Editing Nationalism (section)

=== 19th century ===
{{main|International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)}}
[[File:JV Snellman.jpg|thumb|Senator [[Johan Vilhelm Snellman]] (1806–1881), who also possessed the professions of [[philosopher]], [[journalist]] and [[author]], was one of the most influential [[Fennoman]]s and [[Finnish nationalism|Finnish nationalists]] in the 19th century.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://kansallisbiografia.fi/english/person/3639|title=Etusivu|website=kansallisbiografia.fi|access-date=29 June 2020|archive-date=12 June 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180612210644/https://kansallisbiografia.fi/english/person/3639|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.foreigner.fi/opinion/mahmudul-islam/the-man-who-inspired-finns-to-be-finns/20200402183442005129.html|title=Snellman, the man who inspired Finns to be Finns|website=Foreigner.fi|date=2 April 2020|access-date=19 June 2021|archive-date=24 June 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210624202213/https://www.foreigner.fi/opinion/mahmudul-islam/the-man-who-inspired-finns-to-be-finns/20200402183442005129.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://valtioneuvosto.fi/-/prime-minister-vanhanen-at-the-celebration-of-j-v-snellman|title=Prime Minister Vanhanen at the Celebration of J.V. Snellman|website=Valtioneuvosto|date=12 May 2006|access-date=29 June 2020|archive-date=19 March 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220319081838/https://valtioneuvosto.fi/-/prime-minister-vanhanen-at-the-celebration-of-j-v-snellman|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://finlandtoday.fi/five-facts-that-you-didnt-know-about-j-v-snellman/|title=Five Facts That You Didn't Know About J.V. Snellman|first=Tony|last=Öhberg|access-date=29 June 2020|archive-date=19 March 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220319081838/https://finlandtoday.fi/five-facts-that-you-didnt-know-about-j-v-snellman/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>Andrew Nestingen: Crime and Fantasy in Scandinavia: Fiction, Film and Social Change. University of Washington Press, 2008. {{ISBN|978-8763507936}}.</ref>]]
The political development of nationalism and the push for [[popular sovereignty]] culminated with the ethnic/national revolutions of Europe. During the 19th century nationalism became one of the most significant political and social forces in history; it is typically listed among the top causes of [[World War I]].<ref>{{cite book|author=John Horne|title=A Companion to World War I|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EjZHLXRKjtEC&pg=PA21|year=2012|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|pages=21–22|isbn=978-1119968702|access-date=22 November 2016|archive-date=27 April 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230427155357/https://books.google.com/books?id=EjZHLXRKjtEC&pg=PA21|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Gillette | first1 = Aaron | year = 2006 | title = Why Did They Fight the Great War? A Multi-Level Class Analysis of the Causes of the First World War | journal = The History Teacher | volume = 40 | issue = 1| pages = 45–58 | doi=10.2307/30036938| jstor = 30036938 }}</ref>

Napoleon's conquests of the German and Italian states around 1800–1806 played a major role in stimulating nationalism and the demands for national unity.<ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 1875877|title = Napoleon and the Age of Nationalism|journal = The Journal of Modern History|volume = 22|issue = 1|pages = 21–37|last1 = Kohn|first1 = Hans|year = 1950|doi = 10.1086/237315|s2cid = 3270766}}</ref>

English historian J. P. T. Bury argues:
<blockquote>Between 1830 and 1870 nationalism had thus made great strides. It inspired great literature, quickened scholarship, and nurtured heroes. It had shown its power both to unify and to divide. It had led to great achievements of political construction and consolidation in Germany and Italy; but it was more clear than ever a threat to the Ottoman and Habsburg empires, which were essentially multi-national. European culture had been enriched by the new vernacular contributions of little-known or forgotten peoples, but at the same time such unity as it had was imperiled by fragmentation. Moreover, the antagonisms fostered by nationalism had made not only for wars, insurrections, and local hatreds—they had accentuated or created new spiritual divisions in a nominally Christian Europe.<ref>J. P. T. Bury, "Nationalities and Nationalism," in J. P. T. Bury, ed. "The New Cambridge Modern History Vol. 10 (1830–70)" (1960) pp. 213–245 [245] [https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.110153 online].</ref></blockquote>

==== France ====
{{main|French nationalism}}
{{further|French–German enmity|Revanchism}}
[[File:The Geography Lesson or "The Black Spot".jpg|thumb|A painting by [[Alphonse-Marie-Adolphe de Neuville]] from 1887 depicting French students being taught about the lost provinces of [[Alsace-Lorraine]], taken by Germany in 1871]]
Nationalism in France gained early expressions in France's revolutionary government. In 1793, that government declared a mass conscription (''levée en masse'') with a call to service:
<blockquote>Henceforth, until the enemies have been driven from the territory of the Republic, all the French are in permanent requisition for army service. The young men shall go to battle; the married men shall forge arms in the hospitals; the children shall turn old linen to lint; the old men shall repair to the public places, to stimulate the courage of the warriors and preach the unity of the Republic and the hatred of kings.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The People in Arms: Military Myth and National Mobilization since the French Revolution|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2003|editor-last=Moran|editor-first=Daniel|location=Cambridge|pages=14|editor-last2=Waldron|editor-first2=Arthur}}</ref></blockquote>

This nationalism gained pace after the French Revolution came to a close. Defeat in war, with a loss in territory, was a powerful force in nationalism. In France, revenge and return of [[Alsace-Lorraine]] was a powerful motivating force for a quarter century after their defeat by Germany in 1871. After 1895, French nationalists focused on Dreyfus and internal subversion, and the Alsace issue petered out.<ref>{{cite book|author=K. Varley|title=Under the Shadow of Defeat: The War of 1870–71 in French Memory|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wJGFDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA54|year=2008|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-0230582347|page=54}}</ref>

