Editing History of Poland (section)

==Polish People's Republic (1945–1989)==

{{further|History of Poland (1945–1989)|Polish People's Republic}}

===Post-war struggle for power===

[[File:Mikolajczyk.jpg|thumb|right|upright|[[Stanisław Mikołajczyk]]'s [[Polish People's Party (1945–1949)|Polish People's Party]] [[1947 Polish legislative election|tried to outvote the communists in 1947]], but the election process was rigged. Mikołajczyk had to flee to the West.]]

In response to the February 1945 [[Yalta Conference]] directives,<ref name="Poland under Communism 6-7"/> a Polish [[Provisional Government of National Unity]] was formed in June 1945 under Soviet auspices; it was soon recognized by the United States and many other countries.<ref>{{Harvnb|Buszko|1986|pp=406–408}}.</ref> The Soviet domination was apparent from the beginning, as prominent leaders of the [[Polish Underground State]] were brought to trial in Moscow (the "[[Trial of the Sixteen]]" of June 1945).<ref name="Poland under Communism 8">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|p=8}}.</ref> In the immediate post-war years, the emerging communist rule was challenged by opposition groups, including militarily by the so-called "[[cursed soldiers]]", of whom thousands perished in armed confrontations or were pursued by the [[Ministry of Public Security (Poland)|Ministry of Public Security]] and executed.<ref name="Zamoyski 369-370">{{Harvnb|Zamoyski|1994|pp=369–370}}.</ref> Such guerillas often pinned their hopes on expectations of an imminent outbreak of [[World War III]] and defeat of the Soviet Union.<ref name="Dzień Żołnierzy Wyklętych">{{Harvnb|Wroński|2013}}.</ref> The [[National Military Union|Polish right-wing insurgency]] faded after the [[Amnesty of 1947|amnesty of February 1947]].<ref name="Zdobycie władzy"/><ref name="Po wojnie światowej wojna domowa"/>

The [[1946 Polish people's referendum|Polish people's referendum of June 1946]] was arranged by the communist [[Polish Workers' Party]] to legitimize its dominance in Polish politics and claim widespread support for the party's policies.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|p=192}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 9">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|p=9}}.</ref> Although the Yalta agreement called for free elections, the [[1947 Polish legislative election|Polish legislative election of January 1947]] was controlled by the communists.<ref name="Zamoyski 369-370"/> Some democratic and pro-Western elements, led by [[Stanisław Mikołajczyk]], former prime minister-in-exile, participated in the Provisional Government and the 1947 elections, but were ultimately eliminated through [[electoral fraud]], intimidation and violence.<ref name="Zamoyski 369-370"/> In times of severe political confrontation and radical economic change, members of Mikołajczyk's agrarian movement (the [[Polish People's Party (1945–1949)|Polish People's Party]]) attempted to preserve the existing aspects of [[mixed economy]] and protect property and other rights.<ref name="Buszko 417-425">{{Harvnb|Buszko|1986|pp=417–425}}.</ref> However, after the 1947 elections, the Government of National Unity ceased to exist and the communists moved towards abolishing the post-war partially [[pluralist democracy|pluralistic]] "people's democracy" and replacing it with a [[state socialism|state socialist]] system.<ref>{{Harvnb|Czubiński|2012|p=249}}.</ref> The communist-dominated [[popular front|front]] Democratic Bloc of the 1947 elections, turned into the [[Front of National Unity]] in 1952, became officially the source of governmental authority. The [[Polish government-in-exile]], lacking international recognition, remained in continuous existence until 1990.

===Under Stalinism (1948–1955)===

[[File:Bolesław Bierut 1949.jpg|thumb|left|upright|President [[Bolesław Bierut]], leader of [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] Poland]]

The [[Polish People's Republic]] (''Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa'') was established under the rule of the communist [[Polish United Workers' Party]] (PZPR). The name change from the Polish Republic was not officially adopted, however, until the proclamation of the [[Constitution of the Polish People's Republic]] in 1952.<ref name="Sowa 178-179">{{Harvnb|Sowa|2011|pp=178–179}}.</ref>

