Editing Julian (emperor) (section)

==Reign==
[[Image:Kokkinobaphos Holy Apostles.jpg|right|thumb|The Church of the Holy Apostles, where Julian brought Constantius II to be buried.]]
On 11 December 361, Julian entered Constantinople as sole emperor and, despite his rejection of Christianity, his first political act was to preside over Constantius' Christian burial, escorting the body to the [[Church of the Holy Apostles|Church of the Apostles]], where it was placed alongside that of Constantine.{{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=60}} This act was a demonstration of his lawful right to the throne.<ref>Athanassiadi, p. 89.</ref> He is also now thought to have been responsible for the building of [[Santa Costanza]] on a Christian site just outside Rome as a [[mausoleum]] for his wife Helena and sister-in-law [[Constantina]].<ref>Webb, Matilda. ''The Churches and Catacombs of Early Christian Rome: A Comprehensive Guide'', pp. 249–252, 2001, Sussex Academic Press, {{ISBN|1-902210-58-1|978-1-902210-58-2}}, [https://books.google.com/books?id=hUN1K78QMskC&dq=santa+costanza+rome&pg=PA249 google books]</ref>

The new Emperor rejected the style of administration of his immediate predecessors. He blamed Constantine for the state of the administration and for having abandoned the traditions of the past. He made no attempt to restore the [[Tetrarchy|tetrarchal]] system begun under [[Diocletian]], nor did he seek to rule as an absolute autocrat. His own philosophic notions led him to idealize the reigns of [[Hadrian]] and [[Marcus Aurelius]]. In his first [[panegyric]] to Constantius, Julian described the ideal ruler as being essentially ''[[primus inter pares]]'' ("first among equals"), operating under the same laws as his subjects. While in Constantinople, therefore, it was not strange to see Julian frequently active in the Senate, participating in debates and making speeches, placing himself at the level of the other members of the Senate.{{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=63–64}}

He viewed the royal court of his predecessors as inefficient, corrupt and expensive. Thousands of servants, eunuchs and superfluous officials were therefore summarily dismissed. He set up the [[Chalcedon tribunal]] to deal with the corruption of the previous administration under the supervision of ''[[magister militum]]'' [[Arbitio]]. Several high-ranking officials under Constantius, including the chamberlain Eusebius, were found guilty and executed. (Julian was conspicuously absent from the proceedings, perhaps signalling his displeasure at their necessity.){{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=61}} He continually sought to reduce what he saw as a burdensome and corrupt bureaucracy within the Imperial administration whether it involved civic officials, secret agents or the imperial postal service.

Another effect of Julian's political philosophy was that the authority of the cities was expanded at the expense of the imperial bureaucracy as Julian sought to reduce direct imperial involvement in urban affairs. For example, city land owned by the imperial government was returned to the cities, city council members were compelled to resume civic authority, often against their will, and the tribute in gold by the cities called the ''aurum coronarium'' was made voluntary rather than a compulsory tax. Additionally, arrears of land taxes were cancelled.{{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=65}} This was a key reform reducing the power of corrupt imperial officials, as the unpaid taxes on land were often hard to calculate or higher than the value of the land itself. Forgiving back taxes both made Julian more popular and allowed him to increase collections of current taxes.

While he ceded much of the authority of the imperial government to the cities, Julian also took more direct control himself. For example, new taxes and [[corvée]]s had to be approved by him directly rather than left to the judgement of the bureaucratic apparatus. Julian certainly had a clear idea of what he wanted Roman society to be, both in political as well as religious terms. The terrible and violent dislocation of the 3rd century meant that the Eastern Mediterranean had become the economic locus of the Empire. If the cities were treated as relatively autonomous local administrative areas, it would simplify the problems of imperial administration, which as far as Julian was concerned, should be focused on the administration of the law and defense of the empire's vast frontiers.