The French reaction was a famous case of [[Revanchism|''Revanchism'' ("revenge")]] which demands the return of lost territory that "belongs" to the national homeland. Revanchism draws its strength from patriotic and retributionist thought and it is often motivated by economic or geo-political factors. Extreme revanchist ideologues often represent a hawkish stance, suggesting that their desired objectives can be achieved through the positive outcome of another war. It is linked with irredentism, the conception that a part of the cultural and ethnic nation remains "unredeemed" outside the borders of its appropriate nation state. Revanchist politics often rely on the identification of a nation with a nation state, often mobilizing deep-rooted sentiments of ethnic nationalism, claiming territories outside the state where members of the ethnic group live, while using heavy-handed nationalism to mobilize support for these aims. Revanchist justifications are often presented as based on ancient or even autochthonous occupation of a territory since "time immemorial", an assertion that is usually inextricably involved in revanchism and irredentism, justifying them in the eyes of their proponents.<ref>Karine Varley, "The Taboos of Defeat: Unmentionable Memories of the Franco-Prussian War in France, 1870–1914." in Jenny Macleod, ed., ''Defeat and Memory: Cultural Histories of Military Defeat in the Modern Era'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) pp. 62–80.</ref>

The [[Dreyfus Affair]] in France 1894–1906 made the battle against treason and disloyalty a central theme for conservative Catholic French nationalists. Dreyfus, a Jew, was an outsider, that is in the views of intense nationalists, not a true Frenchman, not one to be trusted, not one to be given the benefit of the doubt. True loyalty to the nation, from the conservative viewpoint, was threatened by liberal and republican principles of liberty and equality that were leading the country to disaster.<ref name="google_2016_pg173">{{cite book|author=Jeremy D. Popkin|title=A History of Modern France|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dAk3DAAAQBAJ&pg=PA173|year=2016|page=173|publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1315508207}}</ref>

==== Russia ====
{{Main|Russian nationalism}}
[[File:Памятник Тысячелетие России в Новгороде.JPG|thumb|upright|The [[Millennium of Russia]] monument which was built in 1862 in celebration of one thousand years of [[History of Russia|Russian history]]]]
Before 1815, the sense of Russian nationalism was weak—what sense there was focused on loyalty and obedience to the [[Emperor of all the Russias|tsar]]. The Russian motto "[[Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality]]" was coined by Count [[Sergey Uvarov]] and it was adopted by Emperor [[Nicholas I of Russia|Nicholas I]] as the official ideology of the [[Russian Empire]].<ref>Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, ''Nicholas I and Official Nationality in Russia 1825–1855'' (1969)</ref> Three components of Uvarov's triad were:
* [[Orthodoxy]]{{snd}}Orthodox Christianity and protection of the [[Russian Orthodox Church]].
* [[Tsarist autocracy|Autocracy]]{{snd}}unconditional loyalty to the [[House of Romanov]] in return for [[paternalism|paternalist]] protection for all [[Social estates in the Russian Empire|social estates]].
* [[Nationality]] (''Narodnost'', has been also translated as ''national spirit'')<ref>{{cite book|last=Hutchings|first=Stephen C.|title=Russian Literary Culture in the Camera Age: The Word as Image|publisher=Routledge|year=2004|page=86}}</ref>{{snd}}recognition of the state-founding role on Russian nationality.

By the 1860s, as a result of educational indoctrination, and due to conservative resistance to ideas and ideologies which were transmitted from [[Western Europe]], a [[pan-Slavism|pan-Slavic movement]] had emerged and it produced both a sense of Russian nationalism and a nationalistic mission to support and protect pan-Slavism. This [[Slavophilia|Slavophile]] movement became popular in 19th-century Russia. Pan-Slavism was fueled by, and it was also the fuel for Russia's numerous [[History of the Russo-Turkish wars|wars against the Ottoman Empire]] which were waged in order to achieve the alleged goal of liberating Orthodox nationalities, such as [[Bulgarians]], [[Romanians]], [[Serbs]] and [[Greeks]], from [[Ottoman Empire|Ottoman rule]]. Slavophiles opposed the Western European influences which had been transmitted to Russia and they were also determined to protect [[Culture of Russia|Russian culture]] and traditions. [[Aleksey Khomyakov]], [[Ivan Kireyevsky]], and [[Konstantin Aksakov]] are credited with co-founding the movement.<ref>Astrid S. Tuminez, '' Russian Nationalism since 1856: Ideology and the Making of Foreign Policy'' (2000)</ref>

==== Latin America ====
{{expand section|date=January 2019}}
{{main|Latin American Wars of Independence}}
An upsurge in nationalism in Latin America in the 1810s and 1820s sparked revolutions that cost Spain nearly all of its [[Spanish Empire|colonies]] which were located there.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Miller | first1 = Nicola | year = 2006 | title = The historiography of nationalism and national identity in Latin America | journal = Nations and Nationalism | volume = 12 | issue = 2| pages = 201–221 | doi=10.1111/j.1469-8129.2006.00237.x}}</ref> Spain was at war with Britain from 1798 to 1808, and the British Royal Navy cut off its contacts with its colonies, so nationalism flourished and trade with Spain was suspended. The colonies set up temporary governments or juntas which were effectively independent from Spain. These juntas were established as a result of Napoleon's resistance failure in Spain. They served to determine new leadership and, in colonies like Caracas, abolished the slave trade as well as the Indian tribute.<ref>{{Cite web|title=1810 Juntas Form in Caracas, Buenos Aires, Bogota and Santiago|url=https://research.kent.ac.uk/warandnation/juntas-form-in-caracas-buenos-aires-bogota-and-santiago/|access-date=20 September 2020|website=War and Nation: identity and the process of state-building in South America (1800–1840)|language=en-GB|archive-date=11 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210411155116/https://research.kent.ac.uk/warandnation/juntas-form-in-caracas-buenos-aires-bogota-and-santiago/|url-status=live}}</ref> The division exploded between Spaniards who were born in Spain (called "peninsulares") versus those of Spanish descent born in [[New Spain]] (called "criollos" in Spanish or "[[Creole peoples|creoles]]" in English). The two groups wrestled for power, with the criollos leading the call for independence. Spain tried to use its armies to fight back but had no help from European powers. Indeed, Britain and the United States worked against Spain, enforcing the [[Monroe Doctrine]].<ref>{{cite web |title=Monroe Doctrine (1823) |url=https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/monroe-doctrine |website=National Archives |date=25 June 2021 |access-date=16 June 2023 |archive-date=21 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230621172605/https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/monroe-doctrine |url-status=live }}</ref> Spain lost all of its American colonies, except Cuba and Puerto Rico, in a [[Spanish American wars of independence|complex series of revolts]] from 1808 to 1826.<ref>John Lynch, ''The Spanish American Revolutions 1808–1826'' (2nd ed. 1986)</ref>

