Editing Lord Mountbatten (section)

== Viceroy of India ==
{{main|Partition of India}}
Mountbatten's experience in the region and in particular his perceived [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour]] sympathies at that time, alongside his wife's longstanding friendship and collaboration with [[V. K. Krishna Menon]], led to Menon putting forth Mountbatten's name alone as a viceregal candidate acceptable to the [[Indian National Congress]], in clandestine meetings with Sir [[Stafford Cripps]] and [[Clement Attlee]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ganguly |first=Sumit |date=February 2021 |title=A Chequered Brilliance: The Many Lives of V. K. Krishna Menon. By Jairam Ramesh. New Delhi: Penguin Random House India, 2019. 744 pp. ISBN: 9780670092321 (cloth). |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820003964 |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |volume=80 |issue=1 |pages=220–221 |doi=10.1017/s0021911820003964 |s2cid=234076753 |issn=0021-9118}}</ref> Attlee advised [[King George VI]] to appoint Mountbatten [[Viceroy of India]] on 20 February 1947<ref>{{harvp|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=40}}.</ref><ref>{{London Gazette|issue=37916|date=25 March 1947|page=1399}}</ref> charged with overseeing the transition of British India to independence no later than 30 June 1948. Mountbatten's instructions were to avoid partition and preserve a united India as a result of the [[Indian Independence Act 1947|transfer of power]] but authorised him to adapt to a changing situation in order to get Britain out promptly with minimal reputational damage.<ref name=Ziegler359>{{harvp|Ziegler|1985|p=359}}.</ref><ref>{{harvp|Jalal|1994|p=250}}: "These instructions were to avoid partition and obtain an unitary government for British India and the Indian States and at the same time observe the pledges to the princes and the Muslims; to secure agreement to the [[Cabinet Mission]] plan without coercing any of the parties; somehow to keep the Indian army undivided, and to retain India within the [[Commonwealth of Nations|Commonwealth]]. (Attlee to Mountbatten, 18&nbsp;March 1947, ibid,&nbsp;972–974)"</ref>

Mountbatten arrived in India on 22 March by air, from [[London]]. In the evening, he was taken to [[Rashtrapati Bhavan|his residence]] and two days later, he took the Viceregal oath. His arrival saw large-scale communal riots in [[Delhi]], [[Bombay]] and [[1947 Rawalpindi massacres|Rawalpindi]]. Mountbatten concluded that the situation was too volatile to wait even a year before granting independence to India. Although his advisers favoured a gradual transfer of independence, Mountbatten decided the only way forward was a quick and orderly transfer of power before 1947 was out. In his view, any longer would mean civil war.<ref name="White2012">{{harvp|White|2012|p=428}}.</ref> Mountbatten also hurried so he could return to the Royal Navy.<ref>{{harvp|Wolpert|2006|p=130}}</ref><ref name="SarJinna">{{harvp|Sardesai|2007|pp=309–313}}.</ref>

{{multiple image|right|image1=Mountbatten visiting Sardar.jpg|caption1=Lord and Lady Mountbatten at [[Mussoorie]] with Congress leader [[Sardar Patel]], his daughter [[Manibehn Patel]] and Nehru in the background|image2=Mountbattens with Gandhi (IND 5298).jpg|caption2=Lord and Lady Mountbatten with [[Mahatma Gandhi]], 1947}}
Mountbatten was fond of [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] leader [[Jawaharlal Nehru]] and his liberal outlook for the country, and, through the efforts of their close mutual friend, [[Krishna Menon]], developed a certain depth of feeling and intimacy with Nehru that was shared by his wife, Edwina. He felt differently about the [[All India Muslim League|Muslim League]] leader [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]], but was aware of his power, stating "If it could be said that any single man held the future of India in the palm of his hand in 1947, that man was Mohammad Ali Jinnah."<ref name="SarJinna"/> During his meeting with Jinnah on 5 April 1947,<ref>{{harvp|Wolpert|2006|p=141}}.</ref> Mountbatten tried to persuade him of a united India, citing the difficult task of dividing the mixed states of [[Punjab Province (British India)|Punjab]] and [[Bengal Presidency|Bengal]], but the Muslim leader was unyielding in his goal of establishing a [[Muslim nationalism in South Asia|separate Muslim state]] [[Pakistan Movement|called Pakistan]].<ref>{{harvp|Greenberg|2005|p=89}}</ref>

