Editing Uganda (section)

===Buganda crisis (1962–1966)===
{{main|Mengo Crisis}}
[[File:Owen Falls Dam construction.jpg|thumb|right|Construction of the [[Nalubaale Hydroelectric Power Station|Owen Falls Dam]] in [[Jinja District|Jinja]]]]

Uganda's immediate post-independence years were dominated by the relationship between the central government and the largest regional kingdom – [[Buganda]].<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Lee|first1=J. M.|title=Uganda's first year of Independence|journal=The Political Quarterly|date=January 1964|volume=35|issue=1|pages=35–45|doi=10.1111/j.1467-923X.1964.tb01966.x}}</ref>
[[File:Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II ne Nnaabagereka Sylvia Nagginda.jpg|thumb|Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II ne nnaabagereka Sylvia Nagginda]]
From the moment the British created the Uganda protectorate, the issue of how to manage the largest monarchy within the framework of a unitary state had always been a problem. Colonial governors had failed to come up with a formula that worked. This was further complicated by Buganda's nonchalant attitude to its relationship with the central government. Buganda never sought independence but rather appeared to be comfortable with a loose arrangement that guaranteed them privileges above the other subjects within the protectorate or a special status when the British left. This was evidenced in part by hostilities between the British colonial authorities and Buganda prior to independence.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Young|first1=Crawford|title=The politics of cultural pluralism|date=1979|publisher=University of Wisconsin Press|location=Madison|isbn=9780299067441|pages=248–250}}</ref>

Within Buganda, there were divisions between those who wanted the [[Kabaka of Buganda|Kabaka]] to remain a dominant monarch and those who wanted to join with the rest of Uganda to create a modern secular state. The split resulted in the creation of two dominant Buganda based parties – the Kabaka Yekka (Kabaka Only) KY, and the [[Democratic Party (Uganda)|Democratic Party]] (DP) that had roots in the Catholic Church. The bitterness between these two parties was extremely intense especially as the first elections for the post-Colonial parliament approached. The Kabaka particularly disliked the DP leader, [[Benedicto Kiwanuka]].<ref>{{cite book|last1=Mutibwa|first1=Phares|title=Uganda since independence, a story of unfulfilled hopes|date=1992|publisher=Hurst|location=London|isbn=9781850650669}}</ref>

Outside Buganda, a soft-spoken politician from Northern Uganda, [[Milton Obote]], had forged an alliance of non-Buganda politicians to form the Uganda People's Congress (UPC). The UPC at its heart was dominated by politicians who wanted to rectify what they saw as the regional inequality that favoured Buganda's special status. This drew in substantial support from outside Buganda. The party however remained a loose alliance of interests, but Obote showed great skill at negotiating them into a common ground based on a federal formula.<ref name="Kasozi">{{cite book|last1=Kasozi|first1=A. B. K.|title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985|date=1994|publisher=McGill-Queens's University Press|location=Montreal|isbn=9780773512184}}</ref>
[[File:Uganda Printers Kampala 1950s.jpg|thumb|left|The Uganda printers building on Kampala Road, Kampala, Uganda]]
At Independence, the Buganda question remained unresolved. Uganda was one of the few colonial territories that achieved independence without a dominant political party with a clear majority in parliament. In the pre-Independence elections, the UPC ran no candidates in Buganda and won 37 of the 61 directly elected seats (outside Buganda). The DP won 24 seats outside Buganda. The "special status" granted to Buganda meant that the 21 Buganda seats were elected by proportional representation reflecting the elections to the Buganda parliament – the Lukikko. KY won a resounding victory over DP, winning all 21 seats.

The UPC reached a high at the end of 1964 when the leader of the DP in parliament, [[Basil Kiiza Bataringaya]], crossed the parliamentary floor with five other MPs, leaving DP with only nine seats. The DP MPs were not particularly happy that the hostility of their leader, Benedicto Kiwanuka, towards the Kabaka was hindering their chances of compromise with KY.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Bade|first1=Albert|title=Benedicto Kiwanuka : the man and his politics|date=1996|publisher=Fountain Publ.|location=Kampala|isbn=978-9970020089}}</ref> The trickle of defections turned into a flood when 10 KY members crossed the floor when they realised the formal coalition with the UPC was no longer viable. Obote's charismatic speeches across the country were sweeping all before him, and the UPC was winning almost every local election held and increasing its control over all district councils and legislatures outside Buganda.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Ciment|first1=James|title=Encyclopedia of conflicts since World War II|date=2006|publisher=Routledge|location=London|isbn=9780765680051|page=311|edition=2nd}}</ref> The response from the Kabaka was mute – probably content in his ceremonial role and symbolism in his part of the country. However, there were also major divisions within his palace that made it difficult for him to act effectively against Obote. By the time Uganda had become independent, Buganda "was a divided house with contending social and political forces"<ref name=Kasozi63>{{cite book|last1=Kasozi|title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985|date=1994|page=63}}</ref> There were however problems brewing inside the UPC. As its ranks swelled, the ethnic, religious, regional, and personal interests began to shake the party. The party's apparent strength was eroded in a complex sequence of factional conflicts in its central and regional structures. And by 1966, the UPC was tearing itself apart. The conflicts were further intensified by the newcomers who had crossed the parliamentary floor from DP and KY.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YSa7Wxuw50YC&pg=PA71 |last1=Kasozi |title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985 |date=1994 |page=71 |publisher=McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP |isbn=9780773512184 |access-date=5 May 2020 |archive-date=17 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210417204140/https://books.google.com/books?id=YSa7Wxuw50YC&pg=PA71 |url-status=live }}</ref>