The ruling PZPR was formed by the forced amalgamation in December 1948 of the communist [[Polish Workers' Party]] (PPR) and the historically non-communist [[Polish Socialist Party]] (PPS). The PPR chief had been its wartime leader [[Władysław Gomułka]], who in 1947 declared a "Polish road to socialism" as intended to curb, rather than eradicate, capitalist elements. In 1948 he was overruled, removed and imprisoned by [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] authorities.<ref name="Poland under Communism 26, 32-35">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=26, 32–35}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 63">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|p=63}}.</ref> The PPS, re-established in 1944 by its left wing,<ref name="Ost Solidarity 36-38">{{Harvnb|Ost|1990|pp=36–38}}.</ref> had since been allied with the communists.<ref name="Buszko 442-445">{{Harvnb|Buszko|1986|pp=442–445}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 18, 39">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=18, 39}}.</ref><ref name="Lukowski 285-286">{{Harvnb|Lukowski|Zawadzki|2006|pp=285–286}}.</ref> The ruling communists, who in post-war Poland preferred to use the term "socialism" instead of "communism" to identify their ideological basis,<ref name="Poland under Communism 18">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|p=18}}.</ref>{{Ref label|f|f|none}} needed to include the socialist junior partner to broaden their appeal, claim greater legitimacy and eliminate competition on the political [[Left-wing politics|Left]]. The socialists, who were losing their organization, were subjected to political pressure, ideological cleansing and purges in order to become suitable for unification on the terms of the PPR. The leading pro-communist leaders of the socialists were the prime ministers [[Edward Osóbka-Morawski]] and [[Józef Cyrankiewicz]].<ref name="Buszko 442-445"/><ref name="Lukowski 285-286"/><ref name="Buszko 398-399, 407">{{Harvnb|Buszko|1986|pp=398–399, 407}}.</ref>

During the most oppressive phase of the Stalinist period (1948–1953), terror was justified in Poland as necessary to eliminate reactionary subversion. Many thousands of perceived dissidents were arbitrarily tried and large numbers were executed.{{Ref label|u|u|none}} The People's Republic was led by discredited Soviet operatives such as [[Bolesław Bierut]], [[Jakub Berman]] and [[Konstantin Rokossovsky]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 40">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|p=40}}.</ref> The independent [[Catholic Church]] in Poland was subjected to property confiscations and other curtailments from 1949, and in 1950 was pressured into signing an accord with the government.<ref name="Zdobycie władzy">{{Harvnb|Leszczyński|2013}}.</ref><ref name="Po wojnie światowej wojna domowa">{{Harvnb|Daszczyński|2013}}.</ref> In 1953 and later, despite a partial thaw after the death of Stalin that year, the persecution of the Church intensified and its head, Cardinal [[Stefan Wyszyński]], was detained.<ref name="Poland under Communism 66-68">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=66–68}}.</ref> A key event in the persecution of the Polish Church was the [[Stalinist show trial of the Kraków Curia]] in January 1953.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|pp=194–195}}.</ref><ref name="Lukowski 286-292">{{Harvnb|Lukowski|Zawadzki|2006|pp=286–292}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 39-48, 63">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=39–48, 63}}.</ref>

In the [[Warsaw Pact]], formed in 1955, the Polish Army was the second largest, after the Soviet Army.<ref name="playground 434">{{Harvnb|Davies|2005b|p=434}}.</ref>

===Economic and social developments of the early communist era===

In 1944, large agricultural holdings and former German property in Poland started to be redistributed through [[land reform]], and industry started to be [[nationalization|nationalized]].<ref name="Buszko 417-425"/> Communist restructuring and the imposition of work-space rules encountered active worker opposition already in the years 1945–1947.<ref name="Poland under Communism 24-26">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=24–26}}.</ref> The moderate [[Three-Year Plan]] of 1947–1949 continued with the rebuilding, [[Social ownership|socialization]] and [[socialist economics|socialist restructuring of the economy]]. It was followed by the [[Six-Year Plan]] of 1950–1955 for [[heavy industry]].<ref name="Zdobycie władzy"/> The rejection of the [[Marshall Plan]] in 1947 made aspirations for catching up with [[Western Europe|West European]] standards of living unrealistic.<ref>{{Harvnb|Buszko|1986|pp=434–440}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 12-16">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=12–16}}.</ref>