[[File:Lord Mountbatten meets Nehru, Jinnah and other Leaders to plan Partition of India.jpg|thumb|left|Mountbatten meeting with [[Jawaharlal Nehru]] (left) and [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]] (right) in discussing the partition of British India, 1947.]]
Given the British government's recommendations to grant independence quickly, Mountbatten concluded that a united India was an unachievable goal and resigned himself to a plan for partition, creating the independent nations of India and Pakistan.<ref name="Zuckerman"/> Mountbatten set a date for the transfer of power from the British to the Indians, arguing that a fixed timeline would convince Indians of his and the British government's sincerity in working towards a swift and efficient independence, excluding all possibilities of stalling the process.<ref name=Ziegler355>{{harvp|Ziegler|1985|p=355}}.</ref>

{{multiple image
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 | image1 = Mountbatten Proposed Flag of India.svg
 | alt1 =
 | caption1 = Mountbatten's proposed flag for India, consisting of the flag of the Indian National Congress [[Defacement (flag)|defaced]] with a Union Jack in the canton. It was rejected by Nehru, as he felt that the more extremist members of Congress would see the inclusion of the Union Jack on an Indian flag as pandering to the British.<ref name="crwflags1996">{{cite web |url=https://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/in!.html |title=Indian Flag Proposals |author=Dipesh Navsaria |date=27 July 1996 |work=Flags of the World |access-date=14 March 2020 |archive-date=31 May 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230531044153/https://crwflags.com/fotw/flags/in!.html |url-status=live }}</ref>
 | image2 = Mountbatten Proposed Flag of Pakistan.svg
 | alt2 =
 | caption2 = Mountbatten's proposed flag for Pakistan, consisting of the flag of the Muslim League [[Defacement (flag)|defaced]] with a Union Jack in the canton. It was rejected by Jinnah, as he felt that a flag featuring a Christian Cross alongside the Islamic Crescent would be unacceptable to the Muslims of Pakistan.<ref name="crwflags1996"/>
}}
Among the Indian leaders, [[Mahatma Gandhi]] emphatically insisted on maintaining a [[Opposition to the Partition of India|united India]] and for a while successfully rallied people to this goal. During his meeting with Mountbatten, Gandhi asked Mountbatten to invite Jinnah to form a new central government, but Mountbatten never uttered a word of Gandhi's ideas to Jinnah.<ref>{{harvp|Wolpert|2006|p=139}}.</ref> When Mountbatten's timeline offered the prospect of attaining independence soon, sentiments took a different turn. Given Mountbatten's determination, Nehru and [[Sardar Patel]]'s inability to deal with the Muslim League and, lastly, Jinnah's obstinacy, all [[List of political parties in India|Indian party leaders]] (except Gandhi) acquiesced to Jinnah's plan to divide India,<ref name=Ziegler373>{{harvp|Ziegler|1985|p=373}}.</ref> which in turn eased Mountbatten's task. Mountbatten also developed a strong relationship with the [[Princely state|Indian princes]], who ruled those portions of India not directly under British rule. His intervention was decisive in persuading the vast majority of them to see advantages in opting to join the [[Dominion of India|Indian Union]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://indianexpress.com/article/research/how-vallabhbhai-patel-v-p-menon-and-mountbatten-unified-india-4915468/|title=How Vallabhbhai Patel, V P Menon and Mountbatten unified India|date=31 October 2017|access-date=19 August 2019|archive-date=15 December 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221215161435/https://indianexpress.com/article/research/how-vallabhbhai-patel-v-p-menon-and-mountbatten-unified-india-4915468/|url-status=live}}</ref> On one hand, the integration of the princely states can be viewed as one of the positive aspects of his legacy<ref>{{harvp|Guha|2008|p=57}}.</ref> but on the other, the refusal of [[Hyderabad State|Hyderabad]], [[Jammu and Kashmir (princely state)|Jammu and Kashmir]], and [[Junagadh State|Junagadh]] to join one of the dominions led to future [[Indo-Pakistani wars and conflicts|wars]] between Pakistan and India.<ref>{{harvp|Stoessinger|2010|p=185}}.</ref>

