Editing History of Poland (section)

===Worker revolts, reforms of Gierek, the Polish pope and Solidarity (1970–1981)===

[[File:Polish 1970 protests - Zbyszek Godlewski body.jpg|thumb|left|One of the fatalities of the [[1970 Polish protests|1970 protests on the Baltic Coast]]]]

Price increases for essential consumer goods triggered the [[1970 Polish protests|Polish protests of 1970]]. In December, there were disturbances and strikes in the [[Baltic Sea]] port cities of [[Gdańsk]], [[Gdynia]], and [[Szczecin]] that reflected deep dissatisfaction with living and working conditions in the country. The activity was centered in the industrial shipyard areas of the three coastal cities. Dozens of protesting workers and bystanders were killed in police and military actions, generally under the authority of Gomułka and Minister of Defense [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]]. In the aftermath, [[Edward Gierek]] replaced Gomułka as first secretary of the communist party. The new regime was seen as more modern, friendly and pragmatic, and at first it enjoyed a degree of popular and foreign support.<ref name="Poland under Communism 180-198">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=180–198}}.</ref>{{Ref label|g|g|none}}{{Ref label|o|o|none}}

[[File:Gierek in Rząśnik.jpg|thumb|right|First Secretary [[Edward Gierek]] (second from left) was unable to reverse Poland's economic decline]]

To revitalize the economy, from 1971 the Gierek regime introduced wide-ranging reforms that involved large-scale foreign borrowing. These actions initially caused improved conditions for consumers, but in a few years the strategy backfired and the economy deteriorated. Another attempt to raise food prices resulted in the [[June 1976 protests]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 198-206">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=198–206}}.</ref> The [[Workers' Defence Committee]] (KOR), established in response to the crackdown that followed, consisted of dissident intellectuals determined to support industrial workers, farmers and students persecuted by the authorities.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|p=205}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 212-223">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=212–223}}.</ref> The opposition circles active in the late 1970s were emboldened by the [[Helsinki Accords|Helsinki Conference]] processes.<ref name="Poland under Communism 198-206"/>

In October 1978, the [[Archbishop of Kraków]], Cardinal Karol Józef Wojtyła, became [[Pope John Paul II]], head of the [[Catholic Church]]. Catholics and others rejoiced at the elevation of a Pole to the [[pope|papacy]] and greeted his June 1979 visit to Poland with an outpouring of emotion.<ref name="Poland under Communism 228-229">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=228–229}}.</ref>

Fueled by large infusions of Western credit, Poland's economic growth rate was one of the world's highest during the first half of the 1970s, but much of the borrowed capital was misspent, and the centrally [[planned economy]] was unable to use the new resources effectively. The [[1973 oil crisis]] caused [[recession]] and high interest rates in the West, to which the Polish government had to respond with sharp domestic consumer price increases. The growing debt burden became insupportable in the late 1970s, and negative economic growth set in by 1979.<ref name="Poland under Communism 198-206"/>

[[File:Lech Walesa 1980.jpg|thumb|left|upright|[[Lech Wałęsa]] in 1980]]

Around 1 July 1980, with the Polish foreign debt standing at more than $20 billion, the government made yet another attempt to increase meat prices. Workers responded with escalating work stoppages that culminated in the [[Lublin 1980 strikes|1980 general strikes in Lublin]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 229-236">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=229–236}}.</ref> In mid-August, labor protests at the [[Gdańsk Shipyard]] gave rise to a chain reaction of strikes that virtually paralyzed the Baltic coast by the end of the month and, for the first time, closed most coal mines in [[Silesia]]. The [[Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee]] coordinated the strike action across hundreds of workplaces and formulated the [[21 demands of MKS|21 demands]] as the basis for negotiations with the authorities. The Strike Committee was sovereign in its decision-making, but was aided by a team of "expert" advisers that included the well-known dissidents [[Jacek Kuroń]], [[Karol Modzelewski]], [[Bronisław Geremek]] and [[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 237-268">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=237–268}}.</ref>

[[File:Podpisanie Porozumień Sierpniowych w Szczecinie.jpg|thumb|right|The signing of an [[Szczecin Agreement|agreement between leaders of striking workers and government representatives]] in [[Szczecin]] in August 1980]]