The government's highest economic priority was the development of heavy industry useful to the military. State-run or controlled institutions common in all the socialist countries of eastern Europe were imposed on Poland, including [[Collective farming|collective farms]] and [[worker cooperative]]s. The latter were dismantled in the late 1940s as not socialist enough, although they were later re-established; even small-scale private enterprises were eradicated.<ref name="Poland under Communism 27, 39">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=27, 39}}.</ref> Stalinism introduced heavy [[Propaganda in the Polish People's Republic|political and ideological propaganda]] and [[indoctrination]] in social life, culture and education.<ref name="Lukowski 286-292"/><ref name="Poland under Communism 35-39">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=35–39}}.</ref>

[[File:A Kultúra és Tudomány Palotája. Fortepan 75020.jpg|thumb|left|upright|Communist aspirations were symbolized by the [[Palace of Culture and Science]] in Warsaw]]

Great strides were made, however, in the areas of employment (which became nearly full), [[Education in the Polish People's Republic|universal public education]] (which nearly eradicated adult illiteracy), health care and recreational amenities.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|pp=195, 196}}.</ref><ref name="Stelmachowski 22, 189">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|pp=22, 189}}.</ref> Many historic sites, including the central districts of Warsaw and Gdańsk, both devastated during the war, were rebuilt at great cost.<ref>{{Harvnb|Lukowski|Zawadzki|2006|p=282}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 21-22">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=21–22}}.</ref>

The communist industrialization program led to increased [[urbanization]] and educational and career opportunities for the intended beneficiaries of the social transformation, along the lines of the peasants-workers-working intelligentsia paradigm. The most significant improvement was accomplished in the lives of Polish peasants, many of whom were able to leave their impoverished and overcrowded village communities for better conditions in urban centers. Those who stayed behind took advantage of the implementation of the 1944 [[PKWN Manifesto|land reform decree of the Polish Committee of National Liberation]], which terminated the antiquated but widespread parafeudal socioeconomic relations in Poland. The Stalinist attempts at establishing collective farms generally failed. Due to urbanization, the national percentage of the rural population decreased in communist Poland by about 50%. A majority of Poland's residents of cities and towns still live in [[High-rise building|apartment block]]s built during the communist era, in part to accommodate migrants from rural areas.<ref name="Ziemia dla chłopów"/><ref name="Główny propagator kapitalizmu">{{Harvnb|Wasilewski|2012a}}.</ref><ref name="Ostatni, chłopi nowoczesnej Europy">{{Harvnb|Bogucka|2013}}.</ref>

===The Thaw and Gomułka's Polish October (1955–1958)===

[[File:Gomulka speech.jpg|thumb|right|[[Władysław Gomułka]] addressing the crowd in Warsaw in [[Polish October|October 1956]]]]

In March 1956, after the [[20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] in Moscow ushered in [[de-Stalinization]], [[Edward Ochab]] was chosen to replace the deceased Bolesław Bierut as first secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party.<ref name="Poland under Communism 68-75">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=68–75}}.</ref> As a result, Poland was rapidly overtaken by social restlessness and reformist undertakings; thousands of political prisoners were released and many people previously persecuted were officially rehabilitated.<ref name="Poland under Communism 76-86">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=76–86}}.</ref> [[Poznań 1956 protests|Worker riots in Poznań in June 1956]] were violently suppressed, but they gave rise to the formation of a reformist current within the communist party.<ref name="Poland under Communism 86-92">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=86–92}}.</ref><ref name="Stelmachowski 24–25">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|pp=24–25}}.</ref>

Amidst the continuing social and national upheaval, a further shakeup took place in the party leadership as part of what is known as the [[Polish October]] of 1956.<ref name="Poland under Communism 96-104">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=96–104}}.</ref>{{Ref label|k|k|none}} While retaining most traditional communist economic and social aims, the state under [[Władysław Gomułka]], the new first secretary of the PZPR, liberalized internal life in Poland. The dependence on the Soviet Union was somewhat mollified, and the state's relationships with the Church and [[Znak (association)|Catholic lay activists]] were put on a new footing.<ref name="Poland under Communism 116-123">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=116–123}}.</ref> A repatriation agreement with the Soviet Union allowed the [[Repatriation of Poles (1955–59)|repatriation of hundreds of thousands of Poles]] who were still in Soviet hands, including many former political prisoners.<ref name="Stelmachowski 26">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=26}}.</ref> [[Collectivization in the Polish People's Republic|Collectivization efforts]] were abandoned—agricultural land, unlike in other [[Comecon]] countries, remained for the most part in the private ownership of farming families.<ref name="Stelmachowski 26"/><ref name="Poland under Communism 80, 101">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=80, 101}}.</ref> State-mandated provisions of agricultural products at fixed, artificially low prices were reduced, and from 1972 eliminated.<ref name="Stelmachowski 36">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=36}}.</ref>