Mountbatten brought forward the date of the partition from June 1948 to 15 August 1947.<ref>{{harvp|Talbot|Singh|2009|p= xvii}}.</ref> The uncertainty of the borders caused [[Islam in South Asia|Muslims]] and [[Hindus]] to move into the direction where they felt they would get the majority. Hindus and Muslims were thoroughly terrified, and the Muslim movement from the East was balanced by the similar movement of Hindus from the West.<ref>{{harvp|Khan|2007|pp=100–101}}.</ref> A boundary committee chaired by [[Sir Cyril Radcliffe]] was charged with drawing boundaries for the new nations. With a mandate to leave as many Hindus and [[Sikhs]] in India and as many Muslims in Pakistan as possible, Radcliffe came up with a map that split the two countries along the Punjab and Bengal borders. This left 14&nbsp;million people on the "wrong" side of the border, and very many of them fled to "safety" on the other side when the new lines were announced.<ref name=White2012/><ref>{{Harvp|Hodson|1980|pp=102–106}}</ref>

=== Independence of India and Pakistan ===
[[File:Lord Mountbatten swears in Jawaharlal Nehru as the first Prime Minister of free India on Aug 15, 1947.jpg|thumb|left|Mountbatten with [[Jawaharlal Nehru]], the first Prime Minister of sovereign India, in Government House. Lady Mountbatten is standing to their left.]]
When India and Pakistan attained independence at midnight of 14–15 August 1947, Mountbatten was alone in his study at the Viceroy's house saying to himself just before the clock struck midnight that for still a few minutes, he was the most powerful man on Earth. At 12 am, as a last act of showmanship, he created [[Joan Falkiner]], the Australian wife of the Nawab of [[Palanpur State|Palanpur]], a highness, an act that was apparently one of his favourite duties that was annulled at the stroke of midnight.<ref>{{harvp|Tunzelmann|2007|p=4}}</ref>

[[File:Mountbatten Jinnah.jpg|thumb|left|Lord and Lady Mountbatten with [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]].]]
Notwithstanding the self-promotion of his own part in Indian independence&nbsp;– notably in the television series ''The Life and Times of Admiral of the Fleet Lord Mountbatten of Burma'', produced by his son-in-law [[John Knatchbull, 7th&nbsp;Baron Brabourne|Lord Brabourne]], and ''[[Freedom at Midnight]]'' by [[Dominique Lapierre]] and [[Larry Collins (writer)|Larry Collins]] (of which he was the main quoted source)&nbsp;– his record is seen as very mixed. One common view is that he hastened the process of independence unduly and recklessly, foreseeing vast disruption and loss of life and not wanting this to occur on his watch, but thereby actually helping it to occur (albeit in an indirect manner), especially in Punjab and Bengal.<ref>See, e.g., {{harvp|Wolpert|2006}}.</ref> [[John Kenneth Galbraith]], the Canadian-American [[Harvard University]] economist, who advised governments of India during the 1950s and was an intimate of Nehru who served as the American ambassador from 1961 to 1963, was a particularly harsh critic of Mountbatten in this regard.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.windsorscottish.com/pl-lp-jkgalbraith.php |title=People: Scots of Windsor's Past |publisher=Windsor's Scottish Heritage |access-date=20 September 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120809005357/http://www.windsorscottish.com/pl-lp-jkgalbraith.php |archive-date=9 August 2012 }}</ref> However, another view is that the British were forced to expedite the partition process to avoid involvement in a potential civil war with law and order having already broken down and Britain with limited resources after the Second World War.<ref name="Lawrence p 72">Lawrence J. Butler, 2002, ''Britain and Empire: Adjusting to a Post-Imperial World'', p. 72</ref><ref>Ronald Hyam, ''Britain's Declining Empire: The Road to Decolonisation, 1918–1968'', p. 113; Cambridge University Press, {{ISBN|0-521-86649-9}}, 2007</ref> According to historian Lawrence James, Mountbatten was left with no other option but to cut and run, with the alternative being involvement in a potential civil war that would be difficult to get out of.<ref name="Lawrence p 72"/>