In replacing Constantius's political and civil appointees, Julian drew heavily from the intellectual and professional classes, or kept reliable holdovers, such as the [[rhetoric]]ian [[Themistius]]. His choice of consuls for the year 362 was more controversial. One was the very acceptable [[Claudius Mamertinus]], previously the [[Praetorian prefect]] of [[Praetorian prefecture of Illyricum|Illyricum]]. The other, more surprising choice was [[Nevitta]], Julian's trusted [[Franks|Frankish]] general. This latter appointment made overt the fact that an emperor's authority depended on the power of the army. Julian's choice of Nevitta appears to have been aimed at maintaining the support of the Western army which had acclaimed him.

===Clash with the Antiochenes===
[[File:Chalcedony bust of Julian (1).png|thumb|left|A small [[chalcedony]] bust of an emperor, most likely Julian.<ref>Pierre Lévêque (1963) ''[https://www.jstor.org/stable/41522488 De nouveaux portraits de l'empereur Julien]''. pp. 74-84</ref>]]

After five months of dealings at the capital, Julian left Constantinople in May and moved to [[Antioch]], arriving in mid-July and staying there for nine months before launching his fateful campaign against Persia in March 363. Antioch was a city favored by splendid temples along with a famous oracle of Apollo in nearby Daphne, which may have been one reason for his choosing to reside there. It had also been used in the past as a staging place for amassing troops, a purpose which Julian intended to follow.{{sfn|Bowersock|p=95}}

His arrival on 18 July was well received by the Antiochenes, though it coincided with the celebration of the [[Adonia]], a festival which marked the death of [[Adonis]], so there was wailing and moaning in the streets—not a good omen for an arrival.{{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=69}}{{sfn|Bowersock|p=96}}

Julian soon discovered that wealthy merchants were causing food problems, apparently by hoarding food and selling it at high prices. He hoped that the curia would deal with the issue for the situation was headed for a famine. When the curia did nothing, he spoke to the city's leading citizens, trying to persuade them to take action. Thinking that they would do the job, he turned his attention to religious matters.{{sfn|Bowersock|p=96}}

He tried to resurrect the ancient oracular spring of [[Castalia]] at the temple of Apollo at Delphi. After being advised that the bones of 3rd-century bishop [[Babylas of Antioch|Babylas]] were suppressing the god, he made a public-relations mistake in ordering the removal of the bones from the vicinity of the temple. The result was a massive Christian procession. Shortly after that, when the temple was destroyed by fire, Julian suspected the Christians and ordered stricter investigations than usual. He also shut up the [[Domus Aurea (Antioch)|chief Christian church of the city]], before the investigations proved that the fire was the result of an accident.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 22.12.8 – 22.13.3</ref><ref>[[Socrates of Constantinople]], ''Historia ecclesiastica'', 3.18</ref>

When the curia still took no substantial action in regards to the food shortage, Julian intervened, fixing the prices for grain and importing more from Egypt. Then landholders refused to sell theirs, claiming that the harvest was so bad that they had to be compensated with fair prices. Julian accused them of [[price gouging]] and forced them to sell. Various parts of [[Libanius]]' orations may suggest that both sides were justified to some extent;<ref>Libanius, ''Orations'', 18.195 & 16.21</ref><ref>Libanius, ''Orations'', 1.126 & 15.20</ref> while Ammianus blames Julian for "a mere thirst for popularity".<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 22.14.1</ref>

Julian's ascetic lifestyle was not popular either, since his subjects were accustomed to the idea of an all-powerful Emperor who placed himself well above them. Nor did he improve his dignity with his own participation in the ceremonial of bloody sacrifices.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 22.14.3</ref>
[[David Stone Potter]] said after nearly two millennia:
{{Blockquote|text=They expected a man who was both removed from them by the awesome spectacle of imperial power, and would validate their interests and desires by sharing them from his Olympian height [...] He was supposed to be interested in what interested his people, and he was supposed to be dignified. He was not supposed to leap up and show his appreciation for a [[panegyric]] that it was delivered, as Julian had done on January 3, when Libanius was speaking, and ignore the chariot races.{{sfn|Potter|2004|p=515–516}}}}

He then tried to address public criticism and mocking of him by issuing a satire ostensibly on himself, called [[Misopogon]] or "Beard Hater". There he blames the people of Antioch for preferring that their ruler have his virtues in the face rather than in the soul.