The [[1957 Polish legislative election|legislative election of 1957]] was followed by several years of political stability that was accompanied by [[real socialism|economic stagnation and curtailment of reforms and reformists]]. One of the last initiatives of the brief reform era was a nuclear weapons–free zone in Central Europe proposed in 1957 by [[Adam Rapacki]], Poland's foreign minister.<ref name="Poland under Communism 124-143">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=124–143}}.</ref>

[[Culture in the Polish People's Republic]], to varying degrees linked to the [[intelligentsia]]'s opposition to the authoritarian system, developed to a sophisticated level under Gomułka and his successors. The creative process was often compromised by [[Censorship in the Polish People's Republic|state censorship]], but significant works were created in fields such as literature, theater, cinema and music, among others. Journalism of veiled understanding and varieties of native and Western [[popular culture]] were well represented. Uncensored information and works generated by [[émigré]] circles were conveyed through a variety of channels. The [[Paris]]-based ''[[Kultura]]'' magazine developed a conceptual framework for dealing with the issues of borders and the neighbors of a future free Poland, but for ordinary Poles [[Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty|Radio Free Europe]] was of foremost importance.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|pp=198–200}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 59-60">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=59–60}}.</ref><ref name="Snyder 218-222">{{Harvnb|Snyder|2003|pp=218–222}}.</ref>

===Stagnation and crackdown (1958–1970)===

[[File:Bloki ul. Piątkowska - panoramio.jpg|thumb|right|[[High-rise building|Apartment blocks]] built in communist Poland (these located in [[Poznań]])]]

One of the confirmations of the end of an era of greater tolerance was the expulsion from the communist party of several prominent "[[Revisionism (Marxism)|Marxist revisionist]]s" in the 1960s.<ref name="Poland under Communism 124-143"/>

In 1965, the [[Episcopal Conference of Poland|Conference of Polish Bishops]] issued the [[Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops]], a gesture intended to heal bad mutual feelings left over from World War II.<ref name="Stelmachowski 33">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=33}}.</ref> In 1966, the celebrations of the 1,000th anniversary of the [[Christianization of Poland]] led by Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński and other bishops turned into a huge demonstration of the power and popularity of the [[Catholic Church in Poland]].<ref name="playground I 15-16">{{Harvnb|Davies|2005a|pp=15–16}}</ref>

The post-1956 liberalizing trend, in decline for a number of years, was reversed in March 1968, when student demonstrations were suppressed during the [[1968 Polish political crisis]]. Motivated in part by the [[Prague Spring]] movement, the Polish opposition leaders, intellectuals, academics and students used a historical-patriotic ''[[Dziady (poem)|Dziady]]'' theater spectacle series in Warsaw (and its termination forced by the authorities) as a springboard for protests, which soon spread to other centers of higher education and turned nationwide. The authorities responded with a major crackdown on opposition activity, including the firing of faculty and the dismissal of students at universities and other institutions of learning. At the center of the controversy was also the small number of Catholic deputies in the [[Sejm]] (the [[Znak (association)|Znak Association]] members) who attempted to defend the students.<ref name="Poland under Communism 148-163">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=148–163}}.</ref>

In an official speech, Gomułka drew attention to the role of Jewish activists in the events taking place. This provided ammunition to a nationalistic and [[antisemitism|antisemitic]] communist party faction headed by [[Mieczysław Moczar]] that was opposed to Gomułka's leadership. Using the context of the military victory of [[Israel]] in the [[Six-Day War]] of 1967, some in the Polish communist leadership waged an antisemitic campaign against the remnants of the Jewish community in Poland. The targets of this campaign were accused of disloyalty and active sympathy with Israeli aggression. Branded "[[Zionism|Zionists]]", they were scapegoated and blamed for the unrest in March 1968, which eventually led to the emigration of much of Poland's remaining Jewish population (about 15,000 Polish citizens left the country).<ref name="Poland under Communism 148-163"/>

With the active support of the Gomułka regime, the [[Polish People's Army]] took part in the infamous [[Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia]] in August 1968, after the [[Brezhnev Doctrine]] was informally announced.<ref name="Poland under Communism 163-171">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=163–171}}.</ref>

