support the creation of the Organization of African Unity (now the [[African Union]]), which strengthened Ethiopia’s presence in international diplomacy.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Binaisa |first=Godfrey L. |date=1977-07-01 |title=Organization of African Unity and Decolonization: Present and Future Trends |url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/000271627743200106 |journal=The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science |language=en |volume=432 |issue=1 |pages=52–69 |doi=10.1177/000271627743200106 |issn=0002-7162}}</ref>
* Founding the Imperial Institute of Public Administration (IIPA), later renamed the Central Personnel Agency (CPA) in 1961, which functioned as the central authority for setting and maintaining public service standards, overseeing job classifications, recruitment, and salary regulations for government employees.<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last1=Vértesy |first1=László |last2=Lemango |first2=Teketel Bekalo |date=2022-11-12 |title=Public Administration Developments in Ethiopia Under Three Different Regimes |url=https://hrcak.srce.hr/285475 |journal=Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava: časopis za teoriju i praksu javne uprave |language=en |volume=22 |issue=3 |pages=403–430 |doi=10.31297/hkju.22.3.6 |issn=1848-0357}}</ref>

The 1931 Constitution and its 1955 revision were the most significant factors shaping Ethiopia’s public management system during this period. These constitutions formally established the separation of powers into three branches: legislative, executive, and judicial. Additionally, a bicameral legislature was introduced, consisting of the Chamber of Deputies (Lower House), whose members were indirectly elected by the people, and the Senate (Upper House), whose members were appointed by the emperor.<ref name=":2">{{Cite web |title=Ethiopia Constitution 1937 |url=https://ia800804.us.archive.org/13/items/TheEthiopianConstitution/EC_text.pdf}}</ref>

However, the constitution concentrated most executive power in the hands of the emperor, limiting the operation and independence of the public management system. As a result, Ethiopia’s governance functioned as a Centralized Autocracy, where the emperor retained key powers, including the appointment and dismissal of government officials and members of the national legislature, as well as the authority to draft, veto, and amend legislation, even after parliamentary approval. Additionally, he exercised control over the military, judiciary, and land distribution and held the power to appoint and approve high-ranking Christian religious leaders.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" />

The public management system during this period faced several significant shortcomings, including:

* The direct adoption of foreign administrative structures without proper adaptation to Ethiopia’s unique context, which had local governance needs and autonomy demands of indigenous groups, resulting in a system that failed to address the country’s actual requirements. For example, the constitution was modeled after Japan and the UK, both monarchy regimes,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Tafla |first1=Bairu |last2=Scholler |first2=Heinrich |date=1976 |title=SER'ATA MANGEST: An early Ethiopian Constitution |journal=Verfassung und Recht in Übersee / Law and Politics in Africa, Asia and Latin America |volume=9 |issue=4 |pages=487–499 |doi=10.5771/0506-7286-1976-4-487 |jstor=43111172 |issn=0506-7286|doi-access=free }}</ref> and the civil servant salary system was based on the U.S. model.
* Decision-making was slow and bureaucratic, with all major policies requiring the emperor’s approval. This was particularly evident in the failure of land reform policies and the government's inability to effectively address severe famines and droughts.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Alemayehu Tegegn |first=Dagm |date=2023-12-31 |title=The trigger of Ethiopian famine and its impacts from 1950 to 1991 |journal=Cogent Arts & Humanities |volume=10 |issue=1 |pages=2264017 |doi=10.1080/23311983.2023.2264017|doi-access=free }}</ref>
* A patronage system and widespread corruption, resulting from the emperor’s authoritative power over appointments and dismissals in government positions. This led to personnel selection based on loyalty rather than merit,<ref>{{Cite web |title=The Role of Political Elites in Nation-Building in Contemporary Ethiopia, 1960-2020 |url=https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A4054823/view}}</ref> causing a shortage of competent officials in the public sector.
* The citizen’s dissatisfaction and political opposition, which ultimately led to the suppression and violation by the government.<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal |last=Jalata |first=Asafa |date=2010-03-01 |title=The Ethiopian State: Authoritarianism, Violence and Clandestine Genocide |url=https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_socopubs/90/ |journal=The Journal of Pan African Studies |pages=160–189}}</ref>

==== The Derg regime (1974–1991) ====
Initially, [[Derg|the Derg]] regime adopted a [[Socialism|socialist]] approach to national development, aiming to establish equality in access to resources and public services. Throughout its rule, the government implemented several mechanisms reflecting socialist principles in public sector management, including:

* The adoption of the National Democratic Revolution policy (NDR) in early 1976, aimed at abolishing feudalism and imperialism embedded in the public sector system under Haile Selassie.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Temesgen Duressa |first1=Gebeyehu |last2=Ta’a |first2=Tesema |last3=Debu |first3=Deressa |date=2024-12-31 |title=The Marxist concept of national question and the analysis of Ethiopian reality during the Derg regime (1974 to 1991) |journal=Cogent Arts & Humanities |volume=11 |issue=1 |pages=2347056 |doi=10.1080/23311983.2024.2347056|doi-access=free }}</ref>
* The nationalization and redistribution of all land and properties to establish a socialist-based economic structure, alongside the introduction of a collectivized agricultural system.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ottaway |first=Marina |date=1977 |title=Land Reform in Ethiopia 1974-1977 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/523755 |journal=African Studies Review |volume=20 |issue=3 |pages=79–90 |doi=10.2307/523755 |jstor=523755 |issn=0002-0206}}</ref>
* The restructuring of administrative divisions, creating 25 administrative regions and five autonomous regions.
* The establishment of peasant and urban-dweller associations ([[Wards of Ethiopia|kebeles]]), functioning as local-level administrative organizations responsible for governance and service delivery.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Emmenegger |first=Rony |date=2016 |title=Decentralization and the Local Developmental State: Peasant Mobilization in Oromiya, Ethiopia |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/26158016 |journal=Africa: Journal of the International African Institute |volume=86 |issue=2 |pages=263–287 |doi=10.1017/S0001972016000048 |jstor=26158016 |issn=0001-9720}}</ref><ref name=":1" />
* The reform of financial and fiscal institutions, including the introduction of labor laws to regulate employment conditions.
* The expansion of the government workforce, increasing the number of state employees to approximately 200,000, double the size of the civil service under the previous regime, to accommodate the demands of the newly structured administration.<ref name=":1" />

A key factor shaping the public management system during the Derg regime was Mengistu Haile Mariam’s adoption of [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] ideology in 1976 and his complete consolidation of power in 1977.<ref name=":4">{{Cite web |last=Kingston-Cox |first=Will |date=2022-07-04 |title=How important was Soviet support for Ethiopia's Derg regime? |url=https://www.kleiohistoricaljournal.com/post/how-important-was-soviet-support-for-ethiopia-s-derg-regime? |access-date=2025-02-06 |website=Kleio His Journal |language=en}}</ref> This shift led to a governance system dominated by military rule, with no parliamentary structure or electoral processes. Although administrative decentralization was introduced through Kebeles, in practice, these local organizations lacked real authority as they remained strictly controlled by the central military government.

As a result, the Derg regime functioned as a Centralized Military Autocracy, with socialist ideology serving as a facade. Even when Mengistu introduced the 1987 Constitution to create the appearance of a civilian government, this further entrenched his monopoly on power. A clear example of this was the establishment of a unicameral legislature ([[National Shengo]]),<ref>{{Cite web |title=Redirecting... |url=https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/rsl14&collection=journals&id=187&startid=&endid=214 |access-date=2025-02-06 |website=heinonline.org}}</ref> where all members were elected exclusively through the [[Workers' Party of Ethiopia]] (WPE)—the sole legal party under Mengistu’s rule.

The public management system under the Derg regime resulted in several significant consequences, including:

* Inefficiency in administration: Despite expanding the number of government employees, the regime failed to realign ministerial functions with its new governance approach. Additionally, state operations were frequently disrupted by central government interference, leading to a shortage of competent employees, much like during the Haile Selassie era.
* Delays and failures in problem-solving: The collectivized agricultural system reduced productivity and contributed to severe famines.<ref>{{Cite report |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep18054.7 |title=Land and Socio-Economic Development in Ethiopia |last1=Adenew |first1=Berhanu |last2=Abdi |first2=Fayera |date=2005 |publisher=International Institute for Environment and Development |pages=5–9}}</ref> Furthermore, land and resources were unequally distributed, exacerbating poverty among ethnic groups.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Moreda |first=Tsegaye |date=2023-05-01 |title=The social dynamics of access to land, livelihoods and the rural youth in an era of rapid rural change: Evidence from Ethiopia |url=https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0264837723000820 |journal=Land Use Policy |volume=128 |pages=106616 |doi=10.1016/j.landusepol.2023.106616 |bibcode=2023LUPol.12806616M |issn=0264-8377}}</ref>
* Lack of governance and public participation: Lack of check and balance system.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Begashaw |first=Getachew |date=2019 |title=Good Governance with Checks and Balances in Ethiopia |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/27095401 |journal=International Journal of Ethiopian Studies |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=185–196 |jstor=27095401 |issn=1543-4133}}</ref> The government ignored citizen needs and inclusion, such as enforcing Amharic as the sole official language, despite Ethiopia’s linguistic and ethnic diversity.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Gebrekirstos |first=Yodahe |date=2022-01-12 |title=Amharic as a lingua franca and tool of domination |url=https://omnatigray.org/amharic-lingua-franca-and-tool-of-domination/ |access-date=2025-02-06 |website=Omna Tigray |language=en}}</ref> It also restructured regional borders based on religion rather than ethnicity, and engaged in widespread political repression and mass killings of dissidents.

