Editing Marcus Junius Brutus (section)

==Assassination of Julius Caesar==
{{main|Assassination of Julius Caesar}}
[[File:Vincenzo Camuccini - La morte di Cesare.jpg|thumb|''Death of Caesar'' (1804–05) by [[Vincenzo Camuccini]].]]
[[File:Jean-Léon Gérôme - The Death of Caesar - Walters 37884.jpg|thumb|''[[The Death of Caesar (Gérôme)|The Death of Caesar]]'' (1867) by [[Jean-Léon Gérôme]].]]
There are various different traditions describing the way in which Brutus arrived to the decision to assassinate Caesar. Plutarch, Appian, and Cassius Dio, all writing in the imperial period, focused on peer pressure and Brutus' perceived philosophical duty to his country and his family's reputation.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=84}}

=== Conspiracy ===
By autumn 45, public opinion of Caesar was starting to sour: Plutarch, Appian, and Dio all reported graffiti glorifying Brutus' ancestor Lucius Junius Brutus, panning Caesar's kingly ambitions, and derogatory comments made to Marcus Junius Brutus in Rome's open-air courts that he was failing to live up to his ancestors.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=86}} Dio reports this public support came from the people of Rome; Plutarch however has the graffiti created by elites to shame Brutus into action.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=87}} Regardless of the specific impetus, modern historians believe that at least some portion of popular opinion had turned against Caesar by early 44.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=87}}

Caesar deposed two [[plebeian tribunes]] in late January 44 for removing a crown from one of his statues; this attack on the tribunes undermined one of his main arguments – defending the rights of the tribunes – for going to civil war in 49.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=81}} In February 44, Caesar thrice rejected a crown from [[Marcus Antonius]] to cheering crowds,{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=81}} but later accepted the title ''dictator perpetuo'', which in Latin translated either to dictator for life or as dictator for an undetermined term.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=82}}

Cicero also wrote letters asking Brutus to reconsider his association with Caesar.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=87–88}} Cassius Dio claims that Brutus' wife Porcia spurred Brutus' conspiracy, but evidence is unclear as to the extent of her influence.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=89–90}} [[Gaius Cassius Longinus]], also one of the praetors for that year and a former legate of Caesar's,{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=82}} also was involved in the formation of the conspiracy. Plutarch has Brutus approach Cassius at his wife's urging, while Appian and Dio have Cassius approaching Brutus (and in Dio, Cassius does so after opposing further honours for Caesar publicly).{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=91}}

The extent of Caesar's control over the political system also stymied the ambitions of many aristocrats of Brutus' generation: Caesar's dictatorship precluded many of the avenues for success which Romans recognised. The reduction of the senate to a rubber stamp ended political discussion in Caesar's senate; there was no longer any room for anyone to shape policy except by convincing Caesar; political success became a grant of Caesar's rather than something won competitively from the people.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=93}} The Platonian philosophical tradition, of which Brutus was an active writer and thinker, also emphasised a duty to restore justice and to overthrow tyrants.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=95–99}}

Regardless of how the conspiracy was initially formed, Brutus and Cassius, along with Brutus' cousin and close ally of Caesar's, [[Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus|Decimus Junius Brutus]], started to recruit to the conspiracy in late February 44.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=97–98}} They recruited men including [[Gaius Trebonius]], [[Publius Servilius Casca]], [[Servius Sulpicius Galba (praetor 54 BC)|Servius Sulpicius Galba]], and others.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=98}} There was a discussion late in the conspiracy as to whether Antony should be killed, which Brutus forcefully rejected: Plutarch says Brutus thought Antony could be turned to the tyrannicides; Appian says Brutus thought of the optics of purging the Caesarian elite rather than only removing a tyrant.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=99}}

Various plans were proposed – an ambush on the ''[[via sacra]]'', an attack at the elections, or killing at a gladiator match – eventually, however, the conspiracy settled on a senate meeting on the Ides of March.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=99–100}} The specific date carried symbolic importance, as consuls until the mid-2nd century BC had assumed their offices on that day (instead of early January).{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=100}} The reasons for choosing the Ides are unclear: [[Nicolaus of Damascus]] (writing in the Augustan period) assumed that a senate meeting would isolate Caesar from support; Appian reports on the possibility of other senators coming to the assassins' aid. Both possibilities "are unlikely" due to Caesar's expansion of the senate and the low number of conspirators relative to the whole senate body.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=100}} More likely is Dio's suggestion that a senate meeting would give the conspirators a tactical advantage as, by smuggling weapons, only the conspirators would be armed.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=100}}