In the final major achievement of Gomułka diplomacy, the governments of Poland and [[West Germany]] signed in December 1970 the [[Treaty of Warsaw (1970)|Treaty of Warsaw]], which normalized their relations and made possible meaningful cooperation in a number of areas of bilateral interest. In particular, West Germany recognized the post-World War II ''de facto'' border between Poland and [[East Germany]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|p=203}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 177-180">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=177–180}}.</ref>

===Worker revolts, reforms of Gierek, the Polish pope and Solidarity (1970–1981)===

[[File:Polish 1970 protests - Zbyszek Godlewski body.jpg|thumb|left|One of the fatalities of the [[1970 Polish protests|1970 protests on the Baltic Coast]]]]

Price increases for essential consumer goods triggered the [[1970 Polish protests|Polish protests of 1970]]. In December, there were disturbances and strikes in the [[Baltic Sea]] port cities of [[Gdańsk]], [[Gdynia]], and [[Szczecin]] that reflected deep dissatisfaction with living and working conditions in the country. The activity was centered in the industrial shipyard areas of the three coastal cities. Dozens of protesting workers and bystanders were killed in police and military actions, generally under the authority of Gomułka and Minister of Defense [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]]. In the aftermath, [[Edward Gierek]] replaced Gomułka as first secretary of the communist party. The new regime was seen as more modern, friendly and pragmatic, and at first it enjoyed a degree of popular and foreign support.<ref name="Poland under Communism 180-198">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=180–198}}.</ref>{{Ref label|g|g|none}}{{Ref label|o|o|none}}

[[File:Gierek in Rząśnik.jpg|thumb|right|First Secretary [[Edward Gierek]] (second from left) was unable to reverse Poland's economic decline]]

To revitalize the economy, from 1971 the Gierek regime introduced wide-ranging reforms that involved large-scale foreign borrowing. These actions initially caused improved conditions for consumers, but in a few years the strategy backfired and the economy deteriorated. Another attempt to raise food prices resulted in the [[June 1976 protests]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 198-206">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=198–206}}.</ref> The [[Workers' Defence Committee]] (KOR), established in response to the crackdown that followed, consisted of dissident intellectuals determined to support industrial workers, farmers and students persecuted by the authorities.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prażmowska|2011|p=205}}.</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 212-223">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=212–223}}.</ref> The opposition circles active in the late 1970s were emboldened by the [[Helsinki Accords|Helsinki Conference]] processes.<ref name="Poland under Communism 198-206"/>

In October 1978, the [[Archbishop of Kraków]], Cardinal Karol Józef Wojtyła, became [[Pope John Paul II]], head of the [[Catholic Church]]. Catholics and others rejoiced at the elevation of a Pole to the [[pope|papacy]] and greeted his June 1979 visit to Poland with an outpouring of emotion.<ref name="Poland under Communism 228-229">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=228–229}}.</ref>

Fueled by large infusions of Western credit, Poland's economic growth rate was one of the world's highest during the first half of the 1970s, but much of the borrowed capital was misspent, and the centrally [[planned economy]] was unable to use the new resources effectively. The [[1973 oil crisis]] caused [[recession]] and high interest rates in the West, to which the Polish government had to respond with sharp domestic consumer price increases. The growing debt burden became insupportable in the late 1970s, and negative economic growth set in by 1979.<ref name="Poland under Communism 198-206"/>

[[File:Lech Walesa 1980.jpg|thumb|left|upright|[[Lech Wałęsa]] in 1980]]

Around 1 July 1980, with the Polish foreign debt standing at more than $20 billion, the government made yet another attempt to increase meat prices. Workers responded with escalating work stoppages that culminated in the [[Lublin 1980 strikes|1980 general strikes in Lublin]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 229-236">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=229–236}}.</ref> In mid-August, labor protests at the [[Gdańsk Shipyard]] gave rise to a chain reaction of strikes that virtually paralyzed the Baltic coast by the end of the month and, for the first time, closed most coal mines in [[Silesia]]. The [[Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee]] coordinated the strike action across hundreds of workplaces and formulated the [[21 demands of MKS|21 demands]] as the basis for negotiations with the authorities. The Strike Committee was sovereign in its decision-making, but was aided by a team of "expert" advisers that included the well-known dissidents [[Jacek Kuroń]], [[Karol Modzelewski]], [[Bronisław Geremek]] and [[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]].<ref name="Poland under Communism 237-268">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=237–268}}.</ref>

