Editing Giuseppe Mazzini (section)

==Ideology==
[[File:Giuseppe Mazini 2.jpg|thumb|Mazzini late in his career]]

An [[Italian nationalist]], Mazzini was a fervent advocate of [[republicanism]] and envisioned a united, free and independent Italy. Unlike his contemporary [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]], who was also a republican, Mazzini refused to swear an oath of allegiance to the House of Savoy until after the Capture of Rome. He and his followers were sensitive to the question of social justice, starting a dialogue with socialism, and Mazzini in particular finding many affinities with the [[Saint-Simonians]]. At the same time, Mazzini was vigorously opposed to Marxism, which for him was "a dreadful perversion of utilitarianism because of its insistence on class interests, especially class struggle, a conflictual vision that could not harmonize with Mazzini's unitarianism".<ref>Rosselli, Carlo; Urbinati, Nadia, ed. (2017). ''Liberal Socialism'' (illustrated ed.). Translated by William McCuaig. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 36. {{ISBN|9781400887309}}.</ref> Mazzini also rejected the [[classical liberal]] principles of the [[Age of Enlightenment]] based on the doctrine of individualism, which he criticized as "presupposing either metaphysical materialism or political atheism".<ref name="E. Moss 2004 p. 59-60">Moss, M. E.; Moss, Micheal S. (2004). ''Mussolini's Fascist Philosopher: Giovanni Gentile Reconsidered''. New York: Peter Lang Publishing. p. 59–60. {{ISBN|9780820468389}}.</ref> In the first volume of Carl Landauer's ''European Socialism'', Mazzini is mentioned alongside Garibaldi as outstanding "Italian revolutionaries".<ref>Landauer, Carl (1960). ''European Socialism''. '''I'''. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 229.</ref><ref>Cole, G. D. H. (1953). ''A History of Socialist Thought: Social Thought, the Forerunners, 1789–1850''. London: Macmillan. p. 281.</ref> Albert Charles Brouse argued that "socialism is found in its entirety in the doctrine of Mazzini",<ref>Brouse, Albert Charles (1962). ''Italian Democracy and the Socialist Movement: Developments to the Livorno Congress (1921)''. Stanford: Department of Political Science, Stanford University. p. 162.</ref> his republicanism being both "democratic and social".<ref>Mestallone, Salvo (2007). ''Mazzini e Linton: una democrazia europea (1845-1855)'' [''Mazzini and Linton: A European Democracy (1845–1855)'']. Florence: Leo S. Olschki. p. 205. {{ISBN|9788822256676}}.</ref>

In 1871, Mazzini condemned the radical, anti-religious and [[revolutionary socialist]] revolt in France that led to the creation of the short-lived [[Paris Commune]].<ref name="Stefano Recchia 2009 p. 6">Mazzini, Giuseppe; Recchia, Stefano; Urbinati, Nadia ed. (2009). ''A Cosmopolitanism of Nations''. New Haven: Princeton University Press. p. 6. {{ISBN|9781400831319}}.</ref> This caused [[Karl Marx]] to refer to Mazzini as a reactionary after 1848.<ref name="hartford-hwp.com">Landor, R. (18 July 1871). [http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/26/020.html "Interview with Karl Marx, head of L'Internationale"]. ''New York World''. Reprinted in ''Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly'' on 12 August 1871 and in World History Archives as [http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/26/index-a.html "The Retrospective History of the World's Working Class"]. Retrieved 2 September 2020.</ref><ref name="Pearce R 2006">Pearce, Robert; Stiles, Andrina (2006). ''Access to History: The Unification of Italy: Third Edition''. London: Hachette UK. {{ISBN|9781444150858}}.</ref> It also prompted anarchist [[Mikhail Bakunin]] to write ''The Political Theology of Mazzini and the International'', whose "defence of the International and the Paris Commune caused a stir in Italy and provoked many renunciations of Mazzini and declarations of support for the International in the press", even leading to "the first nationwide increase in membership in the organisation".<ref>Eckhardt, Wolfgang (2016). "The International in Italy". ''The First Socialist Schism: Bakunin vs. Marx in the International Working Men's Association''. Oakland: PM Press. {{ISBN|9781629633084}}.</ref> In an interview by R. Landor from 1871, Marx stated that Mazzini's ideas represented "nothing better than the old idea of a middle-class republic". Marx believed that Mazzini's point of view, especially after the [[Revolutions of 1848]] and the Paris Commune, had become reactionary and the proletariat had nothing to do with it.<ref name="hartford-hwp.com"/>