==== Germany ====
{{main|German nationalism}}
[[File:Barricade bei der Universität am 26ten Mai 1848 in Wien.jpg|thumb|Revolutionaries in [[Vienna]] with [[Flag of Germany|German tricolor flags]], May 1848]]
In the German states west of Prussia, [[Napoleon]] abolished many of the old or medieval relics, such as dissolving the [[Holy Roman Empire]] in 1806.<ref>Alan Forrest and Peter H. Wilson, eds. ''The Bee and the Eagle: Napoleonic France and the End of the Holy Roman Empire'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).</ref> He imposed rational legal systems and demonstrated how dramatic changes were possible. His organization of the [[Confederation of the Rhine]] in 1806 promoted a feeling of nationalism.

Nationalists sought to encompass masculinity in their quest for strength and unity.<ref>Karen Hagemann, "Of  'manly valor' and 'German Honor': nation, war, and masculinity in the age of the Prussian uprising against Napoleon." ''Central European History'' 30#2 (1997): 187–220.</ref> It was Prussian chancellor [[Otto von Bismarck]] who achieved German unification through a series of highly successful short wars against Denmark, Austria and France which thrilled the pan-German nationalists in the smaller German states. They fought in his wars and eagerly joined the new German Empire, which Bismarck ran as a force for balance and peace in Europe after 1871.<ref>Hagen Schulze, ''The Course of German Nationalism: From Frederick the Great to Bismarck 1763–1867'' (Cambridge UP, 1991).</ref>

In the 19th century, German nationalism was promoted by Hegelian-oriented academic historians who saw Prussia as the true carrier of the German spirit, and the power of the state as the ultimate goal of nationalism. The three main historians were [[Johann Gustav Droysen]] (1808–1884), [[Heinrich von Sybel]] (1817–1895) and [[Heinrich von Treitschke]] (1834–1896). Droysen moved from liberalism to an intense nationalism that celebrated Prussian Protestantism, efficiency, progress, and reform, in striking contrast to Austrian Catholicism, impotency and backwardness. He idealized the Hohenzollern kings of Prussia. His large-scale ''History of Prussian Politics'' (14 vol 1855–1886) was foundational for nationalistic students and scholars. Von Sybel founded and edited the leading academic history journal, ''[[Historische Zeitschrift]]'' and as the director of the Prussian state archives published massive compilations that were devoured by scholars of nationalism.<ref>Louis L. Snyder, ''Encyclopedia of Nationalism'' (1990) pp. 77–78, 381–382.</ref>

The most influential of the German nationalist historians, was Treitschke who had an enormous influence on elite students at Heidelberg and Berlin universities.<ref>Adolf Hausrath, ed. ''Treitschke, his doctrine of German destiny and of international relations: together with a study of his life and work'' (1914) [https://books.google.com/books?id=z-yAAAAAMAAJ online edition]</ref> Treitschke vehemently attacked parliamentarianism, socialism, pacifism, the English, the French, the Jews, and the internationalists. The core of his message was the need for a strong, unified state—a unified Germany under Prussian supervision. "It is the highest duty of the State to increase its power," he stated. Although he was a descendant of a Czech family, he considered himself not Slavic but German: "I am 1000 times more the patriot than a professor."<ref>Snyder, ''Encyclopedia of Nationalism'' (1990) pp. 399–401</ref>

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 137-004055, Eger, Besuch Adolf Hitlers.jpg|thumb|[[Adolf Hitler]] being welcomed by a crowd in [[Sudetenland]], where the pro-Nazi [[Sudeten German Party]] gained 88% of ethnic-German votes in May 1938<ref>{{citation|last1=Hruška|first1=Emil|title=Boj o pohraničí: Sudetoněmecký Freikorps v roce 1938|publisher=Nakladatelství epocha, Pražská vydavatelská společnost|place=Prague|edition=1st|year=2013|page=11}}</ref>]]
German nationalism, expressed through the ideology of [[Nazism]], may also be understood as trans-national in nature. This aspect was primarily advocated by [[Adolf Hitler]], who later became the leader of the [[Nazi Party]]. This party was devoted to what they identified as an [[Aryan race]], residing in various European countries, but sometime mixed with alien elements such as Jews.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Hochman|first=Adam|date=2015|title=Of Vikings and Nazis: Norwegian contributions to the rise and the fall of the idea of a superior Aryan race.|url=https://philarchive.org/archive/HOCOVA|journal=Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences|volume=54|pages=84–88|doi=10.1016/j.shpsc.2015.09.003}}</ref>

