Editing Yasuhiro Nakasone (section)

==Premiership (1982–1987)==
{{seealso|First Nakasone Cabinet|Second Nakasone Cabinet|Third Nakasone Cabinet}}
In 1982, Nakasone became prime minister. Along with Minister of Foreign Affairs [[Shintaro Abe]], Nakasone improved Japanese relations with the [[Soviet Union|USSR]] and the [[China|People's Republic of China]]. Nakasone was best known for his close relationship with U.S. President [[Ronald Reagan]], popularly called the "Ron-Yasu" friendship. Nakasone sought a more equal relationship with the United States, and said: "President Reagan is the pitcher and I'm the catcher. When the pitcher gives the signs, I'll co-operate unsparingly, but if he doesn't sometimes follow the catcher's signs, the game can't be won".<ref name="Harvey, p. 365">Harvey, p. 365.</ref> Nakasone said Japan would be "America's unsinkable aircraft carrier" in the Pacific and that Japan would "keep complete control of the four straits that go through to Japanese islands, to prevent the passage of Soviet submarines".<ref name="Harvey, p. 365"/> He was attacked by political opponents as a reactionary and a "dangerous militarist". Nakasone responded by saying: "A nation must shed any sense of ignominy and move forward seeking glory". However his attempt to amend Article 9 failed.<ref name="Harvey, p. 365"/>

In 1984, Nakasone visited China on the twelfth anniversary of Japan's diplomatic recognition of the People's Republic, for which the Chinese government arranged tours of China for 3,000 Japanese youths. On the trip, Nakasone's son was privately accompanied by the daughter of [[Hu Yaobang]], the-then [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party]]. After the event, Hu was criticised by other members of the [[Chinese Communist Party]] for the extravagance and warmth of the event.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1jlOQc8BumIC&pg=PA315|title=Pioneers of Modern China: Understanding the Inscrutable Chinese|last=Lee|first=Khoon Choy|location=Singapore|publisher=World Scientific Publishing|date=2005|page=311|isbn=981-256-464-0}}</ref> Nakasone also visited President [[Corazon Aquino]] in a series of talks between the [[Philippines]] and Japan during a special state visit from 1986 to 1987, to provide good economic and trade relations.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1986/11/11/japan-promises-aquino-aid/414fd31c-a6f8-4ba7-9088-f9f33d12ea07/|title=Japan Promises Aquino Aid|last=Burgess|first=John|newspaper=The Washington Post|date=11 November 1986|access-date=30 November 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1986/11/14/aquino-ends-visit-to-japan/ded4943a-5153-4554-a910-f8876cebf989/|title=Aquino Ends Visit to Japan|last=Burgess|first=John|newspaper=The Washington Post|date=14 November 1986|access-date=30 November 2019}}</ref>

In economic affairs, Nakasone's most notable policy was his [[privatisation]] initiative, which led to the breakup of [[Japan National Railways]] into the modern [[Japan Railways Group|Japan Railways Group (JR)]]. This led to 80,000 redundancies, unheard of in Japan until that point.<ref name="Harvey, p. 369">Harvey, p. 369.</ref> He also privatized Nippon Telegraph and Telephone Public Corporation and Japan Tobacco and Salt Public Corporation to create [[Nippon Telegraph and Telephone|Nippon Telegraph and Telephone Corporation (NTT)]] and [[Japan Tobacco|Japan Tobacco Inc. (JT)]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.jiji.com/jc/v6?id=sonotoki12&a=1|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220726043520/https://www.jiji.com/jc/v6?id=sonotoki12&a=1|script-title=ja:中曽根康弘|language=ja|publisher=[[Jiji Press]]|archive-date=26 July 2022}}</ref><ref name ="jilpt08">{{cite web|url=https://www.jil.go.jp/institute/research/2008/documents/046/046_01.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210904105326/https://www.jil.go.jp/institute/research/2008/documents/046/046_01.pdf|script-title=ja:調査の目的と民営化の動向 |pages=5, 12–14|language=ja|publisher=[[Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training]]|archive-date=4 September 2021}}</ref> The privatization of the three public corporations reduced the number of employees and significantly improved ordinary income per employee, productivity, and sales.<ref name ="jilpt08"/> According to a report by [[Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training]], 20 years after the privatization of NTT and JT and 16 years after the privatization of JR, the number of employees was reduced to 35% for JT, 65% for NTT and 70% for JR. In addition, NTT, JT and JR increased their ordinary income by 8 times, 5.5 times and 3 times, respectively. The productivity of NTT, JT and JR increased 3 times, 2.5 times and 1.5 times, respectively. Sales at NTT and JR increased 2.2 times and 1.2 times, respectively.<ref name ="jilpt08"/> Nakasone wrote of his economic reforms:

<blockquote>I was carrying out a kind of "improvement" of Japan's structure. For 110 years, ever since the [[Meiji restoration]], Japan had been striving to catch up with America and Britain. In the 1970s we did catch up. Beyond that point the [state's] regulations only stand in the way of the growth of the economy. If government officials have too much power, the private sector of the economy will not grow. We had to change the system.<ref name="Harvey, p. 364">Harvey, p. 364.</ref></blockquote>