In another interview, Marx described Mazzini as "that everlasting old ass".<ref name="Pearce R 2006"/> In turn, Mazzini described Marx as "a destructive spirit whose heart was filled with hatred rather than love of mankind" and declared that "[d]espite the communist egalitarianism which [Marx] preaches, he is the absolute ruler of his party, admittedly he does everything himself, but he is also the only one to give orders and he tolerates no opposition".<ref>Raddatz, Fritz J. (1978) [1975) ''Marx: A Political Biography''. Boston: Little Brown. p. 66. {{ISBN|978-0316732109}}.</ref> While Mazzini saw the Paris Commune as "a socially divisive mistake", many other radicals "followed the socialist lead and mythologised the Commune as a social revolution ('the glorius harbinger of a new society' in Karl Marx's words)". This event "allowed a significant section of the radical left, especially a younger generation of radicals led by the poet and satirist [[Felice Cavallotti]] and grouped around the newspaper ''Il Gazzettino Rosa'', to break openly and decisively with both Mazzini and the principles and methods of Mazzinian politics.<ref name="Riall 2007">Riall, Lucy (2007). ''Garibaldi: Invention of a Hero'' (illustrated, reprinted ed.). New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 355. {{ISBN|9780300112122}}.</ref> While ''Il Gazzettino Rosa'' praised Mazzini as "the 'saviour' and teacher of Italy", it insisted:
<blockquote>We have no more idols, we don't accept abstruse, incomprehensible formulas. ... What we object to in Mazzini is not his opinion in itself, as much as his opinion erected into a system and a political dogma. We are materialists, but we don't make a political school out of our materialism. To us it does not matter if one believes or does not believe in God. ... [I]nstead Mazzini wants to impose a new religion on us.<ref name="Riall 2007"/></blockquote>

According to [[Lucy Riall]], "the emphasis by younger radicals on the 'social question' was paralleled by an increase in what was called 'internationalist' or socialist activity (mostly Bakuninist anarchism) throughout northern and southern Italy, which was given a big boost by the Paris Commune." The rise of this socialism "represented a genuine challenge to Mazzini and the Mazzinian emphasis on politics and culture, and Mazzinis' death early in 1872 only served to underline the prevailing sense that his political era was over. Garibaldi now broke definitively with Mazzini, and this time he moved to the left of him. He came out entirely in favour of the Paris Commune and internationalism, and his stance brought him much closer to the younger radicals, ... and gave him a new lease on political life. From his support was born an initiative to relaunch a broad party of the radical left."<ref name="Riall 2007"/>

[[File:Lama, Domenico (1823-1890) - Giuseppe Mazzini.jpg|thumb|Photograph of Mazzini by Domenico Lama]]
For Seamus Flahert, [[Henry Hyndman]], who was an admirer of Mazzini, thought that "Mazzini's greatness ... was obscured for younger socialists by his 'opposition to Marx in the early days of the 'International', and his vigorous condemnation a little later of the Paris Commune", insisting that "Mazzini's conception of the conduct of human life' had been 'a high and noble one'", praising the "No duties without rights" mention in the "General Rules" that Marx composed and passed as "a concession Marx made to Mazzini's followers within the organisation". In his two-volume autobiography, Hyndman spoke at length about Mazzini, even comparing him to Marx.<ref>Flahert, Seamus (2020). ''Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris''. London: Springer Nature. pp. 29–30. {{ISBN|9783030423391}}.</ref>

