Editing Pakistan (section)

== References ==
{{reflist |refs=

<ref name="Abbas-2015">{{harvtxt|Abbas|2015}} "Javed Nasir confesses that despite the U.N. ban on supplying arms to the besieged Bosnians, he successfully airlifted sophisticated antitank guided missiles which turned the tide in favour of Bosnian Muslims and forced the Serbs to lift the siege. Under his leadership the ISI also got involved in supporting Chinese Muslims in Xinjiang Province, rebel Muslim groups in the Philippines, and some religious groups in Central Asia."</ref>

<ref name="Ahmed-1997">{{harvtxt|Ahmed|1997}} "Mountbatten's partiality was apparent in his own statements. He tilted openly and heavily towards Congress. While doing so he clearly expressed his lack of support and faith in the Muslim League and its Pakistan idea."</ref>

<ref name="Allchin-1982">{{harvtxt|Allchin|Allchin|1982}} "During the second half of the fourth and early part of the third millennium B.C., a new development begins to become apparent in the greater Indus system, which we can now see to be a formative stage underlying the Mature Indus of the middle and late third millennium. This development seems to have involved the whole Indus system, and to a lesser extent the Indo-Iranian borderlands to its west, but largely left untouched the subcontinent east of the Indus system."</ref>

<ref name="Cochrane-2009">{{harvtxt|Cochrane|2009}} "The social scientist, Nasim Ahmad Jawed has conducted a survey of nationalism in pre-divided Pakistan and identifies the links between religion, politics and nationalism in both wings of Pakistan. His findings are fascinating and go some way to explain the differing attitudes of West and East Pakistan to the relationship between Islam and Pakistani nationalism and how this affected the views of people in both wings, especially the views of the peoples of both wings towards each other. In 1969, Jawed conducted a survey on the type of national identity that was used by educated professional people. He found that just over 60% in the East wing professed to have a secular national identity. However, in the West wing, the same figure professed an Islamic and not a secular identity. Furthermore, the same figure in the East wing described their identity in terms of their ethnicity and not in terms of Islam. He found that the opposite was the case in the West wing where Islam was stated to be more important than ethnicity."</ref>

<ref name="Coningham-Young-2015">{{harvtxt|Coningham|Young|2015}} "Mehrgarh remains one of the key sites in South Asia because it has provided the earliest known undisputed evidence for farming and pastoral communities in the region, and its plant and animal material provide clear evidence for the ongoing manipulation, and domestication, of certain species. Perhaps most importantly in a South Asian context, the role played by zebu makes this a distinctive, localised development, with a character completely different from other parts of the world. Finally, the longevity of the site, and its articulation with the neighbouring site of Nausharo (c. 2800—2000&nbsp;BCE), provides a very clear continuity from South Asia's first farming villages to the emergence of its first cities (Jarrige, 1984)."</ref>

<ref name="Copland-2001">{{harvtxt|Copland|2001}} "However, the real turning point for the new Muslim League came with the general election of December 1945 and January 1946. Despite facing a rejuvenated Congress, the League won four-fifths of all the Muslim-reserved seats ... The result left no one, not least the British, in doubt about where the locus of power within the Muslim community now lay ... In most respects, therefore, the League's success in the elections of 1945–46 can be interpreted as a clear Muslim mandate for Pakistan. (p 72)"</ref>

<ref name="Dhulipala-2015-1">{{harvtxt|Dhulipala|2015|page=496}} "The idea of Pakistan may have had its share of ambiguities, but its dismissal as a vague emotive symbol hardly illuminates the reasons as to why it received such overwhelmingly popular support among Indian Muslims, especially those in the 'minority provinces' of British India such as U.P."</ref>

<ref name="Dhulipala-2015-2">{{harvtxt|Dhulipala|2015|page=497}} "As the book has demonstrated, local ML functionaries, (U.P.) ML leadership, Muslim modernists at Aligarh, the ulama and even Jinnah at times articulated their vision of Pakistan in terms of an Islamic state."</ref>

