Editing Anglo-Irish Treaty (section)

==Outcome==
[[File:British cavalry regiment leaving Ireland 1922.jpg|thumb|British cavalry soldiers leaving Ireland, 1922|232x232px]]
The split over the treaty led to the [[Irish Civil War]] (1922–23). In 1922, its two main Irish signatories, Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, both died. Birkenhead reportedly said on signing the treaty: "Mr Collins, in signing this Treaty I'm signing my political death warrant", to which Collins is said to have replied, "Lord Birkenhead, I'm signing my actual death warrant."<ref>{{cite book|last=Furneaux Smith|first=Eleanor|title=Life's a circus|year=1940|publisher=Doubleday, Doran & Company, Inc.|pages=142|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AXxmAAAAMAAJ&q=Lord+Birkenhead,+I%27m+signing+my+death-+warrant|author-link=Eleanor Smith (writer)|access-date=16 October 2015|archive-date=16 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210416075622/https://books.google.com/books?id=AXxmAAAAMAAJ&q=Lord+Birkenhead,+I%27m+signing+my+death-+warrant|url-status=live}}</ref> Collins was killed by anti-treaty republicans in an ambush at [[Béal na Bláth]] in August 1922, ten days after Griffith's death from heart failure which was ascribed to exhaustion. Both men were replaced in their posts by [[W. T. Cosgrave]]. Two of the other members of the delegation, Robert Barton and Erskine Childers, sided against the treaty in the civil war. Childers, head of anti-treaty propaganda in the conflict, was executed by the free state for possession of a pistol in November 1922.

The treaty's provisions relating to the monarch, the governor-general, and the treaty's own superiority in law were all deleted from the Constitution of the Irish Free State in 1932, following the enactment of the [[Statute of Westminster 1931|Statute of Westminster]] by the British Parliament. By this statute, the British Parliament had voluntarily relinquished its ability to legislate on behalf of dominions without their consent. Thus, the Government of the Irish Free State was free to change any laws previously passed by the British Parliament on their behalf.{{citation needed|date=September 2020}}

<!---Discussion of the 1937 constitution belongs in another article--->
Nearly 10 years earlier, Michael Collins had argued that the treaty would give "the freedom to achieve freedom". De Valera himself acknowledged the accuracy of this claim both in his actions in the 1930s but also in words he used to describe his opponents and their securing of independence during the 1920s. "They were magnificent", he told his son in 1932, just after he had entered government and read the files left by Cosgrave's [[Cumann na nGaedheal]] Executive Council.{{Citation needed|date=September 2020}}

Although the British Government of the day had, since 1914, desired [[home rule]] for the whole of Ireland, the British Parliament believed that it could not possibly grant complete independence to all of Ireland in 1921 without provoking huge sectarian violence between overwhelmingly Protestant Irish Unionists and overwhelmingly Catholic Irish Nationalists.{{Citation needed|date=April 2020}} At the time, although there were Unionists throughout the country, they were concentrated in the north-east and their parliament first sat on 7 June 1921. An uprising by them against home rule would have been an insurrection against the "mother county" as well as a civil war in Ireland. (See [[Ulster Volunteers]].) Dominion status for 26 counties, with partition for the six counties that the Unionists felt they could comfortably control, seemed the best compromise possible at the time.

In fact, what Ireland received in dominion status, on par with that enjoyed by Canada, New Zealand and Australia, was far more than the [[Government of Ireland Act 1914|Home Rule Act 1914]], and certainly a considerable advance on the [[home rule]] once offered to [[Charles Stewart Parnell]] in the nineteenth century albeit at the cost of the exclusion of Northern Ireland. Even de Valera's proposals made in secret during the Treaty Debates differed very little in essential matters from the accepted text, and were far short of the autonomous 32-county republic that he publicly claimed to pursue.<ref>[http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/DT/D.P.A.170001.html De Valera's 2 proposals publicised on 10 January 1922] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120218222359/http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/DT/D.P.A.170001.html |date=18 February 2012 }}</ref>

The solution that was agreed had also been on Lloyd George's mind for years. He met [[Tim Healy (politician)|Tim Healy]], a senior barrister and former nationalist MP, in late 1919 to consider his options. Healy wrote to his brother on 11 December 1919: "Lloyd George said that, if he could get support for a plan whereby the six counties would be left as they are, he would be ready to give the rest of the country Dominion Home Rule, free from Imperial taxation, and with control of the Customs and Excise."<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.chaptersofdublin.com/books/THealy/healy43.htm |title=Chapter 43 of Healy's memoirs published in 1928 |access-date=4 August 2008 |archive-date=17 November 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071117225625/http://www.chaptersofdublin.com/books/THealy/healy43.htm |url-status=usurped }}</ref> Healy considered that the idea had foundered on de Valera's insistence on having an all-Ireland republic, months before the war of independence became seriously violent in mid-1920.

Lloyd George had supported the [[Government of Ireland Bill 1893|1893 Home Rule Bill]] and the slow process of the [[Government of Ireland Act 1914|1914 Home Rule Act]], and liaised with the [[Irish Convention]] members in 1917–18. By 1921 his coalition government depended on a [[1918 United Kingdom general election#Seats summary|large Conservative majority]], and collapsed during the [[Chanak Crisis|Chanak crisis]] in October 1922.