Editing San Remo conference (section)

==Subsequent events==
{{see also|Mandate for Palestine}}
 	
[[File:Zionist Rejoicings. British Mandate For Palestine Welcomed, The Times, Monday, Apr 26, 1920.png|thumb|right|"Zionist Rejoicings. British Mandate For Palestine Welcomed", The Times, Monday, 26 April 1920, following conclusion of the conference.]]
While Transjordan was not mentioned during the discussions,{{sfn|Biger|2004|p=173}} three months later, in July 1920, the French defeat of the [[Arab Kingdom of Syria]] state precipitated the British need to know 'what is the "Syria" for which the French received a mandate at San Remo?' and "does it include Transjordania?"{{refn|1=Hubert Young to Ambassador Hardinge (Paris), 27 July 1920, FO 371/5254, cited in {{harvtxt|Wilson|1988|p=44}}}} – it subsequently decided to pursue a policy of associating Transjordan with the mandated area of Palestine but not to apply the special provisions which were intended to provide a national home for the Jewish people West of the Jordan{{efn|group=lower-alpha|1={{harvtxt|Karsh|Karsh|2001}} A telegram from Earl Curzon to Sir Herbert Samuel, dated 6 August 1920 stated: "I suggest that you should let it be known forthwith that in the area south of the Sykes-Picot line, we will not admit French authority and that our policy for this area to be independent but in closest relations with Palestine;" (in Rohan Butler et al., Documents of British Foreign Policy, 1919–1939, first series volume XIII London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1963, p. 331.) Karsh writes that at the same time Curzon wrote to [[Robert Vansittart, 1st Baron Vansittart|Vansittart]], stating: "His Majesty's Government are already treating 'Trans-Jordania' as separate from the Damascus State, while at the same time avoiding any definite connection between it and Palestine, thus leaving the way open for the establishment there, should it become advisable, of some form of independent Arab government, perhaps by arrangement with King Hussein or other Arab chiefs concerned."}}{{efn|group=lower-alpha|1={{harvtxt|Wilson|1988|p=44}} Since the end of the war the territory north of Ma'an had been ruled by Damascus as a province of Faysal's Kingdom of Syria. Although it fell within the British zone according to the Sykes-Picot agreement, Britain was content with the arrangement because it favoured Arab rule in the interior and Faysal was, after all, British protege. However, when France occupied Damascus the picture changed dramatically. Britain did not want to see France extend its control southward to the borders of Palestine and closer to the Suez Canal.... It suddenly became important to know 'what is the "Syria" for which the French received a mandate at San Remo?' and 'does it include Transjordania?'... The British foreign secretary, Lord Curzon, decided that it did not and that Britain henceforth would regard the area as independent, but in 'closest relation' with Palestine.}}{{efn|group=lower-alpha|1={{harvtxt|Wilson|1988|pp=46–48}} Samuel then organised a meeting of Transjordanian leaders at Salt on 21 August, at which he would announce British plans... On 20 August Samuel and a few political officers left Jerusalem by car, headed for the Jordan river, the frontier of British territory at that time. ‘It is an entirely irregular proceeding,’ he noted, ‘my going outside my own jurisdiction into a country which was Faisal's, and is still being administered by the Damascus Government, now under French influence. But it is equally irregular for a government under French influence to be exercising functions in territory which is agreed to be within the British sphere: and of the two irregularities I prefer mine.’... The meeting, held in the courtyard of the Catholic church, was attended by about 600 people..... Sentence by sentence his speech describing British policy was translated into Arabic: political officers would be stationed in towns to help organise local governments; Transjordan would not come under Palestinian administration; there would be no conscription and no disarmament......On balance, Samuel's statement of policy was unobjectionable. Three things feared by the Arabs of Transjordan – conscription, disarmament, and annexation by Palestine – were abjured.... The presence of a few British agents, unsupported by troops, seemed a small concession in return for the protection Britain's presence would afford against the French, who, it was feared, might press their occupation southward... Samuel returned to Jerusalem well pleased with the success of his mission. He left behind several officers to see to the administration of Transjordan and the maintenance of British influence.}}{{efn|group=lower-alpha|1={{harvtxt|Wasserstein|2003|pp=105–106}} "Palestine, therefore, was not partitioned in 1921–1922. Transjordan was not excised but, on the contrary, added to the mandatory area. Zionism was barred from seeking to expand there – but the Balfour Declaration had never previously applied to the area east of the Jordan. Why is this important? Because the myth of Palestine's 'first partition' has become part of the concept of 'Greater Israel' and of the ideology of Jabotinsky's Revisionist movement."}} – and the French proclaimed [[Greater Lebanon]] and [[French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon|other component states of its Syrian mandate]] on 31 August 1920.
For France, the San Remo decision meant that most of its claims in Syria were internationally recognized and relations with Faisal were now subject to French military and economic considerations. The ability of Great Britain to limit French action was also significantly diminished.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-13974397.html|title=France in Syria: the abolition of the Sharifian government, April–July 1920. Middle Eastern Studies &#124; HighBeam Research |date=27 February 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110227231928/http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-13974397.html |archive-date=27 February 2011 }}</ref> France issued an ultimatum and intervened militarily at the [[Battle of Maysalun]] in July 1920, deposing the Arab government and removing King Faisal from Damascus in August 1920. In 1920, Great Britain appointed [[Herbert Samuel, 1st Viscount Samuel]] as high commissioner and established a mandatory government in Palestine that remained in power until 1948.<ref>{{Cite journal|url=https://academic.oup.com/ehr/article/XCI/CCCLXI/753/427976|title=Herbert Samuel and the Palestine problem|first=Bernard|last=Wasserstein|date=1 October 1976|journal=The English Historical Review|volume=XCI|issue=CCCLXI|pages=753–775|via=academic.oup.com|doi=10.1093/ehr/XCI.CCCLXI.753}}</ref>

Article 22 of the [[Covenant of the League of Nations|League of Nations Covenant]], which contained the general rules to be applied to all [[League of Nations mandate|Mandated Territories]], was written two months before the signing of the Versaille Peace Treaty. It was not known at that time to which territories paragraphs 4, 5 and 6 would relate. The territories which came under the regime set up by this article were three former parts of the Ottoman Empire and seven former overseas possessions of Germany referred to in Part IV, Section I, of the treaty of peace. Those 10 territorial areas were originally administered under 15 mandates.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1919Parisv13&isize=M&submit=Go+to+page&page=94|title=FRUS: Papers relating to the foreign relations of the United States, The Paris Peace Conference, 1919: I: The treaty of peace between the Allied and Associated Powers and Germany, signed at Versailles, June 28, 1919|website=digicoll.library.wisc.edu}}</ref>