<ref name="Dhulipala-2015-3">{{harvtxt|Dhulipala|2015|page=489}} "But what is undeniable is the close association he developed with the ulama, for when he died a little over a year after Pakistan was born, Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, in his funeral oration, described Jinnah as the greatest Muslim after the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb."……"Similarly, Usmani asked Pakistanis to remember the Qaid's ceaseless message of Unity, Faith and Discipline and work to fulfil his dream to create a solid bloc of all Muslim states from Karachi to Ankara, from Pakistan to Morocco. He [Jinnah] wanted to see the Muslims of the world united under the banner of Islam as an effective check against the aggressive designs of their enemies."</ref>

<ref name="Dhulipala-2015-4">{{harvtxt|Dhulipala|2015|page=491}} "Khaliq drew a sharp distinction between this Islamic state and a Muslim state. He claimed that as of now Pakistan was only a Muslim state in view of the majority of its population being Muslim, and indeed could never be an Islamic state by itself. It could certainly fulfill its promise and destiny by bringing together all the believers of Islam into one political unit and it is only then that an Islamic state would be achieved."</ref>

<ref name="Dhulipala-2015-5">{{harvtxt|Dhulipala|2015|page=18}} "As a top ranking ML leader Khaliquzzaman declared, 'Pakistan would bring all Muslim countries together into Islamistan – a pan-Islamic entity'."</ref>

<ref name="Dhulipala-2015-6">{{harvtxt|Dhulipala|2015|page=19}} "Within the subcontinent, ML propaganda claimed that besides liberating the 'majority provinces' Muslims it would guarantee protection for Muslims who would be left behind in Hindu India. In this regard, it repeatedly stressed the hostage population theory that held that 'hostage' Hindu and Sikh minorities inside Pakistan would guarantee Hindu India's good behaviour towards its own Muslim minority."</ref>

<ref name="Diamantides-Gearey-2011-1">{{harvtxt|Diamantides|Gearey|2011|page=196}} "The Constitution of 1973 was created by a parliament that was elected in the 1970 elections. In this first ever general elections&nbsp;..."</ref>

<ref name="Diamantides-Gearey-2011-2">{{harvtxt|Diamantides|Gearey|2011|page=198}} "The 1973 constitution also created certain institutions to channel the application and interpretation of Islam: the Council of Islamic Ideology and the Shariat Court."</ref>

<ref name="Diamantides-Gearey-2011-3">{{harvtxt|Diamantides|Gearey|2011|page=198}} "The Shariat judicial courts were not present in the original Constitution of 1973 and were later inserted in 1979 by General Zia-ul Haq ..."</ref>

<ref name="Dyson-2018">{{harvtxt|Dyson|2018}} "The subcontinent's people were hunter-gatherers for many millennia. There were very few of them. Indeed, 10,000&nbsp;years ago there may only have been a couple of hundred thousand people, living in small, often isolated groups, the descendants of various 'modern' human incomers. Then, perhaps linked to events in Mesopotamia, about 8,500&nbsp;years ago agriculture emerged in Baluchistan."</ref>

<ref name="Endrst-1965">{{harvtxt|Endrst|1965}} "Former Indian Defense Minister Krishna Menon who for years influenced the decisions of late Prime Minister Nehru himself a Kashmiri-put it bluntly last March in an interview with an American newsman when he said India could never agree to a U.N. sponsored plebiscite because 'Kashmir would vote to join Pakistan, and no Indian government responsible for agreeing to the plebiscite could survive.'"</ref>

<ref name="Fisher-2018">{{harvtxt|Fisher|2018}} "The earliest discovered instance in India of well-established, settled agricultural society is at Mehrgarh in the hills between the Bolan Pass and the Indus plain (today in Pakistan) (see Map&nbsp;3.1). From as early as 7000&nbsp;BCE, communities there started investing increased labor in preparing the land and selecting, planting, tending, and harvesting particular grain-producing plants. They also domesticated animals, including sheep, goats, pigs, and oxen (both humped zebu [Bos indicus] and unhumped [Bos taurus]). Castrating oxen, for instance, turned them from mainly meat sources into domesticated draft-animals as well."</ref>