Meanwhile, the Nazis rejected many of the well-established citizens within those same countries, such as the [[Romani people|Romani]] and Jews, whom they did not identify as Aryan. A key Nazi doctrine was {{lang|de|[[lebensraum]]}} (living space), which was a vast undertaking to transplant Aryans throughout [[Poland]], much of [[Eastern Europe]] and the [[Baltic nations]], and all of western Russia and Ukraine. {{lang|de|Lebensraum}} was thus a vast project for advancing the Aryan race far outside of any particular nation or national borders. Nazi goals were focused on advancing the Aryan race as they perceived it, the modification of the human race via [[eugenics]], and the eradication of human beings that they deemed inferior. But their goals were trans-national and intended to spread across as much of the world as they could achieve. Although Nazism glorified German history, it also embraced the supposed virtues and achievements of the [[Aryan race]] in other countries,<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Aryan|title=Aryan people|date=n.d.|website=Encyclopedia Britannica On-line|access-date=9 November 2018|archive-date=14 June 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150614011654/https://www.britannica.com/topic/Aryan|url-status=live}}</ref> including India.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=McKay|first=Alex|date=Spring 2001|title=Hitler and the Himalayas: The SS Mission to Tibet 1938–39|url=https://tricycle.org/magazine/hitler-and-himalayas-ss-mission-tibet-1938-39/|journal=[[Tricycle Magazine]]|access-date=4 November 2018|archive-date=4 November 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181104125826/https://tricycle.org/magazine/hitler-and-himalayas-ss-mission-tibet-1938-39/|url-status=live}}</ref> The Nazis' Aryanism longed for now-extinct species of superior bulls once used as livestock by Aryans and other features of Aryan history that never resided within the borders of Germany as a nation.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/when-nazis-tried-bring-animals-back-extinction-180962739/|title=When the Nazis Tried to Bring Animals Back From Extinction: Their ideology of genetic purity extended to aspirations about reviving a pristine landscape with ancient animals and forests|last=Boissoneault|first=Lorraine|date=31 March 2017|website=[[Smithsonian.com]]|access-date=9 November 2018|archive-date=4 November 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181104050340/https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/when-nazis-tried-bring-animals-back-extinction-180962739/|url-status=live}}</ref>

==== Italy ====
{{main|Italian Fascism|Italian nationalism|Italian unification}}
[[File:Napoli Castel Nuovo museo civico - ingresso di Garibaldi a Napoli - Wenzel bis.jpg|thumb|People cheering as [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] enters [[Naples]] in 1860]]
Italian nationalism emerged in the 19th century and was the driving force for [[Italian unification]] or the ''Risorgimento'' (meaning the "Resurgence" or "Revival"). It was the political and intellectual movement that consolidated the different states of the [[Italian peninsula]] into the single state of the [[Kingdom of Italy]] in 1861. The memory of the ''Risorgimento'' is central to Italian nationalism but it was based in the liberal [[middle class]]es and ultimately proved a bit weak.<ref>Silvana Patriarca and Lucy Riall, eds., ''The Risorgimento Revisited: Nationalism and Culture in Nineteenth-century Italy'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).</ref> The new government treated the newly annexed South as a kind of underdeveloped province due to its "backward" and poverty-stricken society, its poor grasp of standard Italian (as [[Italo-Dalmatian languages|Italo-Dalmatian]] dialects of [[Neapolitan language|Neapolitan]] and [[Sicilian language|Sicilian]] were prevalent in the common use) and its local traditions.{{citation needed|date=July 2020}} The liberals had always been strong opponents of the [[pope]] and the very well organized [[Catholic Church]]. The liberal government under the Sicilian [[Francesco Crispi]] sought to enlarge his political base by emulating [[Otto von Bismarck]] and firing up [[Italian nationalism]] with an aggressive foreign policy. It partially crashed and his cause was set back. Of his nationalistic foreign policy, historian [[R. J. B. Bosworth]] says:
<blockquote>[Crispi] pursued policies whose openly aggressive character would not be equaled until the days of the Fascist regime. Crispi increased military expenditure, talked cheerfully of a European conflagration, and alarmed his German or British friends with these suggestions of preventative attacks on his enemies.  His policies were ruinous, both for Italy's trade with France, and, more humiliatingly, for colonial ambitions in East Africa. Crispi's lust for territory there was thwarted when on 1 March 1896, the armies of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik routed Italian forces at [[Battle of Adwa|Adowa]] [...] in what has been defined as an unparalleled disaster for a modern army. Crispi, whose private life and personal finances [...] were objects of perennial scandal, went into dishonorable retirement.<ref>Bosworth, R. J. B. (2013). ''Italy and the Wider World: 1860–1960''. London: Routledge. p. 29. {{ISBN|978-1134780884}}.</ref></blockquote>

Italy joined the [[Allies of World War I|Allies in the First World War]] after getting promises of territory, but its war effort was not honored after the war and this fact discredited liberalism paving the way for [[Benito Mussolini]] and a political doctrine of his own creation, [[Fascism]]. Mussolini's 20-year dictatorship involved a highly aggressive nationalism that led to a series of wars with the creation of the [[Italian Empire]], an alliance with Hitler's Germany, and humiliation and hardship in the Second World War. After 1945, the Catholics returned to government and tensions eased somewhat, but the former two Sicilies remained poor and partially underdeveloped (by industrial country standards). In the 1950s and early 1960s, Italy had an [[Italian economic miracle|economic boom]] that pushed its economy to the fifth place in the world.