Julian's fellow pagans were of a divided mind about this habit of talking to his subjects on an equal footing: Ammianus Marcellinus saw in that only the foolish vanity of someone "excessively anxious for empty distinction", whose "desire for popularity often led him to converse with unworthy persons".<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 22.7.1, 25.4.17 (Commented by Veyne, ''L"Empire Gréco-Romain'', p. 77)</ref>

On leaving Antioch he appointed Alexander of Heliopolis as governor, a violent and cruel man whom the Antiochene [[Libanius]], a friend of the emperor, admits on first thought was a "dishonourable" appointment. Julian himself described the man as "undeserving" of the position, but appropriate "for the avaricious and rebellious people of Antioch".<ref>See [http://www.ccel.org/ccel/pearse/morefathers/files/libanius_02_16_letters_to_julian.htm#C10 Letter 622] by Libanius: "That Alexander was appointed to the government at first, I confess, gave me some concern, as the principal persons among us were dissatisfied.  I thought it dishonourable, injurious, and unbecoming a prince; and that repeated fines would rather weaken than improve the city...." and the translator's note upon it: "This is the Alexander of whom Ammianus says (23.2), 'When Julian was going to leave Antioch, he made one Alexander of Heliopolis, governor of Syria, a turbulent and severe man, saying that "undeserving as he was, such a ruler suited the avaricious and contumellious Antiochians".'  As the letter makes clear, Julian handed the city over to be looted by a man he himself regarded as unworthy, and the Christian inhabitants, who had dared to oppose his attempt to restore paganism, to be forced to attend and applaud pagan ceremonies at sword-point; and be 'urged' to cheer more loudly."
</ref>

===Persian campaign===
{{Campaignbox Julian's Persian expedition}}
Julian's rise to ''Augustus'' was the result of military insurrection eased by Constantius's sudden death.  This meant that, while he could count on the wholehearted support of the Western army which had aided his rise, the Eastern army was an unknown quantity originally loyal to the Emperor he had risen against; and though he had tried to woo it through the [[Chalcedon tribunal]], to solidify his position in the eyes of the eastern army, he needed to lead its soldiers to victory.  A campaign against the [[Sassanian Empire|Sassanid Persians]] offered such an opportunity.

An audacious plan was formulated, the goal of which was to lay siege to the Sassanid capital city of [[Ctesiphon]] and definitively secure the eastern border.  Yet the full motivation for this ambitious operation is, at best, unclear; there was no direct necessity for an invasion, as the Sassanids sent envoys in the hope of settling matters peacefully.  Julian rejected this offer.<ref>Libanius, Oration 12, 76–77</ref>  Ammianus states that Julian longed for revenge on the Persians and that a certain desire for combat and glory also played a role in his decision to go to war.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 22.12.1–2</ref>

[[Image:Death of Julian - manuscript.jpg|thumb|200px|Illustration from ''The Fall of Princes'' by [[John Lydgate]] (which is a translation of ''De Casibus Virorum Illustribus'' by [[Giovanni Boccaccio]]) depicting "the skyn of Julyan".  There is no evidence that Julian's corpse was skinned and displayed, and it is likely that the illustrator simply confused the fate of Julian's body with that of Emperor [[Valerian (emperor)|Valerian]].]]