{{refn|name="Geology"|Geology: multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|Hibbert|2015}}
* {{harvtxt|DeVivo|Laor|Panza|Kossobokov|2021}}
* {{harvtxt|Alisibramulisi et al.|2022}}
* {{harvtxt|Britannica (Azad Kashmir)|2024}}
}}<!--end refn-->

<ref name="Haqqani-2010-1">{{harvtxt|Haqqani|2010|page=16}} "The first formal step toward transforming Pakistan into an Islamic ideological state was taken in March 1949 when the country's first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, presented the Objectives Resolution in the constituent assembly."</ref>

<ref name="Haqqani-2010-2">{{harvtxt|Haqqani|2010|page=18}} "One of the earliest Western scholars of Pakistani politics, Keith Callard, observed that Pakistanis seemed to believe in the essential unity of purpose and outlook in the Muslim world: Pakistan was founded to advance the cause of Muslims. Other Muslims might have been expected to be sympathetic, even enthusiastic. But this assumed that other Muslim states would take the same view of the relation between religion and nationality."</ref>

<ref name="Haqqani-2010-3">{{harvtxt|Haqqani|2010|page=18}} "Pakistan's pan-Islamic aspirations, however, were neither shared nor supported by the Muslim governments of the time. Nationalism in other parts of the Muslim world was based on ethnicity, language, or territory."</ref>

<ref name="Haqqani-2010-4">{{harvtxt|Haqqani|2010|page=19}} "Although Muslim governments were initially unsympathetic to Pakistan's pan-Islamic aspirations, Islamists from the world over were drawn to Pakistan. Controversial figures such as the pro-Nazi former grand mufti of Palestine, Al-Haj Amin al-Husseini, and leaders of Islamist political movements like the Arab Muslim Brotherhood became frequent visitors to the country."</ref>

<ref name="Haqqani-2013-1">{{harvtxt|Haqqani|2013|pages=20–21}} "Within a few years the president of the Muslim League, Chaudhry Khaliq-uz-Zaman, announced that Pakistan would bring all Muslim countries together into Islamistan – a pan-Islamic entity. None of these developments within the new country elicited approval among Americans for the idea of India's partition ... British Prime Minister Clement Attlee voiced the international consensus at the time when he told the House of Commons of his hope that 'this severance may not endure.' He hoped that the proposed dominions of India and Pakistan would in course of time, come together to form one great Member State of the British Commonwealth of Nations."</ref>

<ref name="Haqqani-2013-2">{{harvtxt|Haqqani|2013|page=22}} "During this time most of the Arab world was going through a nationalist awakening. Pan-Islamic dreams involving the unification of Muslim countries, possibly under Pakistani leadership, had little attraction."</ref>

<ref name="Hardy-1972">{{harvtxt|Hardy|1972}} "Much has been made' of the failure of Congress and the Muslim parties to agree over the Nehru Report and of the rejection of Jinnah's 'Fourteen Points' as a significant milestone along the way to the partition of India. A great opportunity was lost, it is thought, for the abandonment of separate electorates by voluntary Muslim agreement."</ref>

<ref name="Hasan-Raza-2009">{{harvtxt|Hasan|Raza|2009|page=12}} "When the British Indian Empire was partitioned in 1947, 4.7 million Sikhs and Hindus left what is today Pakistan for India, and 6.5 million Muslims migrated from India to Pakistan."</ref>

<ref name="Hunter-2010">{{harvtxt|Hunter|2010}} "Since then, Pakistan's sectarian tensions have been a major irritant in Iranian-Pakistan relations."</ref>

<ref name="Hussain-2008-1">{{harvtxt|Hussain|2008}} "Mawlānā Shabbīr Ahmad Usmānī, a respected Deobandī ʿālim (scholar) who was appointed to the prestigious position of Shaykh al-Islām of Pakistan in 1949, was the first to demand that Pakistan become an Islamic state. But Mawdūdī and his Jamāʿat-i Islāmī played the central part in the demand for an Islamic constitution. Mawdūdī demanded that the Constituent Assembly make an unequivocal declaration affirming the "supreme sovereignty of God" and the supremacy of the sharīʿah as the basic law of Pakistan."</ref>