The working class in those decades voted mostly for the [[Communist party|Communist Party]], and it looked to Moscow rather than Rome for inspiration and was kept out of the national government even as it controlled some industrial cities across the North. In the 21st century, the Communists have become marginal but political tensions remained high as shown by [[Umberto Bossi]]'s [[Padanism]] in the 1980s<ref>{{cite book|editor1=Stephen Barbour |editor2=Cathie Carmichael|title=Language and Nationalism in Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1ixmu8Iga7gC&pg=PA181|year=2000|publisher=Oxford UP chapter 8|isbn=978-0191584077}}</ref> (whose party [[Lega Nord]] has come to partially embrace a moderate version of Italian nationalism over the years) and other separatist movements spread across the country.{{citation needed|date=July 2020}}

==== Spain ====
After the [[War of the Spanish Succession]], rooted in the political position of the [[Gaspar de Guzmán, Count-Duke of Olivares|Count-Duke of Olivares]] and the absolutism of [[Philip V of Spain|Philip V]], the assimilation of the [[Crown of Aragon]] by the [[Crown of Castile|Castilian Crown]] through the [[Nueva Planta decrees|Decrees of Nova planta]] was the first step in the creation of the Spanish nation-state. As in other contemporary European states, political union was the first step in the creation of the Spanish nation-state, in this case not on a uniform [[Ethnic group|ethnic]] basis, but through the imposition of the political and cultural characteristics of the dominant ethnic group, in this case the Castilians, over those of other ethnic groups, who became [[Minority group|national minorities]] to be assimilated.<ref>{{cite book |last=Sales Vives |first=Pere |title=L'Espanyolització de Mallorca: 1808-1932 |date=22 September 2020 |publisher=El Gall editor |isbn=9788416416707 |pages=422 |language=ca |trans-title=The Spanishization of Mallorca: 1808-1932}}</ref><ref>Antoni Simon, [http://roderic.uv.es/handle/10550/34591 Els orígens històrics de l'anticatalanisme] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220605094401/https://roderic.uv.es/handle/10550/34591 |date=5 June 2022 }}, páginas 45–46, L'Espill, nº 24, Universitat de València</ref> In fact, since the political unification of 1714, Spanish assimilation policies towards [[Catalan Countries|Catalan-speaking territories]] ([[Catalonia]], [[Valencian Community|Valencia]], the [[Balearic Islands]], [[La Franja|part]] of [[Aragon]]) and other national minorities, as [[Basques]] and [[Galicians]], have been a historical constant.<ref>{{cite book |last=Mayans Balcells |first=Pere |title=Cròniques Negres del Català A L'Escola |publisher=Edicions del 1979 |year=2019 |isbn=978-84-947201-4-7 |edition=del 1979 |pages=230 |language=ca |trans-title=Black Chronicles of Catalan at School}}</ref><ref name="Recopilació d'accions genocides con">{{cite book |last=Lluís |first=García Sevilla |title=Recopilació d'accions genocides contra la nació catalana |publisher=Base |year=2021 |isbn=9788418434983 |pages=300 |language=ca |trans-title=Compilation of genocidal actions against the Catalan nation}}</ref><ref name=":62">{{cite book |last=Bea Seguí |first=Ignaci |title=En cristiano! Policia i Guàrdia Civil contra la llengua catalana |publisher=Cossetània |year=2013 |isbn=9788490341339 |pages=216 |language=ca |trans-title=In Christian! Police and Civil Guard against the Catalan language}}</ref><ref name="galeusca2">{{cite web |title=Enllaç al Manifest Galeusca on en l'article 3 es denuncia l'asimetria entre el castellà i les altres llengües de l'Estat Espanyol, inclosa el català. |trans-title=The link to the Galeusca Manifest in article 3 denounces the asymmetry between Spanish and the other languages of the Estat Espanyol, including Catalan. |url=http://www.escriptors.cat/pagina.php?id_text=1788 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080719071429/http://www.escriptors.cat/pagina.php?id_text=1788 |archive-date=19 July 2008 |access-date=2 August 2008 |language=ca |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Radatz |first=Hans-Ingo |date=8 October 2020 |title=Spain in the 19th century: Spanish Nation Building and Catalonia's attempt at becoming an Iberian Prussia |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/344608600}}</ref>

The nationalization process accelerated in the 19th century, in parallel to the origin of [[Spanish nationalism]], the social, political and ideological movement that tried to shape a Spanish national identity based on the Castilian model, in conflict with the other historical nations of the State. Politicians of the time were aware that despite the aggressive policies pursued up to that time, the uniform and monocultural "Spanish nation" did not exist, as indicated in 1835 by [[Antonio Alcalá Galiano|Antonio Alcalà Galiano]], when in the [[Cortes del Estatuto Real]] he defended the effort:<blockquote>"To make the Spanish nation a nation that neither is nor has been until now."<ref>{{Cite book |last=Fontana |first=Josep |title=La fi de l'antic règim i la industrialització. Vol. V Història de Catalunya |publisher=Edicions 62 |year=1998 |isbn=9788429744408 |location=Barcelona |pages=453 |language=ca |trans-title=The end of the old regime and industrialization. Flight. V History of Catalonia}}</ref></blockquote>Building the nation (as in [[France]], it was the state that created the nation, and not the opposite process) is an ideal that the Spanish elites constantly reiterated, and, one hundred years later than Alcalá Galiano, for example, we can also find it in the mouth of the fascist [[José Pemartín]], who admired the German and Italian modeling policies:<ref name=":0222">{{cite book |last=Llaudó Avila |first=Eduard |title=Racisme i supremacisme polítics a l'Espanya contemporània |date=2021 |publisher=Parcir |isbn=9788418849107 |edition=7th |location=Manresa |trans-title=Political racism and supremacism in contemporary Spain}}</ref><blockquote>"There is an intimate and decisive dualism, both in Italian fascism and in German National Socialism. On the one hand, the Hegelian doctrine of the absolutism of the state is felt. The State originates in the Nation, educates and shapes the mentality of the individual; is, in Mussolini's words, the soul of the soul."</blockquote>And will be found again two hundred years later, from the socialist [[Josep Borrell]]:<ref>{{Cite web |last=Joe |first=Brew |date=26 February 2019 |title=Video of the Conference of Josep Borrell at the Geneva Press Club, 27th February, 2019 |url=https://twitter.com/joethebrew/status/1100466583208632320 |access-date=10 May 2023 |via=[[Twitter]] |archive-date=17 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230617004923/https://twitter.com/joethebrew/status/1100466583208632320 |url-status=live }}</ref><blockquote>"The modern history of Spain is an unfortunate history that meant that we did not consolidate a modern State. Independentists think that the nation makes the State. I think the opposite. The State makes the nation. A strong State, which imposes its language, culture, education."</blockquote>The creation of the tradition of the political community of Spaniards as common destiny over other communities has been argued to trace back to the [[Cortes of Cádiz]].{{Sfn|Riquer i Permanyer|1994|pp=14–15}} From 1812 on, revisiting the previous history of Spain, Spanish liberalism tended to take for granted the national conscience and the Spanish nation.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Riquer i Permanyer |first=Borja de |year=1994 |title=Aproximación al nacionalismo español contemporáneo |url=https://revistas.usal.es/index.php/0213-2087/article/view/5796/5824 |journal=Stvdia Historica. Historia Contemporánea |publisher=[[University of Salamanca]] |volume=12 |pages=14–15 |issn=0213-2087 |access-date=28 February 2024 |archive-date=20 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220620161041/https://revistas.usal.es/index.php/0213-2087/article/view/5796/5824 |url-status=live }}</ref>