====Into enemy territory====
On 5 March 363, despite a series of omens against the campaign, Julian [[Julian's Persian expedition|departed from Antioch]] with about 65,000–83,000,<ref>Zosimus, ''Historia Nova'', book 3, chapter 12. Zosimus' text is ambiguous and refers to a smaller force of 18,000 under Procopius and a larger force of 65,000 under Julian himself; it's unclear if the second figure includes the first.</ref><ref>Elton, Hugh, ''Warfare in Roman Europe AD 350–425'', p. 210, using the higher estimate of 83,000.</ref> or 80,000–90,000 men{{sfn|Bowersock|p=108}} (the traditional number accepted by [[Edward Gibbon|Gibbon]]<ref>''The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire'', (The Modern Library, 1932), chapter XXIV., p. 807</ref> is 95,000 effectives total), and headed north toward the [[Euphrates]].  En route he was met by embassies from various small powers offering assistance, none of which he accepted, though he did order the Armenian King [[Arshak II|Arsaces]] to muster an army and await instructions.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 23.2.1–2</ref>  He crossed the Euphrates near [[Manbij|Hierapolis]] and moved eastward to [[Harran|Carrhae]], giving the impression that his chosen route into Persian territory was down the [[Tigris]].<ref>Ridley, Notes, p. 318.</ref>  For this reason it seems he sent a force of 30,000 soldiers under [[Procopius (usurper)|Procopius]] and Sebastianus further eastward to devastate [[Media (region)|Media]] in conjunction with Armenian forces.{{sfn|Bowersock|p=110}}  This was where two earlier Roman campaigns had concentrated and where the main Persian forces were soon directed.{{sfn|Potter|2004|p=517}} Julian's strategy lay elsewhere, however.  He had had a fleet built of over 1,000 ships at [[Samosata]] in order to supply his army for a march down the Euphrates and of 50 pontoon ships to facilitate river crossings.  Procopius and the Armenians would march down the Tigris to meet Julian near Ctesiphon.{{sfn|Bowersock|p=110}}  Julian's ultimate aim seems to have been "regime change" by replacing king [[Shapur II]] with his brother [[Hormizd (Constantinople)|Hormisdas]].{{sfn|Potter|2004|p=517}}<ref>[[Libanius]], ''Epistulae'', 1402.2</ref>

After feigning a march further eastward, Julian's army turned south to [[Circesium]] at the confluence of the [[Khabur (Euphrates)|Abora]] (Khabur) and the Euphrates arriving at the beginning of April.{{sfn|Bowersock|p=110}} Passing [[Dura-Europos|Dura]] on 6 April, the army made good progress, bypassing towns after negotiations or besieging those which chose to oppose him. At the end of April the Romans captured the fortress of [[Anbar (town)|Pirisabora]], which guarded the canal approach from the Euphrates to Ctesiphon on the Tigris.<ref>Dodgeon & Lieu, ''The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars'', p. 203.</ref> As the army marched toward the Persian capital, the Sassanids broke the dikes which crossed the land, turning it into [[marshland]], slowing the progress of the Roman army.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 24.3.10–11.</ref>

====Ctesiphon====
[[File:Julian II under Ctesifon.jpg|thumb|Julian before [[Ctesiphon]] in modern-day [[Iraq]], from the 9th century [[Paris Gregory]].]]
By mid-May, the army had reached the vicinity of the heavily fortified Persian capital, [[Ctesiphon]], where Julian partially unloaded some of the fleet and had his troops ferried across the Tigris by night.<ref>Dodgeon & Lieu, ''The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars'', p. 204.</ref> 
The Romans [[battle of Ctesiphon (363)|gained a tactical victory]] over the Persians before the gates of the city, driving them back into the city.{{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=75}}  However, the Persian capital was not taken.  Concerned with the risk of becoming encircled and trapped within the city's walls, master-general [[Victor (magister equitum)|Victor]] ordered his soldiers not to enter the open gates of the city in pursuit of the defeated Persians.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum libri XXXI, ed. and trs. J. C. Roffe, 3 vols, Loeb Classical Library 300, 315 and 331 (Cambridge, MA, 1939–50). Book 24, Chapter 6, Section number 13.</ref>  Resultantly, the main Persian army was still at large and approaching, while the Romans lacked a clear strategic objective.<ref>Adrian Goldsworth, ''How Rome Fell''. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009, {{ISBN|978-0-300-13719-4}} , p. 232</ref>  In the council of war which followed, Julian's generals persuaded him not to mount a [[siege]] against the city, given the impregnability of its defenses and the fact that Shapur would soon arrive with a large force.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 24.7.1.</ref>  Julian, not wanting to give up what he had gained and probably still hoping for the arrival of the column under Procopius and Sebastianus, set off east into the Persian interior, ordering the destruction of the fleet.{{sfn|Hunt|1998|p=75}}  This proved to be a hasty decision, for they were on the wrong side of the Tigris with no clear means of retreat and the Persians had begun to harass them from a distance, [[Scorched earth|burning any food]] in the Romans' path.  Julian had not brought adequate siege equipment, so there was nothing he could do when he found that the Persians had flooded the area behind him, forcing him to withdraw.<ref>David S. Potter, ''Rome in the ancient world'', pp. 287–290.</ref>  A second council of war on 16 June 363 decided that the best course of action was to lead the army back to the safety of Roman borders, not through [[Roman Mesopotamia|Mesopotamia]], but northward to [[Corduene]].<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 24.8.1–5.</ref><ref name="Dodgeon p.205">Dodgeon & Lieu, ''The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars'', p. 205.</ref>