[[File:Podpisanie Porozumień Sierpniowych w Szczecinie.jpg|thumb|right|The signing of an [[Szczecin Agreement|agreement between leaders of striking workers and government representatives]] in [[Szczecin]] in August 1980]]

On 31 August 1980, representatives of workers at the Gdańsk Shipyard, led by an electrician and activist [[Lech Wałęsa]], signed the [[Gdańsk Agreement]] with the government that ended their strike. Similar agreements were concluded in Szczecin (the [[Szczecin Agreement]]) and in Silesia. The key provision of these agreements was the guarantee of the workers' right to form independent [[trade union]]s and the right to strike. Following the successful resolution of the largest labor confrontation in communist Poland's history, nationwide union organizing movements swept the country.<ref name="Poland under Communism 237-268"/>

Edward Gierek was blamed by the Soviets for not following their "fraternal" advice, not shoring up the communist party and the official trade unions and allowing "anti-socialist" forces to emerge. On 5 September 1980, Gierek was replaced by [[Stanisław Kania]] as first secretary of the PZPR.<ref name="Poland under Communism 269-272">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=269–272}}.</ref>

Delegates of the emergent worker committees from all over Poland gathered in Gdańsk on 17 September and decided to form a single national union organization named "[[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]]".<ref name="Stelmachowski 44–45">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|pp=44–45}}.</ref>

While party–controlled courts took up the contentious issues of Solidarity's legal registration as a trade union (finalized by November 10), planning had already begun for the imposition of [[martial law]]. A parallel farmers' union was organized and strongly opposed by the regime, but [[Rural Solidarity]] was eventually registered (12 May 1981).<ref name="Stelmachowski 52">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=52}}.</ref> In the meantime, a rapid deterioration of the authority of the communist party, disintegration of state power and escalation of demands and threats by the various Solidarity–affiliated groups were occurring.<ref name="Stelmachowski 47">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=47}}.</ref> According to Kuroń, a "tremendous social democratization movement in all spheres" was taking place and could not be contained. Wałęsa had meetings with Kania, which brought no resolution to the impasse.<ref name="Poland under Communism 272-301">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=272–301}}.</ref>

[[File:00595309(Andropov&Jaruzelski).jpeg|thumb|right|General [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]] meeting Soviet security chief [[Yuri Andropov]] during the 1980 crisis. Jaruzelski was about to become the (last) leader of communist Poland.]]

Following the Warsaw Pact summit in Moscow, the Soviet Union proceeded with a massive military build-up along Poland's border in December 1980, but during the summit Kania forcefully argued with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] and other allied communists leaders against the feasibility of an external military intervention, and no action was taken.<ref name="Poland under Communism 272-301"/> The United States, under presidents [[Jimmy Carter]] and [[Ronald Reagan]], repeatedly warned the Soviets about the consequences of a direct intervention, while discouraging an open insurrection in Poland and signaling to the Polish opposition that there would be no rescue by the [[NATO]] forces.<ref name="Poland under Communism 302-307">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=302–307}}.</ref>

In February 1981, Defense Minister General [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]] assumed the position of prime minister. The Solidarity social revolt had thus far been free of any major use of force, but in March 1981 in [[Bydgoszcz]] three activists were beaten up by the secret police. In a nationwide "warning strike" the 9.5-million-strong Solidarity union was supported by the population at large, but a general strike was called off by Wałęsa after the 30 March settlement with the government. Both Solidarity and the communist party were badly split and the Soviets were losing patience. Kania was re-elected at the Party Congress in July, but the collapse of the economy continued and so did the general disorder.<ref name="Poland under Communism 307-325">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=307–325}}.</ref>

At the first [[History of Solidarity|Solidarity National Congress]] in September–October 1981 in Gdańsk, Lech Wałęsa was elected national chairman of the union with 55% of the vote. An appeal was issued to the workers of the other East European countries, urging them to follow in the footsteps of Solidarity.<ref name="Stelmachowski 53">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=53}}.</ref> To the Soviets, the gathering was an "anti-socialist and anti-Soviet orgy" and the Polish communist leaders, increasingly led by Jaruzelski and General [[Czesław Kiszczak]], were ready to apply force.<ref name="Poland under Communism 307-325"/>