The UPC delegates arrived in [[Gulu]] in 1964 for their delegates conference. Here was the first demonstration as to how Obote was losing control of his party. The battle over the Secretary-General of the party was a bitter contest between the new moderate's candidate – [[Grace Ibingira]] and the radical John Kakonge. Ibingira subsequently became the symbol of the opposition to Obote within the UPC. This is an important factor when looking at the subsequent events that led to the crisis between Buganda and the Central government. For those outside the UPC (including KY supporters), this was a sign that Obote was vulnerable. Keen observers realised the UPC was not a cohesive unit.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kasozi|title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985|date=1994|page=70}}</ref>

The collapse of the UPC-KY alliance openly revealed the dissatisfaction Obote and others had about Buganda's "special status". In 1964, the government responded to demands from some parts of the vast Buganda Kingdom that they were not the Kabaka's subjects. Prior to colonial rule, Buganda had been rivalled by the neighbouring [[Bunyoro]] kingdom. Buganda had conquered parts of Bunyoro and the British colonialists had formalised this in the Buganda Agreements. Known as the "lost counties", the people in these areas wished to revert to being part of Bunyoro. Obote decided to allow a referendum, which angered the Kabaka and most of the rest of Buganda. The residents of the counties voted to return to Bunyoro despite the Kabaka's attempts to influence the vote.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Lamwaka|first1=Caroline|title=The Raging Storm: A Reporter's Inside Account of the Northern Uganda War, 1986–2005|date=2016|publisher=Fountain Publishers|location=Kampala|isbn=978-9970252213}}</ref> Having lost the referendum, KY opposed the bill to pass the counties to Bunyoro, thus ending the alliance with the UPC.

The UPC which had previously been a national party began to break along tribal lines when Ibingira challenged Obote in the UPC. The "North/South" ethnic divide that had been evident in economic and social spheres now entrenched itself in politics. Obote surrounded himself with mainly northern politicians, while Ibingira's supporters who were subsequently arrested and jailed with him, were mainly from the South. In time, the two factions acquired ethnic labels – "Bantu" (the mainly Southern Ibingira faction) and "Nilotic" (the mainly Northern Obote faction). The perception that the government was at war with the Bantu was further enhanced when Obote arrested and imprisoned the mainly Bantu ministers who backed Ibingira.<ref name="Otunnu">{{cite book|last1=Otunnu|first1=Ogenga|title=Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda, 1890 to 1979|date=2016|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|location=London|isbn=978-3319331553}}</ref>
[[File:SA18157-Crowned Crane - Żuraw Królewski.jpg|thumb|[[Grey crowned crane|Grey Crowned Crane]] – a symbol of Uganda|alt=]]
These labels brought into the mix two very powerful influences. First Buganda – the people of Buganda are Bantu and therefore naturally aligned to the Ibingira faction. The Ibingira faction further advanced this alliance by accusing Obote of wanting to overthrow the Kabaka.<ref name="Otunnu" /> They were now aligned to opposing Obote. Second – the security forces – the British colonialists had recruited the army and police almost exclusively from Northern Uganda due to their perceived suitability for these roles. At independence, the army and police was dominated by northern tribes – mainly Nilotic. They would now feel more affiliated to Obote, and he took full advantage of this to consolidate his power. In April 1966, Obote passed out eight hundred new army recruits at [[Moroto Town|Moroto]], of whom seventy percent came from the Northern Region.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kasozi|title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985|date=1994|page=83}}</ref>

At the time, there was a tendency to perceive central government and security forces as dominated by "northerners" – particularly the Acholi who through the UPC had significant access to government positions at national level.<ref name="LRA-MR">{{cite book|last1=Allen|first1=Tim|last2=Vlassenroot|first2=Koen|title=The Lord's Resistance Army: myth and reality|date=2010|publisher=Zed|location=London|isbn=9781848135635}}</ref> In northern Uganda there were also varied degrees of anti-Buganda feelings, particularly over the kingdom's "special status" before and after independence, and all the economic and social benefits that came with this status. "Obote brought significant numbers of northerners into the central state, both through the civil service and military, and created a patronage machine in Northern Uganda".<ref name="LRA-MR" /> However, both "Bantu" and "Nilotic" labels represent significant ambiguities. The Bantu category for example includes both Buganda and Bunyoro – historically bitter rivals. The Nilotic label includes the Lugbara, Acholi, and Langi, all of whom have bitter rivalries that were to define Uganda's military politics later. Despite these ambiguities, these events unwittingly brought to fore the northerner/southerner political divide which to some extent still influences Ugandan politics.