<ref name="Hussain-2008-2">{{harvtxt|Hussain|2008}} "The first important result of the combined efforts of the Jamāʿat-i Islāmī and the ʿulamāʿ was the passage of the Objectives Resolution in March 1949, whose formulation reflected compromise between traditionalists and modernists. The resolution embodied "the main principles on which the constitution of Pakistan is to be based". It declared that "sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to God Almighty alone and the authority which He has delegated to the State of Pakistan through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust", that "the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed", and that "the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accord with the teaching and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Qurʿan and Sunna". The Objectives Resolution has been reproduced as a preamble to the constitutions of 1956, 1962, and 1973."</ref>

{{refn|name="Iqbal"|Iqbal (two-nation theory): multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|N. Khan|2012}}
* {{harvtxt|Basu|Miroshnik|2023}} "Mohammed Iqbal was credited with coming up with the two-nation theory in his speech at Allahabad in 1930 to the Muslim League in a very formal way by saying: "I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind, and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State. Self-government within the British Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Moslem State appears to me to be the final destiny of the Moslems, at least of NorthWest India" (Zaidi, 1993; Ahmed, 1970)."
* {{harvtxt|Hussain|2018}} "After repeated demands for stronger constitutional safeguards to protect the rights of minorities, Iqbal eventually opted for a separate Islamic Republic instead. As opposed to putting the free and rational individual at the centre of his democratic theory, Iqbal’s republic primarily required Muslims endowed with a specific character and smelted together by a peculiar vision of individuality. Like a number of his contemporaries, Iqbal warmed up to the two nation-theory. Unlike the mainstream view, however, which read an eternal struggle of Hindus and Muslims back into Indian history, Iqbal’s concept of the Muslim nation was something to be striven towards, not something to be replanted from the past. Iqbal believed that the best way to actualize this national sentiment in the present, was through individual political action."
}}<!--end refn-->

<ref name="Kulke-Rothermund-2016">{{harvtxt|Kulke|Rothermund|2016}} "In the early centuries the centre of Buddhist scholarship was the University of Taxila."</ref>

<ref name="Kumarasingham-2013">{{harvtxt|Kumarasingham|2013}} "Few today, including those who work on the subcontinent, recollect that India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka did not become republics the day British rule ended. Even distinguished scholars of Empire like Perry Anderson and A. G. Hopkins have made the common assumption that India naturally became a republic upon independence on 15 August 1947. Instead, all three of these South Asian states began their independent life as Realms within the British Commonwealth and mirrored the style and institutions of the Dominions of Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand. Though their sovereignty was in no way impaired by this seemingly ambiguous position they all held the British sovereign as their head of state who was represented in each capital by a governor- general appointed on the advice of the local prime minister. India, Pakistan and Ceylon were Realms from 1947 to 1950, 1947 to 1956 and 1948 to 1972 respectively."</ref>

<ref name="Lapierre-Collins-2015">{{harvtxt|Lapierre|Collins|2015}} "Not only was I not aware, but nobody was aware. Nobody had a clue. I'm glad I didn't because I just don't know what I would have done if I'd known that.
You see, Jinnah was so much of a one-man band. If somebody had told me he's going to be dead in x months would I then
-I am asking myself this question now-would I have said, Let's hold India together and not divide it? Would I have put back the clock, and held the position? Most probably. I have a feeling Jinnah may not have known himself he had tuberculosis. He was a very severe, cold and repressed person. Nothing would have surprised me about him. He was an extraordinary creature."</ref>

<ref name="McGrath-1996">{{harvtxt|McGrath|1996}} "Undivided India, their magnificent imperial trophy, was besmirched by the creation of Pakistan, and the division of India was never emotionally accepted by many British leaders, Mountbatten among them."</ref>

<ref name="Metcalf-2006">{{harvtxt|Metcalf|Metcalf|2006}} "The loss of life was immense, with estimates ranging from several hundred thousand up to a million. But, even for those who survived, fear generated a widespread perception that one could be safe only among members of one's own community; and this in turn helped consolidate loyalties towards the state, whether India or Pakistan, in which one might find a secure haven. This was especially important for Pakistan, where the succour it offered to Muslims gave that state for the first time a visible territorial reality. Fear too drove forward a mass migration unparalleled in the history of South Asia. ... Overall, partition uprooted some 12.5 million of undivided India's people."</ref>