In October 1981, Jaruzelski was named first secretary of the PZPR. The Plenum's vote was 180 to 4, and he kept his government posts. Jaruzelski asked parliament to ban strikes and allow him to exercise extraordinary powers, but when neither request was granted, he decided to proceed with his plans anyway.<ref name="Poland under Communism 307-325"/>

===The martial law, Jaruzelski's rule and the end of communism (1981–1989)===

[[File:T-55A Martial law Poland.jpg|thumb|right|[[Martial law in Poland|Martial law]] enforced in December 1981]]

On 12–13 December 1981, the regime declared [[martial law in Poland]], under which the army and the [[ZOMO]] special police forces were used to crush Solidarity. The [[Soviet reaction to the Polish crisis of 1980–1981|Soviet leaders insisted]] that Jaruzelski pacifies the opposition with the forces at his disposal, without Soviet involvement. Almost all Solidarity leaders and many affiliated intellectuals were arrested or detained. Nine workers were killed in the [[Pacification of Wujek]]. The United States and other Western countries responded by imposing economic sanctions against Poland and the Soviet Union. Unrest in the country was subdued, but continued.<ref name="Poland under Communism 325-331">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=325–331}}.</ref>

During martial law, Poland was ruled by the so-called [[Military Council of National Salvation]]. The open or semi-open opposition communications, as recently practiced, were replaced by underground publishing (known in the eastern bloc as [[Samizdat]]), and Solidarity was reduced to a few thousand underground activists.<ref name="playground II xxiii">{{Harvnb|Davies|2005b|p=xxiii}}</ref><ref name="Poland under Communism 332-360">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=332–360}}.</ref>

Having achieved some semblance of stability, the Polish regime relaxed and then rescinded martial law over several stages. By December 1982 martial law was suspended and a small number of political prisoners, including Wałęsa, were released. Although martial law formally ended in July 1983 and a partial amnesty was enacted, several hundred political prisoners remained in jail.<ref name="Poland under Communism 325-331"/> [[Jerzy Popiełuszko]], a popular pro-Solidarity priest, was abducted and murdered by security functionaries in October 1984.<ref name="playground II xxiii"/><ref name="Poland under Communism 332-360"/>

[[File:Pope John Paul II 11 06 1987 01.jpg|thumb|left|220px|[[Pope John Paul II]] in Poland, 1987]]

Further developments in Poland occurred concurrently with and were influenced by the reformist leadership of [[Mikhail Gorbachev]] in the Soviet Union (processes known as [[Glasnost]] and [[Perestroika]]).<ref name="playground II xxiii"/> In September 1986, a general amnesty was declared and the government released nearly all political prisoners. However, the country lacked basic stability, as the regime's efforts to organize society from the top down had failed, while the opposition's attempts at creating an "alternate society" were also unsuccessful.<ref name="Stelmachowski 57">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|p=57}}.</ref> With the economic crisis unresolved and societal institutions dysfunctional, both the ruling establishment and the opposition began looking for ways out of the stalemate. Facilitated by the indispensable mediation of the Catholic Church, exploratory contacts were established.<ref name="Poland under Communism 332-360"/>

Student protests resumed in February 1988. Continuing economic decline led to [[1988 Polish strikes|strikes across the country]] in April, May and August. The Soviet Union, increasingly destabilized, was unwilling to apply military or other pressure to prop up allied regimes in trouble.<ref name="Poland under Communism 332-360"/><ref name="Poland under Communism 361-405">{{Harvnb|Kemp-Welch|2008|pp=361–405}}.</ref> The Polish government felt compelled to negotiate with the opposition and in September 1988 preliminary talks with Solidarity leaders ensued in [[Magdalenka, Masovian Voivodeship|Magdalenka]]. Numerous meetings that took place involved Wałęsa and General Kiszczak, among others. In November, the regime made a major public relations mistake by allowing a televised debate between Wałęsa and [[Alfred Miodowicz]], chief of the [[All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions]], the official trade union organization.<ref name="Stelmachowski 58-99">{{Harvnb|Stelmachowski|2011|pp=58–99}}.</ref> The fitful bargaining and intra-party squabbling led to the official [[Polish Round Table Agreement|Round Table Negotiations]] in 1989, followed by the [[1989 Polish legislative election|Polish legislative election]] in June of that year, a watershed event marking the [[Revolutions of 1989|fall of communism]] in Poland.<ref name="Poland under Communism 361-405"/><ref name="Stelmachowski 58-99"/>