=== Death ===
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 | caption1 = Sassanian [[Coronation of Ardashir II|relief of the investiture of Ardashir II]] showing [[Mithra]], [[Shapur II]] and [[Ahura Mazda]] above a defeated Julian, lying prostrate
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During the withdrawal, Julian's forces suffered several attacks from Sassanid forces.<ref name="Dodgeon p.205"/> In one such engagement on 26 June 363, the indecisive [[Battle of Samarra]] near Maranga in Mesopotamia, Julian was wounded when the Sassanid army raided his column.  In the haste of pursuing the retreating enemy, Julian chose speed rather than caution, taking only his sword and leaving his coat of mail.<ref>Ammianus Marcellinus, ''Res Gestae'', 25.3.3</ref>  He received a wound from a spear that reportedly pierced the lower lobe of his liver and intestines.  The wound was not immediately deadly. Julian was treated by his personal physician, [[Oribasius]] of Pergamum, who seems to have made every attempt to treat the wound; this probably included the irrigation of the wound with a dark [[wine]], and a procedure known as ''gastrorrhaphy''—''i.e.,'' suturing of the damaged intestine.  Despite these efforts, on the third day a major hemorrhage occurred and the emperor died during the night.<ref>Lascaratos, John and Dionysios Voros. 2000 Fatal Wounding of the Byzantine Emperor Julian the Apostate (361–363 A.D.): Approach to the Contribution of Ancient Surgery. World Journal of Surgery 24: 615–619. See p. 618.</ref>{{efn-lr|Note that Ammianus Marcellinus (''Res Gestae'', 25.3.6 & 23) is of the view that Julian died the night of the same day that he was wounded.}}  Some Christian writers reported that his final words were "Thou hast conquered, Galilean.”<ref>{{Citation |last=Rebenich |first=Stefan |title=Julian's Afterlife. The Reception of a Roman Emperor |date=2020-01-08 |url=https://brill.com/display/book/edcoll/9789004416314/BP000013.xml |work=A Companion to Julian the Apostate |pages=398–420 |access-date=2023-11-15 |publisher=Brill |language=en |isbn=978-90-04-41631-4}}</ref> As Julian wished, his body was buried outside [[Tarsus (city)|Tarsus]], though it was later moved to Constantinople.<ref>Grant, Michael. ''The Roman Emperors.'' (New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1997), p. 254.</ref>

In 364, Libanius stated that Julian was assassinated by a Christian who was one of his own soldiers;<ref>[[Libanius]], ''Orations'', 18.274</ref> this charge is not corroborated by [[Ammianus Marcellinus]] or other contemporary historians. [[John Malalas]] reports that the supposed assassination was commanded by [[Basil of Caesarea]].<ref>[[John Malalas]], ''[[Chronographia (Malalas)|Chronographia]]'', pp. 333–334. ''[[Patrologia Graeca]] XCII'', col. 496.</ref> Fourteen years later, Libanius said that Julian was killed by a [[Saracen]] ([[Lakhmid]]) and this may have been confirmed by Julian's doctor Oribasius who, having examined the wound, said that it was from a spear used by a group of Lakhmid auxiliaries in Persian service.{{sfn|Potter|2004|p=518}} Later Christian historians propagated the tradition that Julian was killed by [[Saint Mercurius]].<ref>[[Sozomenus]], ''[[Sozomen#Writings on Church history|Historia ecclesiastica]]'', 6.2</ref>

==== Legacy ====
[[File:AnkaraColumnFar c.JPG|thumb|right|[[Column of Julianus]] in [[Ankara]]. It was erected in 362, in occasion of the visit of Julian to the city, on his way to the Sassanid Empire frontier.]]
Julian was succeeded by the short-lived Emperor [[Jovian (Emperor)|Jovian]], who reestablished Christianity's privileged position throughout the Empire.