{{refn|name="Middle power nation"|Middle power: multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|Buzan|2004}}
* {{harvtxt|Solomon|1997}}
* {{harvtxt|Rajagopalan|2011}}
* {{harvtxt|Buzan|Waever|2003}}
* {{harvtxt|Paul|2012|p=11}} "The regional powers such as Israel or Pakistan are not simple bystanders of great power politics in their regions; they attempt to asymmetrically influence the major power system often in their own distinct ways."
* {{harvtxt|Vandamme|2014|p=14}} "Countries like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have enough influence to not be considered small, but not enough to be major powers. Within the limits of their regions, they play a significant political role. Thus instinctively, they would qualify as middle powers. While it is not the objective here to question the characteristics of Jordan's definition of middle powers, we argue that Pakistan is in fact a middle power despite its being nuclear-armed. When looking at the numbers, for instance, it appears that Saudi Arabia and Pakistan can be classified as middle powers."
}}<!--end refn-->

{{refn|name="Military relations"|Military relations: multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|Yadav|2024}}
* {{harvtxt|Lalwani|2023}}
* {{harvtxt|Kronstadt|2023}}
* {{harvtxt|Bruno|Bajoria|2008}}
}}<!--end refn-->

<ref name="Miller-2015">{{harvtxt|Miller|2015}} "Not since the tenth century had such a maverick crew occupied Islam's holiest sanctuary, and for nearly two weeks Saudi Special Forces assisted by Pakistani and French commandos fought pitched battles to reclaim the compound."</ref>

<ref name="Mohiuddin-2007-1">{{harvtxt|Mohiuddin|2007|page=70}} "In the elections of 1946, the Muslim League won 90 percent of the legislative seats reserved for Muslims. It was the power of the big zamindars in Punjab and Sindh behind the Muslim League candidates that led to this massive landslide victory (Alavi 2002, 14). Even Congress, which had always denied the League's claim to be the only true representative of Indian Muslims had to concede the truth of that claim. The 1946 election was, in effect, a plebiscite among Muslims on Pakistan."</ref>

<ref name="Mohiuddin-2007-2">{{harvtxt|Mohiuddin|2007|page=71}} "Despite the League's victory in the elections, the British did not want the partition of British India. As a last attempt to avoid it, Britain put forward the Cabinet Mission Plan, according to which India would become a federation of three large, self-governing provinces and the central government would be limited to power over foreign policy and defense, implying a weak center."</ref>

<ref name="Needham-1994">{{harvtxt|Needham|1994}} "When the men of Alexander the Great came to Taxila in India in the fourth century BCE they found a university there the like of which had not been seen in Greece, a university which taught the three Vedas and the eighteen accomplishments and was still existing when the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hsien went there about CE&nbsp;400."</ref>

<ref name="Pande-2011-1">{{harvtxt|Pande|2011|page=178}} "The belief that the creation of Pakistan made Pakistan the true leader of Muslim causes around the world led Pakistan's diplomats to vigorously champion the cause of self-determination for fellow Muslims at the United Nations. Pakistan's founders, including Jinnah, supported anti-colonial movements: "Our heart and soul go out in sympathy with those who are struggling for their freedom ... If subjugation and exploitation are carried on, there will be no peace and there will be no end to wars." Pakistani efforts on behalf of Indonesia (1948), Algeria (1948–1949), Tunisia (1948–1949), Morocco (1948–1956) and Eritrea (1960–1991) were significant and initially led to close ties between these countries and Pakistan."</ref>

<ref name="Pande-2011-2">{{harvtxt|Pande|2011|page=159}} "Both Saudi Arabia and Iran used Pakistan as a battleground for their proxy war for the 'hearts and minds' of Pakistani Sunnis and Shias with the resultant rise in sectarian tensions in Pakistan. The rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan in the 1990s further strained Pakistan-Iran relations. Pakistan's support of the Sunni Pashtun organization created problems for Shia Iran for whom a Taliban-controlled Afghanistan was a nightmare."</ref>