[[Christopher Bayly]] wrote that Mazzini "had arrived at similar conclusions", referring to "the [[Henri de Saint-Simon|Saint-Simonian]] ideas of association and [[Charles Fourier]]'s 'law of attraction'", but "through an emotive process that owed little to rationalisation".<ref>Bayly, Cristopher; Biagini. E. F. (2008). ''Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalization of Democratic Nationalism, 1830–1920'' (illustrated ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press/''British Academy''. p. 284. {{ISBN|9780197264317}}.</ref> As with the [[Christian socialist]] [[George D. Herron]], Mazzini's socialism was "essentially a religious and moral revival".<ref>Keserich, Charles (June 1976). "George D. Herron, « Il nostro americano »". ''Il Politico''. Soveria: Rubbettino Editore. '''41''' (2): 315–332. {{JSTOR|43208082}}.</ref> Mazzini rejected the Marxist doctrines of [[class struggle]] and [[materialism]], stressing the need for [[class collaboration]].<ref name="Stefano Recchia 2009 p. 6"/><ref>Joan Campbell (1992, 1998) ''European Labor Unions''; Greenwood Press; p. 253.</ref> Nonetheless, there was a more radical, socialist interpretation of Mazzini's doctrine within the [[Italian Republican Party]], a Mazzinian party, where "there were many who believed the teachings of the Genoese patriot could be compatible with the Marxist doctrine and ... considered an alliance with the left-wing to be legitimate and desirable".<ref>Berardi, Silvio (2017). ''Five Years of Edera: The Italian Republican Party in Search of a New Identity (1943–1948)''. Rome: Edizioni Nuova Cultura. p. 228. {{ISBN|9788868128296}}.</ref>

Mazzini's Italian nationalism has been described as "cosmopolitan patriotism".<ref>Flahert, Seamus (2020). ''Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris''. London: Springer Nature. p. 30. {{ISBN|9783030423391}}.</ref> In ''Socialism: National or International'', first published in 1942, [[Franz Borkenau]] described Mazzini as "that impressive Genoese" and "leader of the Italian underground democratic and unitarian movement". About Mazzini and the underground movement, Borkenau further wrote:
<blockquote>Mazzini did a great deal to organize and united this underground movement, known under the name of "[[Young Italy]]". He conceived the idea of parallel organizations in other European countries, which should all of them join in a "Young Europe" movement. The plan had only incipient success and Italy remained the sole stronghold of this underground movement. But the idea, though not its practical execution, caught on in other European countries. One reason of Mazzini's partial failure was the emergence of socialism in France and England. France, at any rate, had a strong underground movement, much stronger under [[Louis-Philippe]] than previously under the [[Bourbon Restoration in France|Bourbon restoration]]. But this movement gradually evolved towards the left. Ordinary democrats of the Mazzini type were no longer persecuted in France after 1830. But to the left of them arose more advanced movements.<ref>Borkenau, Franz (2013). ''Socialism: National or International'' (reprinted ed.). Milton: Routledge. pp. 101–102. {{ISBN|9781135025823}}.</ref></blockquote>

When he was a socialist, [[Benito Mussolini]] harshly criticized Mazzini, "the religious Mazzini in particular", being "particularly opposed to Mazzini's 'sanctification'". After advocating interventionism in World War I and enlisting, Mussolini "found himself immersed in a patriotic atmosphere permeated by Mazzinian references".<ref>Sullam, Simon Levis (2015). "Mussolini and Mazzini". ''Giuseppe Mazzini and the Origins of Fascism'' (illustrated ed.). New York: Springer. {{ISBN|9781137514592}}.</ref>

===Religion===
Influenced by his [[Jansenist]] upbringing, Mazzini's thought is characterized by a strong religious fervour and a deep sense of spirituality. A deist who believed in divine providence, Mazzini described himself as a Christian and emphasized the necessity of faith and a relationship with God while vehemently denouncing  atheism and rationalism. His motto was ''Dio e Popolo'' ("God and People"). Mazzini regarded patriotism as a duty and love for the fatherland as a divine mission, stating that the fatherland was "the home wherein God has placed us, among brothers and sisters linked to us by the family ties of a common religion, history, and language".<ref>Venturi, Emilie Ashurst (1875). ''Joseph Mazzini. A Memoir By E.a.v. With Two Essays By Mazzini: Thoughts on Democracy, and the Duties of Man''. Henry S. King. p. 2.</ref> According to [[A. James Gregor]], "Mazzini's creed for the New Age thus radically distinguished itself from the orthodox Marxism of the nineteenth century. His Socialism was alive with moral purpose, rather than class identity, infused with exalted intent and specifically inspired by a sense of national, rather than class, mission. It saw itself, unabashedly, as a new religion, a 'climb through ''philosophy'' to ''faith''<nowiki/>'. It was a religion predicated on a 'living faith in one God, one Law, general and immutable ... and one End."<ref>Gregor, A. James (2014). "Chapter 3. Marxism, Revolution, and the Making of New Nations". ''Marxism and the Making of China: A Doctrinal History'' (illustrated ed.). New York: Springer. {{ISBN|9781137379498}}.</ref>