On 31 August 1980, representatives of workers at the Gdańsk Shipyard, led by an electrician and activist [[Lech Wałęsa]], signed the [[Gdańsk Agreement]] with the government that ended their strike. Similar agreements were concluded in Szczecin (the [[Szczecin Agreement]]) and in Silesia. The key provision of these agreements was the guarantee of the workers' right to form independent [[trade union]]s and the right to strike. Following the successful resolution of the largest labor confrontation in communist Poland's history, nationwide union organizing movements swept the country.<ref name="Poland under Communism 237-268"/>

Edward Gierek was blamed by the Soviets for not following their "fraternal" advice, not shoring up the communist party and the official trade unions and allowing "anti-socialist" forces to emerge. On 5 September 1980, Gierek was replaced by [[Stanisław Kania]] as first secretary of the PZPR.<ref name="Poland under Communism 269-272">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=269–272}}.</ref>

Delegates of the emergent worker committees from all over Poland gathered in Gdańsk on 17 September and decided to form a single national union organization named "[[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]]".<ref name="Stelmachowski 44–45">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|pp=44–45}}.</ref>

While party–controlled courts took up the contentious issues of Solidarity's legal registration as a trade union (finalized by November 10), planning had already begun for the imposition of [[martial law]]. A parallel farmers' union was organized and strongly opposed by the regime, but [[Rural Solidarity]] was eventually registered (12 May 1981).<ref name="Stelmachowski 52">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=52}}.</ref> In the meantime, a rapid deterioration of the authority of the communist party, disintegration of state power and escalation of demands and threats by the various Solidarity–affiliated groups were occurring.<ref name="Stelmachowski 47">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=47}}.</ref> According to Kuroń, a "tremendous social democratization movement in all spheres" was taking place and could not be contained. Wałęsa had meetings with Kania, which brought no resolution to the impasse.<ref name="Poland under Communism 272-301">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=272–301}}.</ref>

[[File:00595309(Andropov&Jaruzelski).jpeg|thumb|right|General [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]] meeting Soviet security chief [[Yuri Andropov]] during the 1980 crisis. Jaruzelski was about to become the (last) leader of communist Poland.]]

Following the Warsaw Pact summit in Moscow, the Soviet Union proceeded with a massive military build-up along Poland's border in December 1980, but during the summit Kania forcefully argued with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] and other allied communists leaders against the feasibility of an external military intervention, and no action was taken.<ref name="Poland under Communism 272-301"/> The United States, under presidents [[Jimmy Carter]] and [[Ronald Reagan]], repeatedly warned the Soviets about the consequences of a direct intervention, while discouraging an open insurrection in Poland and signaling to the Polish opposition that there would be no rescue by the [[NATO]] forces.<ref name="Poland under Communism 302-307">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=302–307}}.</ref>

In February 1981, Defense Minister General [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]] assumed the position of prime minister. The Solidarity social revolt had thus far been free of any major use of force, but in March 1981 in [[Bydgoszcz]] three activists were beaten up by the secret police. In a nationwide "warning strike" the 9.5-million-strong Solidarity union was supported by the population at large, but a general strike was called off by Wałęsa after the 30 March settlement with the government. Both Solidarity and the communist party were badly split and the Soviets were losing patience. Kania was re-elected at the Party Congress in July, but the collapse of the economy continued and so did the general disorder.<ref name="Poland under Communism 307-325">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=307–325}}.</ref>

At the first [[History of Solidarity|Solidarity National Congress]] in September–October 1981 in Gdańsk, Lech Wałęsa was elected national chairman of the union with 55% of the vote. An appeal was issued to the workers of the other East European countries, urging them to follow in the footsteps of Solidarity.<ref name="Stelmachowski 53">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=53}}.</ref> To the Soviets, the gathering was an "anti-socialist and anti-Soviet orgy" and the Polish communist leaders, increasingly led by Jaruzelski and General [[Czesław Kiszczak]], were ready to apply force.<ref name="Poland under Communism 307-325"/>

In October 1981, Jaruzelski was named first secretary of the PZPR. The Plenum's vote was 180 to 4, and he kept his government posts. Jaruzelski asked parliament to ban strikes and allow him to exercise extraordinary powers, but when neither request was granted, he decided to proceed with his plans anyway.<ref name="Poland under Communism 307-325"/>