<ref name="Pasha-2005-1">{{harvtxt|Pasha|2005|page=225}} "Pakistan's expression of solidarity was followed, after Independence, by a vigorous pursuit of bilateral relations with Muslim countries like Iran and Turkey."</ref>

<ref name="Pasha-2005-2">{{harvtxt|Pasha|2005|page=226}} "Following Khaliquzzaman, the Ali brothers had sought to project Pakistan, with its comparatively larger manpower and military strength, as the natural leader of the Islamic world."</ref>

{{refn|name="Riots-1"|Casualties/Genocide: multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|Sikand|2004}}
* {{harvtxt|Butalia|2000}}
* {{harvtxt|Isaacs|1975}} "2,000,000 killed in the Hindu-Muslim holocaust during the partition of British-India and the creation of India and Pakistan"
* {{harvtxt|Basrur|2008}} "An estimated 12–15 million people were displaced, and some 2 million died. The legacy of Partition (never without a capital P) remains strong today ..."
* {{harvtxt|D'Costa|2011}} "Estimates of the dead vary from 200,000 (the contemporary British figure) to 2 million (a subsequent Indian speculation). Today, however, it is widely accepted that nearly a million people died during Partition (Butalia, 1997)."
* {{harvtxt|Brass|2003}} "In the event, largely but not exclusively as a consequence of their efforts, the entire Muslim population of the eastern Punjab districts migrated to West Punjab and the entire Sikh and Hindu populations moved to East Punjab in the midst of widespread intimidation, terror, violence, abduction, rape, and murder."
}}<!--end refn-->

{{refn|name="Riots-2"|Rape figures: multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|Visweswaran|2011}}
* {{harvtxt|Daiya|2011}} "The official estimate of the number of abducted women during Partition was placed at 33,000 non-Muslim (Hindu or Sikh predominantly) women in Pakistan, and 50,000 Muslim women in India."
* {{harvtxt|Abraham|2002}} "In addition thousands of women on both sides of the newly formed borders (estimated range from 29,000 to 50,000 Muslim women and 15,000 to 35,000 Hindu and Sikh women) were abducted, raped, forced to convert, forced into marriage, forced back into what the two States defined as 'their proper homes', torn apart from their families once during partition by those who abducted them, and again, after partition, by the State which tried to 'recover' and 'rehabilitate' them."
* {{harvtxt|Singh|Iyer|Gairola|2016}} "The horrific statistics that surround women refugees-between 75,000–100,000 Hindu, Muslim and Sikh women who were abducted by men of the other communities, subjected to multiple rapes, mutilations, and, for some, forced marriages and conversions-is matched by the treatment of the abducted women in the hands of the nation-state. In the Constituent Assembly in 1949 it was recorded that of the 50,000 Muslim women abducted in India, 8,000 of then were recovered, and of the 33,000 Hindu and Sikh women abducted, 12,000 were recovered."
}}<!--end refn-->

<ref name="Roberts-2003">{{harvtxt|Roberts|2003}} "The following year, Choudhry Khaliquzzaman toured the Middle East, pleading for the formation of an alliance or confederation of Muslim states. The Arab states, often citing Pakistan's inability to solve its problems with Muslim neighbor Afghanistan, showed little enthusiasm ... Some saw the effort to form 'Islamistan' as a Pakistani attempt to dominate other Muslim states."</ref>

<ref name="Sengupta-2023">{{harvtxt|Sengupta|2023}} "Syed Ahmad Khan, the founder of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (which later became Aligarh Muslim University), had declared in a speech in Meerut what would become famous as the "two nation theory.""......"Is it possible that under these circumstances two nations — the Mahomedans and the Hindus — could sit on the same throne and remain equal in power? Most certainly not."</ref>

<ref name="Singh-Shani-2021">{{harvtxt|Singh|Shani|2021}} "Jinnah's famous 'fourteen points' as a condition for support for India's unity, with strong provinces within a weak Indian federation, marked the parting of ways between the Congress and the Muslim national leadership (Jalal 1994, 10–11). At the 1930 session of the All-Indian Muslim Conference, Sir Mohammed Iqbal proposed a Muslim homeland that would serve 'as a symbolic cultural expression of the common striving of Muslim fulfilment – a political manifestation of a common mission' (Gilmartin 1988, 167). The idea of self-determination for India's Muslims was constructed mainly in fear of the majoritarian 'secular' (Hindu) nationalism of the Congress."</ref>