In his 1835 publication ''Fede e avvenire'' ("Faith and the Future"), Mazzini wrote: "We must rise again as a religious party. The religious element is universal and immortal. ... The initiators of a new world, we are bound to lay the foundations of a moral unity, a Humanitarian Catholicism."<ref>Mazzini, Giuseppe (1921) [1835]. ''Fede e avvenire''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 51.</ref> However, Mazzini's relationship with the Catholic Church and the [[Papacy]] was not always a kind one. While he initially supported [[Pope Pius IX]] upon his election, writing an open letter to him in 1847, Mazzini later published a scathing attack against the pope in his ''Sull'Enciclica di Papa Pio IX'' ("On the Encyclical of Pope Pius IX") in 1849. Although some of his religious views were at odds with the Catholic Church and the Papacy, with his writings often tinged with [[anti-clericalism]], Mazzini also criticized [[Protestantism]], stating that it is "divided and subdivided into a thousand sects, all founded on the rights of individual conscience, all eager to make war on one another, and perpetuating that anarchy of beliefs which is the sole true cause of the social and political disturbances that torment the peoples of Europe".<ref>Mazzini, Giuseppe (1862). ''The Duties of Man'' (reprint ed.). London: Chapman & Hall. p. 52. {{ISBN|9781421268194}}.</ref>

===Thought and action===
Mazzini rejected the concept of the "rights of man" which had developed during the Age of Enlightenment, arguing instead that individual rights were a duty to be won through hard work, sacrifice and virtue, rather than "[[rights]]" which were intrinsically owed to man. Mazzini outlined his thought in his ''Doveri dell'uomo'' ("Duties of Man"), published in 1860. Similarly, Mazzini formulated a concept known as "thought and action" in which thought and action must be joined together and every thought must be followed by action, therefore rejecting [[intellectualism]] and the notion of divorcing theory from practice.<ref name="Paul Schumaker 2010 p. 58">Schumaker, Paul (2010). ''The Political Theory Reader'' (illustrated ed.). Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 58. {{ISBN|9781405189972}}.</ref>

===Women's rights===
In "Duties of Man", Mazzini called for recognition of [[women's rights]]. After his many encounters with political philosophers in England, France and across Europe, Mazzini had decided that the principle of equality between men and women was fundamental to building a truly democratic Italian nation. He called for the end of women's social and judicial subordination to men. Mazzini's vigorous position heightened attention to gender among European thinkers who were already considering democracy and nationalism. He helped intellectuals see women's rights not merely as a peripheral topic, but rather as a fundamental goal necessary for the regeneration of old nations and the rebirth of new ones.<ref>Falchi, Federica (2012). "Democrazia e questione femminile nel pensiero di Giuseppe Mazzini" ["Democracy and the Rights of Women in the Thinking of Giuseppe Mazzini"]. ''Modern Italy''. '''17''' (1): 15–30. {{doi|10.1080/13532944.2012.640424}}.</ref> Mazzini admired [[Jessie White Mario]], who was described by [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] as the "Bravest Woman of Modern Time". Mario joined Garibaldi's [[Redshirts (Italy)|Redshirts]] for the 1859–1860 campaign during the [[Second Italian War of Independence]]. As a correspondent for the ''Daily News'', she witnessed almost every fight that had brought on the unification of Italy.<ref>[https://www.newspapers.com/clip/25083191/bravest_woman_of_modern_times_jessie/ "Bravest Woman of Modern Times, Jessie White Mario"]. ''The Pittsburgh Gazette''. 13 April 1906. p. 13. Retrieved 2 September 2020.</ref>