A by-product of 19th-century Spanish nationalist thinking is the concept of ''[[Reconquista]]'', which holds the power of propelling the weaponized notion of Spain being a nation [[Islamophobia|shaped against Islam]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=García-Sanjuán |first=Alejandro |year=2020 |title=Weaponizing Historical Knowledge: the Notion of Reconquista in Spanish Nationalism |journal=Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum |location=Lleida |publisher=[[University of Lleida|Universitat de Lleida]] |page=133 |doi=10.21001/itma.2020.14.04 |issn=1888-3931 |hdl-access=free |hdl=10272/19498}}</ref> The strong interface of nationalism with colonialism is another feature of 19th-century nation building in Spain, with the defence of slavery and colonialism in Cuba being often able to reconcile tensions between mainland elites of Catalonia and Madrid throughout the period.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Schmidt-Nowara |first=Christopher |year=2004 |title='La España Ultramarina': Colonialism and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Spain |journal=[[European History Quarterly]] |volume=34 |issue=2 |page=199 |doi=10.1177/0265691404042507|s2cid=145675694 }}</ref>

During the first half of 20th century (notably during the [[dictatorship of Primo de Rivera]] and the [[Francoist Spain|dictatorship of Franco]]), a new brand of Spanish nationalism with a marked [[Militarism|military flavour]] and an authoritarian stance (as well as promoting policies favouring the Spanish language against [[Languages of Spain|the other languages]] in the country) as a means of modernizing the country was developed by Spanish conservatives, fusing [[Regenerationism|regenerationist]] principles with traditional Spanish nationalism.{{Sfn|Muro|Quiroga|2005|pp=17–18}} The authoritarian national ideal resumed during the Francoist dictatorship, in the form of [[National-Catholicism]],{{Sfn|Muro|Quiroga|2005|pp=17–18}} which was in turn complemented by the myth of [[Hispanidad]].{{Sfn|Núñez|2001|p=720}} 

A distinct manifestation of Spanish nationalism in modern Spanish politics is the interchange of attacks with competing regional nationalisms.{{Sfn|Muro|Quiroga|2005|p=9}} Initially present after the end of Francoism in a rather diffuse and reactive form, the Spanish nationalist discourse has been often self-branded as "[[constitutional patriotism]]" since the 1980s.{{Sfn|Núñez|2001|p=719}} Often ignored as in the case of other State nationalisms,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Muro |first1=Diego |last2=Quiroga |first2=Alejandro |year=2005 |title=Spanish nationalism. Ethnic or civic? |url=https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00571834/file/PEER_stage2_10.1177%252F1468796805049922.pdf |journal=Ethnicities |publisher=[[SAGE Publications]] |volume=5 |issue=1 |pages=9–10 |doi=10.1177/1468796805049922 |issn=1468-7968 |s2cid=144193279 |access-date=28 February 2024 |archive-date=16 December 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221216121041/https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00571834/file/PEER_stage2_10.1177%252F1468796805049922.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref> its alleged "non-existence" has been a commonplace espoused by prominent figures in the public sphere as well as the mass-media in the country.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Núñez |first=Xosé-Manoel |author-link=Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas |year=2001 |title=What is Spanish nationalism today? From legitimacy crisis to unfulfilled renovation (1975–2000) |journal=Ethnic and Racial Studies |volume=24 |issue=5 |pages=719–752 |doi=10.1080/01419870120063954 |s2cid=143787176}}</ref>[[File:Missolonghi.jpg|thumb|Beginning in 1821, the [[Greek War of Independence]] began as a rebellion by Greek revolutionaries against the ruling Ottoman Empire.]]