=== Ides of March ===
The ancient sources embellish the Ides with omens ignored, soothsayers spurned, and notes to Caesar spilling the conspiracy unread, all contributing to the dramatic and tragic propagandic stories of Caesar's death.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=100}} The specific implementation of the conspiracy had Trebonius detain Antony – then serving as co-consul with Caesar – outside the senate house; Caesar was then stabbed to death almost immediately.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=101}} The specific details of the assassination vary between authors: Nicolaus of Damascus reports some eighty conspirators, Appian only listed fifteen, the number of wounds on Caesar ranges from twenty-three to thirty-five.<ref>{{harvnb|Tempest|2017|pp=3–4}}, citing at {{harvnb|Tempest|2017|p=261 n. 1}} the various ancient accounts: Nic. Dam., 58–106; Plut. ''Caes.'', 60–68; {{harvnb|Plut. ''Brut.''|loc=8–20}}; Suet. ''Iul.'', 76–85; App. ''B Civ.'', 2.106–147; Cass. Dio, 44.9–19.</ref>

Plutarch reports that Caesar yielded to the attack after seeing Brutus' participation; Dio reported that Caesar shouted in Greek [[Last words of Julius Caesar|''kai su teknon'']] ("You too, child?").{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=3}} Suetonius' account, however, also cites [[Lucius Cornelius Balbus (consul 40 BC)|Lucius Cornelius Balbus]], a friend of Caesar's, as saying that the dictator fell in silence,<ref>{{harvnb|Tempest|2017|p=101}}, citing Suet. ''Iul.'', 81–82.</ref> with the possibility that Caesar spoke ''kai su teknon'' as a postscript.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=102}} As dramatic death quotes were a staple of Roman literature, the historicity of the quote is unclear. The use of ''kai su'', however, indicates the possibility of a curse, per classicists James Russell and Jeffrey Tatum.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=103}}

Immediately after Caesar's death, senators fled the chaos. None attempted to aid Caesar or to move his body. Cicero reported that Caesar fell at the foot of the statue of Pompey.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=107}} His body was only moved after night fell, carried home to Caesar's wife [[Calpurnia (wife of Caesar)|Calpurnia]].{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=107}} The conspirators travelled to the [[Capitoline Hill]]; Caesar's deputy in the dictatorship, [[Marcus Aemilius Lepidus (triumvir)|Marcus Aemilius Lepidus]], moved a legion of troops from the Tiber Island into the city and surrounded the forum.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=108}} Suetonius reports that Brutus and Cassius initially planned to seize Caesar's property and revoke his decrees, but stalled out of fear of Lepidus and Antony.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=108}}

Before Lepidus' troops arrived to the forum, Brutus spoke before the people in a ''contio''. The text of that speech is lost. Dio says the ''liberatores'' promoted their support of democracy and liberty and told the people not to expect harm; Appian says the ''liberatores'' merely congratulated each other and recommended the recall of [[Sextus Pompey]] and the tribunes Caesar had recently deposed.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=109}} The support of the people was tepid, even though other speeches followed supporting the tyrannicide. [[Publius Cornelius Dolabella (consul 44 BC)|Publius Cornelius Dolabella]], who was to become consul in a few days on the 18th, decided immediately to assume the consulship illegally, expressed his support of Brutus and Cassius before the people, and joined the ''liberatores'' on the Capitoline.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=110}}

Cicero urged the tyrannicides to call a meeting of the senate to gather its support; but instead Brutus sent a delegation to the Caesarians, asking for a negotiated settlement.  This may have been due to family connections: Lepidus was married to one of Brutus' sisters; or perhaps Brutus believed that Antony could be won over.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=110}} The Caesarians delayed for a day, moving troops and gathering weapons and supplies for a possible conflict.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=110}}