==== The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) era (1991–2019) ====
The [[Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front|EPRDF]] era marked a significant shift in Ethiopia’s public management system, moving away from the centralized military autocracy of the Derg towards a federal decentralized system. Following the overthrow of the Derg in 1991, the EPRDF-led transitional government implemented sweeping reforms aimed at restructuring governance, redefining the role of the state, and promoting ethnic federalism.

The EPRDF introduced several key reforms that shaped Ethiopia’s governance structure:

* Adoption of the 1995 Constitution, which restructured Ethiopia into an ethnic federalist state, granting regional governments autonomy over legislative, administrative, and fiscal affairs.<ref name=":9">{{Cite web |title=The Ethiopia Constitution (1995) |url=https://ecnl.org/sites/default/files/files/2021/EthiopiaConstitution.pdf}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ishiyama |first=John |date=2023 |title=Ethnic Identity and Conflict: The Case of Ethiopia |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/897696 |journal=Georgetown Journal of International Affairs |volume=24 |issue=1 |pages=12–18 |doi=10.1353/gia.2023.a897696 |issn=2471-8831}}</ref>
* Decentralization of governance, allowing regional states to establish their own constitutions and manage public services, taxation, and development projects.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Bushashe |first1=Million Adafre |last2=Bayiley |first2=Yitbarek |date=2023-10-09 |title=Fiscal federalism and public service provision in Ethiopia: A mediating role of sub-national governments capacity |journal=Cogent Economics & Finance |volume=11 |issue=2 |pages=2255496 |doi=10.1080/23322039.2023.2255496|doi-access=free }}</ref>
* The expansion of the civil service sector, improving public sector management and increasing the workforce to accommodate the demands of a more decentralized system.
* Liberalization of the economy, shifting away from full state control by encouraging foreign investment and privatization while maintaining strong state intervention in key industries.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ashine |first=Surafel Getahun |date=2024-12-31 |title=Assessment of foreign direct investment inflows into Ethiopia in light of peace and security challenges from 2018 to 2022 |journal=Cogent Economics & Finance |volume=12 |issue=1 |pages=2308670 |doi=10.1080/23322039.2024.2308670|doi-access=free }}</ref>

Despite the structural changes, public management under the EPRDF faced major obstacles:

* Weak institutional capacity at the regional level, as newly formed states lacked experienced personnel and administrative expertise.
* Political centralization within the EPRDF, where decision-making was still heavily influenced by the ruling coalition, limiting true autonomy of regional governments.
* Ethnic-based federalism fueling conflict, as territorial disputes and identity politics often led to inter-ethnic tensions and governance challenges.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Kassie |first1=Adane |last2=Cheru |first2=Tamirat |last3=Sishaw |first3=Tegegne |last4=Bogale |first4=Wagaw |date=2023-12-15 |title=Understanding administrative boundary related conflicts and their challenges in Ethiopia since 1991 |journal=Cogent Social Sciences |volume=9 |issue=2 |pages=2249306 |doi=10.1080/23311886.2023.2249306|doi-access=free }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Abbink |first=Jon |date=2011-11-01 |title=Ethnic-based federalism and ethnicity in Ethiopia: reassessing the experiment after 20 years |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17531055.2011.642516 |journal=Journal of Eastern African Studies |volume=5 |issue=4 |pages=596–618 |doi=10.1080/17531055.2011.642516 |issn=1753-1055|hdl=1887/31871 |hdl-access=free }}</ref>
* Suppression of opposition and civil liberties, as the government increasingly restricted political freedoms and dissent, particularly after the 2005 contested elections.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Aalen |first1=Lovise |last2=Tronvoll |first2=Kjetil |date=2009 |title=The End of Democracy? Curtailing Political and Civil Rights in Ethiopia |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/27756261 |journal=Review of African Political Economy |volume=36 |issue=120 |pages=193–207 |doi=10.1080/03056240903065067 |jstor=27756261 |issn=0305-6244|hdl=10.1080/03056240903065067 |hdl-access=free }}</ref>

While the EPRDF’s decentralization reforms improved regional governance and economic growth, the system also exacerbated political fragmentation and instability. By the late 2010s, public dissatisfaction over governance inefficiencies, ethnic tensions, and political repression led to increasing calls for reform. In 2019, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed dissolved the EPRDF, transitioning Ethiopia into a new era of governance under the Prosperity Party, marking another turning point in Ethiopia’s public management evolution.