The UPC fragmentation continued as opponents sensed Obote's vulnerability. At local level where the UPC dominated most councils discontent began to challenge incumbent council leaders. Even in Obote's home district, attempts were made to oust the head of the local district council in 1966. A more worrying fact for the UPC was that the next national elections loomed in 1967 – and without the support of KY (who were now likely to back the DP), and the growing factionalism in the UPC, there was the real possibility that the UPC would be out of power in months.{{cn|date=February 2025}}

Obote went after KY with a new act of parliament in early 1966 that blocked any attempt by KY to expand outside Buganda. KY appeared to respond in parliament through one of their few remaining MPs, the terminally ill Daudi Ochieng. Ochieng was an irony – although from Northern Uganda, he had risen high in the ranks of KY and become a close confidant to the Kabaka who had gifted him with large land titles in Buganda. In Obote's absence from Parliament, Ochieng laid bare the illegal plundering of ivory and gold from the Congo that had been orchestrated by Obote's army chief of staff, Colonel [[Idi Amin]]. He further alleged that Obote, Onama and Neykon had all benefited from the scheme.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Somerville|first1=Keith|title=Ivory: Power and Poaching in Africa|date=2017|publisher=Hurst|location=London|isbn=9781849046763}}</ref> Parliament overwhelmingly voted in favour of a motion to censure Amin and investigate Obote's involvement. This shook the government and raised tensions in the country.

KY further demonstrated its ability to challenge Obote from within his party at the UPC Buganda conference where Godfrey Binaisa (the Attorney General) was ousted by a faction believed to have the backing of KY, Ibingira and other anti-Obote elements in Buganda.<ref name=Kasozi63 /> Obote's response was to arrest Ibingira and other ministers at a cabinet meeting and to assume special powers in February 1966. In March 1966, Obote also announced that the offices of President and vice-president would cease to exist – effectively dismissing the Kabaka. Obote also gave Amin more power – giving him the Army Commander position over the previous holder (Opolot) who had relations to Buganda through marriage (possibly believing Opolot would be reluctant to take military action against the Kabaka if it came to that). Obote abolished the constitution and effectively suspended elections due in a few months. Obote went on television and radio to accuse the Kabaka of various offences including requesting foreign troops which appears to have been explored by the Kabaka following the rumours of Amin plotting a coup. Obote further dismantled the authority of the Kabaka by announcing among other measures:
* The abolition of independent public service commissions for federal units. This removed the Kabaka's authority to appoint civil servants in Buganda.
* The abolition of the Buganda High Court – removing any judicial authority the Kabaka had.
* The bringing of Buganda financial management under further central control.
* Abolition of lands for Buganda chiefs. Land is one of the key sources of Kabaka's power over his subjects.

The lines were now drawn for a showdown between Buganda and the Central government. Within Buganda's political institutions, rivalries driven by religion and personal ambition made the institutions ineffective and unable to respond to the central government moves. The Kabaka was often regarded as aloof and unresponsive to advice from the younger Buganda politicians who better understood the new post-Independence politics, unlike the traditionalists who were ambivalent to what was going on as long as their traditional benefits were maintained. The Kabaka favoured the neo-traditionalists.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kasozi|title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985|date=1994|page=64}}</ref>

In May 1966, the Kabaka asked for foreign help, and the Buganda parliament demanded that the Uganda government leave Buganda (including the capital, Kampala). In response Obote ordered Idi Amin to attack the Kabaka's palace. The battle for the Kabaka's palace was fierce – the Kabaka's guards putting up more resistance than had been expected. The British trained Captain – the Kabaka with about 120 armed men kept Idi Amin at bay for twelve hours.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kasozi|title=The social origins of violence in Uganda, 1964–1985|date=1994|page=85}}</ref> It is estimated that up to 2,000 people died in the battle which ended when the army called in heavier guns and overran the palace. The anticipated countryside uprising in Buganda did not materialise and a few hours later a beaming Obote met the press to relish his victory. The Kabaka escaped over the palace walls and was transported into exile in London by supporters. He died there three years later.