==== Greece ====
During the early 19th century, inspired by [[romanticism]], [[classicism]], former movements of [[Greek nationalism]] and failed Greek revolts against the Ottoman Empire (such as the Orlofika revolt in southern Greece in 1770, and the Epirus-Macedonian revolt of Northern Greece in 1575), Greek nationalism led to the [[Greek War of Independence|Greek war of independence]].<ref name=":7">{{Cite book|title=History of the Byzantine Empire, 324–1453|last=Vasiliev, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich|first=Vasiliev|publisher=University of Wisconsin Press|year=1952|isbn=978-0299809263 |location=Madison, WI|pages=[https://archive.org/details/historyofbyzanti0000vasi/page/582 582] |url=https://archive.org/details/historyofbyzanti0000vasi/page/582}}</ref> The Greek drive for independence from the [[Ottoman Empire]] in the 1820s and 1830s inspired supporters across [[Christian Europe]], especially in Britain, which was the result of western [[Classicism|idealization]] of [[Classical Greece]] and romanticism. France, Russia and Britain critically intervened to ensure the success of this nationalist endeavor.<ref>{{cite book|author=Alister E. McGrath|title=Christian History: An Introduction|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gIFfXCyAYmoC&pg=PT270|year=2012|isbn=978-1118337837|page=270|publisher=John Wiley & Sons |access-date=23 November 2016|archive-date=27 April 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230427155355/https://books.google.com/books?id=gIFfXCyAYmoC&pg=PT270|url-status=live}}</ref>

==== Serbia ====
{{main|History of Serbia|History of Serbs|Serbian nationalism}}
[[File:Breakup of Yugoslavia-TRY2.gif|thumb|[[Breakup of Yugoslavia]]]]
For centuries the [[Eastern Orthodox|Orthodox Christian]] [[Serbs]] were ruled by the Muslim [[Ottoman Empire]].<ref>{{cite book|author=Birgit Bock-Luna|title=The Past in Exile: Serbian Long-distance Nationalism and Identity in the Wake of the Third Balkan War|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=c6UGrE5dUzQC|year=2007|publisher=LIT Verlag Münster|isbn=978-3-8258-9752-9}}</ref> The success of the [[Serbian Revolution]] against [[History of Ottoman Serbia|Ottoman rule]] in 1817 marked the birth of the [[Principality of Serbia]]. It achieved ''[[de facto]]'' independence in 1867 and finally gained [[Berlin Congress|international recognition]] in 1878. Serbia had sought to liberate and unite with Bosnia and Herzegovina to the west and [[Old Serbia]] ([[Kosovo]] and [[Vardar Macedonia]]) to the south. Nationalist circles in both [[Serbia]] and Croatia (part of [[Austria-Hungary]]) began to advocate for a greater [[South Slavs|South Slavic]] union in the 1860s, claiming [[Bosnia]] as their common land based on shared language and tradition.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Hajdarpasic|first1=Edin|title=Whose Bosnia? Nationalism and Political Imagination in the Balkans, 1840–1914|date=2015|publisher=Cornell University Press|location=Ithaca and London|isbn=978-0801453717|pages=1–17, 90–126|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZACnCgAAQBAJ&pg=PP1}}</ref> In 1914, [[Young Bosnia|Serb revolutionaries]] in Bosnia assassinated Archduke Ferdinand. [[Austria-Hungary]], with German backing, tried to crush Serbia in 1914, thus igniting the [[First World War]] in which Austria-Hungary dissolved into nation states.<ref>Christopher Clark, ''The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914'' (2012)</ref>

In 1918, the region of [[Banat, Bačka and Baranja]] came under control of the Serbian army, later the Great National Assembly of Serbs, Bunjevci and other Slavs voted to join Serbia; the [[Kingdom of Serbia]] joined the union with [[State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs]] on 1 December 1918, and the country was named [[Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes]]. It was renamed [[Yugoslavia]] in 1929, and a [[Yugoslavism|Yugoslav identity]] was promoted, which ultimately failed. After the Second World War, [[Yugoslav Communists]] established a new [[SFR Yugoslavia|socialist republic of Yugoslavia]]. That state [[Breakup of Yugoslavia|broke up again]]  in the 1990s.<ref>Sabrina P. Ramet, ''Nationalism and federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962–1991'' (Indiana Univ Press, 1992).</ref>

==== Poland ====
{{main|History of Poland|Polish nationalism}}
The cause of Polish nationalism was repeatedly frustrated before 1918. In the 1790s, the [[Habsburg monarchy]], [[Prussia]] and [[Russian Empire|Russia]]
invaded, annexed, and subsequently [[Partitions of Poland|partitioned Poland]]. Napoleon set up the [[Duchy of Warsaw]], a new Polish state that ignited a spirit of nationalism. Russia took it over in 1815 as [[Congress Poland]] with the tsar proclaimed as "King of Poland". Large-scale nationalist revolts erupted [[November Uprising|in 1830]] and [[January Uprising|1863–64]] but were harshly crushed by Russia, which tried to make the [[Polish language]], [[Culture of Poland|culture]] and [[Roman Catholic Church|religion]] more like Russia's. The collapse of the Russian Empire in the First World War enabled the major powers to re-establish an independent Poland, which survived until 1939. Meanwhile, Poles in areas controlled by Germany moved into heavy industry but their religion came under attack by Bismarck in the [[Kulturkampf]] of the 1870s. The Poles joined German Catholics in a well-organized new [[Centre Party (Germany)|Centre Party]], and defeated Bismarck politically. He responded by stopping the harassment and cooperating with the Centre Party.<ref>Richard Blanke, ''Prussian Poland in the German Empire (1871–1900)'' (1981)</ref><ref>Norman Davies, ''God's Playground: A History of Poland, Vol. 2: 1795 to the Present'' (2005).</ref>

In the late 19th and early 20th century, many Polish nationalist leaders endorsed the [[Piast Concept]]. It held there was a Polish utopia during the [[Piast dynasty|Piast Dynasty]] a thousand years before, and modern Polish nationalists should restore its central values of Poland for the Poles. Jan Poplawski had developed the "Piast Concept" in the 1890s, and it formed the centerpiece of Polish nationalist ideology, especially as presented by the [[National-Democratic Party (Poland)|National Democracy Party]], known as the "Endecja," which was led by [[Roman Dmowski]]. In contrast with the Jagiellon concept, there was no concept for a multi-ethnic Poland.<ref>{{cite book|author=Geoffrey A. Hosking and George Schöpflin|title=Myths and Nationhood|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UoOpBJk52GcC&pg=PA152|year=1997|publisher=Routledge|page=152|isbn=978-0415919746}}</ref>