[[Libanius]] says in his epitaph of the deceased emperor (18.304) that "I have mentioned representations (of Julian); many cities have set him beside the images of the gods and honour him as they do the gods. Already a blessing has been besought of him in prayer, and it was not in vain. To such an extent has he literally ascended to the gods and received a share of their power from him themselves."  However, no similar action was taken by the Roman central government, which would be more and more dominated by Christians in the ensuing decades.

Considered apocryphal is the report that his dying words were {{lang|grc|νενίκηκάς με, Γαλιλαῖε}}, or {{lang|la|Vicisti, Galilaee}} ("You have won, [[Jesus|Galilean]]"),{{efn-lr|First recorded by [[Theodoret]]<ref>[[Theodoret]], ''[[Theodoret#Apologetic, historical|Historia ecclesiastica]]'', 3.25</ref> in the 5th century.}} supposedly expressing his recognition that, with his death, [[Christianity]] would become the Empire's state religion. The phrase introduces the 1866 poem "[[Hymn to Proserpine]]", which was [[Algernon Charles Swinburne]]'s elaboration of what a philosophic pagan might have felt at the triumph of Christianity. It also ends the Polish Romantic play ''[[The Undivine Comedy]]'' written in 1833 by [[Zygmunt Krasiński]].

====Tomb====
[[File:Porphyry sarcophagus of Julian.jpg|thumb| [[Porphyry (geology)#Roman and late Roman imperial sarcophagi|Sarcophagus of porphyry]] of emperor Julian, outside the [[Istanbul Archaeology Museum]].]]
As he had requested,<ref>Kathleen McVey (Editor), ''The Fathers of the Church: Selected Prose Works'' (1994) p. 31</ref> Julian's body was buried in [[Tarsus (city)|Tarsus]]. It lay in a tomb outside the city, across a road from that of Maximinus Daia.<ref>Libanius, ''Oration'' 18, 306; [[Ammianus Marcellinus]] 23, 2.5 and 25, 5.1.  References from G. Downey,''The tombs of the Byzantine emperors at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople'', Journal of Hellenic Studies 79 (1959) p. 46</ref>

However, chronicler [[Zonaras]] says that at some "later" date his body was exhumed and reburied in or near the [[Church of the Holy Apostles]] in Constantinople, where Constantine and the rest of his family lay.<ref>Downey gives the text: '...later the body was transferred to the imperial city' (xiii 13, 25)</ref> His sarcophagus is listed as standing in a "stoa" there by [[Constantine VII]].<ref>Glanville Downey, ''The tombs of the Byzantine emperors at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople'', Journal of Hellenic Studies 79 (1959) 27–51.  On p. 34 he states that the ''[[De Ceremoniis|Book of Ceremonies]]'' of [[Constantine VII|Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus]] gives a list of tombs, ending with: "43. In this ''stoa'', which is to the north, lies a cylindrically-shaped sarcophagus, in which lies the cursed and wretched body of the apostate Julian, porphyry or Roman in colour. 44 Another sarcophagus, porphyry, or Roman, in which lies the body of Jovian, who ruled after Julian."</ref> The church was demolished by the [[Ottoman Turks|Ottomans]] after the [[fall of Constantinople]] in 1453. Today a [[Porphyry (geology)#Roman and late Roman imperial sarcophagi|sarcophagus of porphyry]], believed by Jean Ebersolt to be Julian's, stands in the grounds of the [[Istanbul Archaeology Museum]].<ref>{{cite journal|author=Vasiliev|first=A. A.|date=1948|title=Imperial Porphyry Sarcophagi in Constantinople|url=https://lucazavagno.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/vasiliev.pdf|journal=Dumbarton Oaks Papers|volume=4|pages=1+3–26|doi=10.2307/1291047|jstor=1291047}}</ref>
[[File:264 arte romana, sacrificio forse dell'imperatore giuliano, IV sec., 01.JPG|thumb|4th-century cameo of an emperor, probably Julian, performing sacrifice ([[National Archaeological Museum, Florence]])]]