For the first time in Japan's post-war history, bureaucrats lost their leading role.<ref name="Harvey, p. 364"/> In 1985, Nakasone appointed the former Governor of the [[Bank of Japan]], [[Haruo Maekawa]], to head a commission on Japan's economic future. In 1986, the Commission recommended that Japan should grow not through exports (which were angering Japan's trading partners) but from within. Nakasone advised the Japanese public to purchase foreign imports; in a well-publicised shopping trip, he bought an American tennis racket, an Italian tie and a French shirt. He said: "Japan is like a [[mah-jong]] player who always wins. Sooner or later the other players will decide that they do not want to play with him".<ref name="Harvey, p. 369"/> The Japanese public were skeptical but the Commission created a good impression abroad, especially in America, where the [[United States Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment|Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs]] [[W. Allen Wallis]] called it a watershed in Japan's post-war economic policy.<ref>{{cite book|author=Karel van Wolferen|title=The Enigma of Japanese Power: People and Politics in a Stateless Nation|location=New York|publisher=Vintage|date=1990|page=413}}</ref>

Nakasone also became known for having a [[nationalism|nationalist]] attitude and for wanting to stimulate ethnic pride amongst the Japanese.<ref>Wolferen, p. 267.</ref> He was an adherent to the ''[[nihonjinron]]'' theory that claims Japan is incomparably different from the rest of the world.<ref name="Wolferen, p. 264">Wolferen, p. 264.</ref> Influenced by Japanese philosopher [[Tetsuro Watsuji]], Nakasone believed that Japan's "monsoon culture" inspired a special Japanese compassion, unlike the desert culture of the Middle East that produced the [[Judeo-Christian]] "An [[eye for an eye]], a tooth for a tooth". In a speech in 1986, Nakasone said it was Japan's international mission to spread the monsoon culture abroad.<ref name="Wolferen, p. 264"/>

On 15 August 1985, the fortieth anniversary of Japan's surrender, Nakasone and his Cabinet visited the [[Yasukuni Shrine]], where Japan's war casualties - including convicted war criminals - were buried, in full [[mourning dress]]. This had great symbolic significance as he visited the shrine in his official capacity, intending to reassert the Japanese government's respect for the spirits of the ancestors killed in battle, including those who died in [[World War II]].<ref>Harvey, p. 367.</ref> This turned out however to be a controversial move which was heavily criticised by the Chinese Government (including in its newspaper, ''[[People's Daily]]'') and led to angry demonstrations in Beijing.<ref>{{cite news |last=Haberman |first=Clyde |date=10 October 1985 |title=Nakasone, Giving in, Will Shun Shrine |newspaper=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1985/10/10/world/nakasone-giving-in-will-shun-shrine.html |access-date= 30 December 2020}}</ref> It was also attacked by opponents at home for violating the Constitution's separation of religion and state. Nakasone defended his actions by saying, "The true defence of Japan&nbsp;... becomes possible only through the combination of liberty-loving peoples who are equal to each other&nbsp;... The manner is desired to be based on self-determination of the race". He also said, "It is considered progressive to criticise pre-war Japan for its faults and defects, but I firmly oppose such a notion. A nation is still a nation whether it wins or loses a war".<ref name="Harvey, p. 368">Harvey, p. 368.</ref>

Nakasone also sought educational reform, setting up a commission. Its report recommended that "a spirit of patriotism" should be inculcated in children, along with respect for elders and authority. This was not fully implemented and came under attack from the [[Japan Teachers Union|teachers' trade union]]. The commission also recommended that the [[Kimigayo|national anthem]] should be taught and that the [[Rising Sun Flag]] should also be raised during entrance and graduation ceremonies. History textbooks were also reformed. In 1986, Nakasone dismissed his Education Minister, [[Masayuki Fujio]], after he justified Japan's [[Japan–Korea Treaty of 1910|annexation of Korea in 1910]].<ref name="Harvey, p. 368"/>

Nakasone aroused controversy in September 1986 when he claimed that Americans were, on average, less intelligent than Japanese because "the US has many immigrants, [[Puerto Ricans in the United States|Puerto Ricans]], [[Mexican Americans|Mexicans]], and [[African-Americans|Blacks]], who bring the average level down" and also said that "in America today there are still many Blacks who can't even read."<ref name="Harvey, p. 368"/><ref>{{Cite book|last=Thorsten|first=Marie|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HOHGBQAAQBAJ&pg=PT58|title=Superhuman Japan: Knowledge, Nation and Culture in US-Japan Relations|date=2012-03-15|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-136-44672-6|language=en}}</ref> He then clarified his comments, stating that he meant to congratulate the U.S. on its economic success despite the presence of "problematic" minorities.<ref>{{cite magazine|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1101861006-143333,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070310234346/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1101861006-143333,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=10 March 2007|title=Nakasone's World-Class Blunder|first=Ezra|last=Bowen|magazine=Time|date=24 June 2001}}</ref> [[Ainu people]] living in Japan criticized this comment as ignoring the reality of racial discrimination against them.<ref>{{Cite news |date=October 24, 1986 |title='No Minority Races in Japan,' Says Nakasone |work=[[The Japan Times]] |pages=2}}</ref>

In 1987, he was forced to resign after he attempted to introduce a [[value added tax]] to reduce the burden of direct taxes in a policy designed to cut the budget deficit.<ref name="Harvey, p. 369"/>

<gallery widths="200px" heights="160px">
File:President Reagan and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone.jpg|Having lunch with [[Ronald Reagan]] (at Nakasone's country residence in [[Hinode, Tokyo|Hinode]], [[Nishitama District, Tokyo|Nishitama]], [[Tokyo]] in 1983)
File:G-7 Summit 1983.jpg|With leaders of the [[G7]] (at the [[9th G7 summit]] in 1983)
File:President Ronald Reagan Walking with Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone of Japan at Camp David.jpg|With [[Ronald Reagan]] (at [[Camp David]] on 13 April 1986)
File:President Ronald Reagan and Nancy Reagan receive a gift from Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone.jpg|With [[Ronald Reagan]] and [[Nancy Reagan]] (at [[Camp David]] on 13 April 1986)
</gallery>