[[File:Bolivar Arturo Michelena.jpg|thumb|left|upright|General [[Simón Bolívar]] (1783–1830), a leader of independence in Latin America]]
The Piast concept stood in opposition to the "Jagiellon Concept," which allowed for multi-ethnicism and Polish rule over numerous minority groups such as those in the [[Kresy]]. The Jagiellon Concept was the official policy of the government in the 1920s and 1930s. [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] dictator [[Josef Stalin]] at Tehran in 1943 rejected the Jagiellon Concept because it involved Polish rule over [[Ukrainians]] and [[Belarusians]]. He instead endorsed the Piast Concept, which justified a massive shift of Poland's frontiers to the west.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Sharp | first1 = Tony | year = 1977 | title = The Origins of the 'Teheran Formula' on Polish Frontiers | journal = Journal of Contemporary History | volume = 12 | issue = 2| pages = 381–393 | jstor=260222 | doi=10.1177/002200947701200209| s2cid = 153577101 }}</ref> After 1945 the Soviet-back puppet communist regime wholeheartedly adopted the Piast Concept, making it the centerpiece of their claim to be the "true inheritors of Polish nationalism". After all the killings, including Nazi German occupation, terror in Poland and population transfers during and after the war, the nation was officially declared as 99% ethnically Polish.<ref>{{cite book|author=Davies|title=Heart of Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lMQei5CPZUgC&pg=PA286|pages=286–287|isbn=978-0191587719|date=2001|publisher=OUP Oxford }}</ref>

In current Polish politics, Polish nationalism is most openly represented by parties linked in the [[Confederation Liberty and Independence|Liberty and Independence Confederation]] coalition.{{Citation needed|date=June 2022}} As of 2020 the Confederation, composed of several smaller parties, had 11 deputies (under 7%) in the [[Sejm]].

====Bulgaria====

{{main|National awakening of Bulgaria|Bulgarian National Awakening|Bulgarian National Revival|April Uprising of 1876}}

[[Bulgarians|Bulgarian]] modern nationalism emerged [[Ottoman Bulgaria|under Ottoman rule]] in the late 18th and early 19th century, under the influence of western ideas such as liberalism and nationalism, which trickled into the country after the French Revolution.

The Bulgarian national revival started with the work of [[Saint Paisius of Hilendar]], who opposed [[Greece|Greek]] domination of Bulgaria's culture and religion. His work ''[[Istoriya Slavyanobolgarskaya]]'' ("History of the Slav-Bulgarians"), which appeared in 1762, was the first work of Bulgarian historiography. It is considered Paisius' greatest work and one of the greatest pieces of Bulgarian literature. In it, Paisius interpreted Bulgarian medieval history with the goal of reviving the spirit of his nation.

His successor was Saint [[Sophronius of Vratsa]], who started the struggle for an independent Bulgarian church. An autonomous [[Bulgarian Exarchate]] was established in 1870/1872 for the Bulgarian diocese wherein at least two-thirds of Orthodox Christians were willing to join it.

In 1869 the [[Internal Revolutionary Organization]] was initiated.

The [[April Uprising of 1876]] indirectly resulted in the [[Liberation of Bulgaria|re-establishment of Bulgaria in 1878]].

==== Jewish Nationalism ====
Jewish nationalism arose in the latter half of the 19th century, largely as a response to the rise of nation-states. Traditionally Jews lived under uncertain and oppressive conditions. In western Europe, Jews not subject to such restrictions since [[Jewish emancipation|emancipation]] of early 19th century often assimilated into the dominant culture. Both assimilation and the traditional second-class status of Jews were considered as threats to the Jewish identity by Jewish nationalists. The method of combatting these threats were different among different national movements among Jews.

[[Zionism]], ultimately the most successful of Jewish nationalist movements, advocated in the creation of a [[Jewish state]] in the [[Land of Israel]]. [[Labour Zionism]] hoped that the new Jewish state would be based on [[socialist]] principles. They imagined a [[Sabra (person)|new Jew]] that, in contrast to the Jews of the diaspora, was strong, worked the land, and spoke [[Revival of Hebrew|Hebrew]]. [[Religious Zionism]] instead had various religious reasonings for returning to Israel. Although according to historian David Engel, Zionism was more about fear that Jews would end up dispersed and unprotected, rather than fulfilling old prophecies of historical texts.<ref>{{Cite book |title=Zionism |last=David |first=Engel |publisher=Pearson Longman Publishing Group |year=2009}}</ref> The efforts of the Zionist movement culminated in the [[establishment of the State of Israel]].

[[Jewish Territorial Organization|Jewish Territorialism]] split from the [[Zionist Movement]] in 1903, arguing for a Jewish state [[Proposals for a Jewish state|no matter where]]. As more Jews [[Aliyah|moved to Palestine]], the main territorialist organization lost support, eventually disbanding in the 1925.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Alroey |first=Gur |date=2011 |title="Zionism without Zion"?: Territorialist Ideology and the Zionist Movement, 1882–1956 |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/3/article/490806 |journal=Jewish Social Studies |volume=18 |issue=1 |pages=18–24 |doi=10.2979/jewisocistud.18.1.1 |s2cid=154121434 |issn=1527-2028}}</ref> Smaller territorialist movements lasted until the [[establishment of the State of Israel]].

[[Jewish Autonomism]] and [[Bundism]] instead advocated for Jewish national autonomy within the territory they already lived in. Most manifestations of this movement were left-wing in nature, and actively [[anti-Zionist]]. While successful among Eastern European Jews in the early 20th century, it lost most of its support due to the [[Holocaust]], although some support lasted through the 20th century.