After Caesar's death, Dio reports a series of prodigies and miraculous occurrences which are "self-evidently fantastic" and likely fictitious.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=106}} Some of the supposed prodigies did in fact occur, but were actually unrelated to Caesar's death: Cicero's statue was knocked over but only in the next year, [[Mt Etna]] in Sicily did erupt but not contemporaneously, a comet was seen in the sky but only months later.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=106}}

=== Settlement ===
The initial plan from Brutus and Cassius seems to have been to establish a period of calm and then to work towards a general reconciliation.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=113}} While the Caesarians had troops near the capital at hand, the ''liberatores'' were soon to assume control of vast provincial holdings in the east which would provide them, within the year, with large armies and resources.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=112–113}} Seeing that the military situation was initially problematic, the ''liberatores'' decided then to ratify Caesar's decrees so that they could hold on to their magistracies and provincial assignments to protect themselves and rebuild the republican front.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=113}}

Cicero acted as an honest broker and hammered out a compromise solution: general amnesty for the assassins, ratification of Caesar's acts and appointments for the next two years, and guarantees to Caesar's veterans that they would receive their promised land grants. Caesar also was to receive a public funeral.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=114}} If the settlement had held, there would have been a general resumption of the republic: Decimus would go to Gaul that year and be confirmed as consul in 42, where he would then hold elections for 41.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=114}} The people celebrated the reconciliation but some of the hard-core Caesarians were convinced that civil war would follow.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=114–115}}

Caesar's funeral occurred on 20 March, with a rousing speech by Antony mourning the dictator and energising opposition against the tyrannicides. Various ancient sources report that the crowd set the senate house on fire and started a witch-hunt for the tyrannicides, but these may have been spurious embellishments added by Livy, according to T P Wiseman.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=119}} Contrary to what is reported by Plutarch, the assassins stayed in Rome for a few weeks after the funeral until April 44, indicating some support among the population for the tyrannicides.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=119–120}} A person calling himself Marius, claiming he was a descendant of [[Gaius Marius]], started a plan to ambush Brutus and Cassius. Brutus, as urban praetor in charge of the city's courts, was able to get a special dispensation to leave the capital for more than 10 days, and he withdrew to one of his estates in Lanuvium, 20 miles south-east of Rome.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=116–117}} This fake Marius, for his threats to the tyrannicides (and to Antony's political base), was executed by being thrown from the [[Tarpeian Rock]] in mid- or late April.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=124}} Dolabella, the other consul, acting on his own initiative, took down an altar and column dedicated to Caesar.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=124}}

By early May, Brutus was considering exile. Octavian's arrival, along with the fake Marius, caused Antony to lose some of the support of his veterans, he responded by touring Campania – officially to settle Caesar's veterans – but actually to buttress military support.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=126–127}} Dolabella at this time was on the side of the ''liberatores'' and also was the only consul at Rome; Antony's brother Lucius Antonius helped Octavian to announce publicly that he was to fulfil the conditions of Caesar's will,{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=127}} handing an enormous amount of wealth to the citizenry. Brutus also wrote a number of speeches disseminated to the public defending his actions, emphasising how Caesar had invaded Rome, killed prominent citizens, and suppressed the popular sovereignty of the people.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=129}}

By mid-May, Antony started on designs against Decimus Brutus' governorship in Cisalpine Gaul. He bypassed the senate and took the matter to the popular assemblies in June and enacted the reassignment of the Gallic province by law. At the same time, he proposed reassigning Brutus and Cassius from their provinces to instead purchase grain in Asia and Sicily.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=132}} There was a meeting at Brutus' house attended by Cicero, Brutus and Cassius (and wives), and Brutus' mother, in which Cassius announced his intention to go to Syria while Brutus wanted to return to Rome, but ended up going to Greece.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=133}} His initial plan to go to Rome, however, was to put on games in early July commemorating his ancestor Lucius Junius Brutus and promoting his cause; he instead delegated the games to a friend.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|pp=134–135}} Octavian also held games commemorating Caesar late in the month; around this time also, the ''liberatores'' started to prepare in earnest for civil war.{{sfn|Tempest|2017|p=137}}