<ref name="Stubbs-Thomson-2016">{{harvtxt|Stubbs|Thomson|2016}} "Perhaps best known as home to Asia's earliest cities, the Harappan sites of Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa, Pakistan's rich history includes contributions from prominent Buddhist, Hindu, Hellenistic, Jain and Zoroastrian civilizations, as well as those connected to its Islamic heritage."</ref>

<ref name="Syed-Pio-Kamran-Zaidi-2016-1">{{harvtxt|Syed|Pio|Kamran|Zaidi|2016|page=379}} "...&nbsp;the military dictator Zia ul Haq (1977–1988) forged a strong alliance between the military and Deobani institutions and movements (e.g. the TJ)."</ref>

<ref name="Syed-Pio-Kamran-Zaidi-2016-2">{{harvtxt|Syed|Pio|Kamran|Zaidi|2016|page=346}} "The grave impact of that legacy was compunded by the Iranian Revolution, and Zia-ul Haq's anti-Shia policies, which added the violence and regimentation of the organization."</ref>

<ref name="Tucker-2020">{{harvtxt|Tucker|2020}} "Gandhi's decision played directly into the hands of Jinnah. Jinnah's Muslim League strongly supported the Allied war effort and thereby greatly advanced the possibility of the creation of a separate Muslim state in the Indian subcontinent after the war."</ref>

{{refn|name="Vedic period"|Vedic period: multiple sources:
* {{harvtxt|Ninan|2018}}
* {{harvtxt|Parmar|2018}}
* {{harvtxt|Consiglio|2015}}
* {{harvtxt|Carmichael|2022}}
}}<!--end refn-->

<ref name="Wiebes-2003">{{harvtxt|Wiebes|2003}} "Pakistan definitely defied the United Nations ban on supply of arms to the Bosnian Muslims and sophisticated anti-tank guided missiles were airlifted by the Pakistani intelligence agency, ISI, to help Bosnians fight the Serbs."</ref>

<ref name="Wolpert-1984">{{harvtxt|Wolpert|1984|page=17}} "Barrister Jinnah of Bombay remained as remote from such feelings, as out of tune with such reasoning, as he had been in London in 1893, when Sir Sayyid first spoke of Hindus and Muslims as "different nationalities.""</ref>

<ref name="Wolpert-2009">{{harvtxt|Wolpert|2009}} "Mountbatten tried to convince Jinnah of the value of accepting him, Mountbatten, as Pakistan's first governor-general, but Jinnah refused to be moved from his determination to take that job himself."</ref>

<ref name="Wright-2009">{{harvtxt|Wright|2009}} "The Indus civilisation is one of three in the 'Ancient East' that, along with Mesopotamia and Pharaonic Egypt, was a cradle of early civilisation in the Old World (Childe, 1950). Mesopotamia and Egypt were longer lived, but coexisted with Indus civilisation during its florescence between 2600 and 1900&nbsp;B.C. Of the three, the Indus was the most expansive, extending from today's northeast Afghanistan to Pakistan and India."</ref>

<ref name="Wuthnow-2013">{{harvtxt|Wuthnow|2013}} "To satisfy Muslims' determination to have guaranteed rights in the future political system of India and to maintain territorial unity of the Indian state, by 1929 Jinnah produced the formula known as the Fourteen Points of Mr. Jinnah.
The Fourteen Points included separate electorates for Muslims in the provinces of India, parity of electoral representation in the Punjab and Bengal, and electoral considerations for Muslims in those provinces in which they were a minority, although they would retain clear majority in the Northwest Frontier Province, Baluchistan, and Sind."</ref>

<ref name="Wynbrandt-2009">{{harvtxt|Wynbrandt|2009|pp=216–217}} "Zia, however, tried to bolster the influence of Islamic parties and the ulama on government and society."</ref>

}}<!-- end LDR refs-->

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