The creation of Pakistan was never emotionally accepted by many British leaders, among them Mountbatten.<ref>{{harvp|McGrath|1996|p=38}}</ref> Mountbatten clearly expressed his lack of support and faith in the [[All-India Muslim League|Muslim League]]'s idea of Pakistan.<ref>{{harvp|Ahmed|1997|p=136}}</ref> [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah|Jinnah]] refused Mountbatten's offer to serve as [[Governor-General of Pakistan]].<ref>{{harvp|Wolpert|2006|page=163}}</ref> When Mountbatten was asked by Collins and Lapierre if he would have sabotaged the creation of Pakistan had he known that Jinnah was dying of [[tuberculosis]], he replied, "Most probably".<ref>{{harvp|Ahmed|1997|p=209}}</ref>

===Governor-General of India===

Mountbatten became the first [[Governor-General of India|Governor-General of independent India]] on 15 August 1947 upon the request of Indian Prime Minister [[Jawaharlal Nehru]]. ''[[Life (magazine)|Life]]'' magazine noted on his reception in India that, "The people gathered in the streets to cheer Mountbatten as no European had ever been cheered before."<ref name="Time Inc">{{cite book | title=LIFE | date=8 September 1947 | publisher=Time Inc | issn=0024-3019 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MEIEAAAAMBAJ | page=39 | access-date=15 March 2024 | archive-date=8 March 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230308032354/https://books.google.com/books?id=MEIEAAAAMBAJ | url-status=live }}</ref>

During his reign as governor-general until 21 June 1948, he played a significant role in the [[political integration of India]] and persuaded many [[princely states]] to join India.<ref name="Sanajaoba223"/><ref name="heath189">{{harvp|Heathcote|2002|p=189}}</ref> On Mountbatten's advice, India took the issue of Kashmir to the newly formed [[United Nations]] in January 1948.<ref>{{harvp|Guha|2008|p=87}}.</ref> Accounts differ on the future which Mountbatten desired for Kashmir. Pakistani accounts suggest that Mountbatten favoured the [[Instrument of Accession (Jammu and Kashmir)|accession of Kashmir to India]], citing his close relationship to Nehru. Mountbatten's own account says that he simply wanted [[Maharaja Hari Singh]] to make up his mind. The viceroy made several attempts to mediate between the Congress leaders, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Hari Singh on issues relating to the accession of Kashmir, though he was largely unsuccessful in resolving the conflict.<ref>{{harvp|Schofield|2010|pp=29–31}}.</ref> After the [[Indo-Pakistani war of 1947–1948|tribal invasion of Kashmir]], it was on his suggestion that India moved to secure the accession of Kashmir from Hari Singh before sending in military forces for his defence.<ref>{{harvp|Guha|2008|p=83}}.</ref>

After his tenure as governor-general concluded, Mountbatten continued to enjoy close relations with Nehru and the post-Independence Indian leadership, and was welcomed as a former governor-general of India on subsequent visits to the country, including during an official trip in March 1956. The Pakistani government, by contrast, lacked a positive view of Mountbatten for his perceived hostile attitude towards Pakistan and deemed him ''[[persona non grata]]'', barring him from transiting their airspace during the same visit.<ref>{{Harvp|Ziegler|1989|pp=14–16, 117}}</ref>