Editing Matilda of Tuscany (section)

== Personal rule ==
=== Matilda's role during the Investiture Controversy ===
==== State of Matilda's domains after her accession to power ====
After the death of her mother, Matilda took over her immense paternal inheritance. This was contrary to the provisions of the [[Salic law|Salic]] and Lombard law currently in force in the Kingdom of Italy, according to which Emperor Henry IV would have been the legal heir.{{sfn|Spike|2014|p=12}} In view of the minority of Henry IV and close cooperation with the reform papacy, a lending under imperial law was of secondary importance for the House of Canossa

Between 1076 and 1080, Matilda travelled to Lorraine to lay claim to her husband's estate in [[Verdun]], which he had willed (along with the rest of his patrimony) to his nephew [[Godfrey of Bouillon]], the son of his sister [[Ida of Lorraine|Ida]].{{sfn|Hay|2008|p=67}} Godfrey of Bouillon also disputed Matilda's rights to [[Stenay]] and Mosay, which her mother had received as [[dowry]]. The quarrel between aunt and nephew over the episcopal county of Verdun was eventually settled by [[Theoderic (bishop of Verdun)|Theoderic]], [[Bishop of Verdun]], who enjoyed the right to nominate the counts. He easily found in favor of Matilda, as such verdict happened to please both Pope Gregory VII and King Henry IV. Matilda then proceeded to [[Feoffment|invest]] Verdun to her husband's pro-reform cousin, [[Albert III, Count of Namur|Albert III of Namur]].{{sfn|Healey|2013|p=55–56}} The deep animosity between Matilda and her nephew is thought to have prevented her from travelling to [[Jerusalem]] during the [[First Crusade]] that he led in the late 1090s.{{sfn|Hay|2008|p=164}}

==== Efforts to achieve a balance between king and pope ====
{{main|Walk to Canossa}}
[[File:Mathilde von Canossa auf Thron.jpg|thumb|right|Miniature of Matilda from the frontispiece of [[Donizo]]'s ''Vita Mathildis'' ([[Vatican Library]], Codex Vat. Lat. 4922, fol. 7v). Matilda is depicted seated on a throne. On her right, Donizo is presenting a copy of the ''Vita Mathildis'' to her, on her left is a man with a sword (possibly her man-at-arms). The script underneath reads: ''Mathildis lucens, precor hoc cape cara volumen'' (Resplendent Matilda, please accept this book, oh you dear one)]]
[[File:Resti del castello di Canossa, Italia.JPG|thumb|right|Ruins of the [[Canossa Castle]]]]
[[File:Gregor VII..jpg|thumb|right|Pope Gregory VII is depicted at the beginning of the ''Vita Gregorii VII'' of Pauls von Bernried in the manuscript Heiligenkreuz, ''Stiftsbibliothek'', Cod. 12, fol. 181v]]
Matilda was a [[Cousin|second cousin]] of Henry IV through their respective grandmothers, sisters [[Matilda of Swabia]] and [[Gisela of Swabia|Empress Gisela]]. Because of her family ties to the [[Salian dynasty]], she was suitable for a mediator role between the Emperor and the Holy See.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=41}} Matilda's mother died at the time when the conflict between King Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII was escalating. Matilda and Beatrice were among the closest confidants of Gregory VII. From the beginning, he took both into his confidence and let them know about his plans against the Roman-German king.{{sfn|Spike|2014|p=12}}{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=42}}

The disagreement between Pope Gregory VII and King Henry IV culminated in the aftermath of the synod of Worms on 24 January 1076; together with the Archbishops [[Siegfried I (archbishop of Mainz)|Siegfried of Mainz]] and [[Udo (archbishop of Trier)|Udo of Trier]] and 24 bishops, the king formulated drastic accusations against Gregory VII. The allegations included Gregory VII's election (which was described as illegitimate), the government of the Church through a "women's senate", and that "he shared a table with a strange woman and housed her, more familiar than necessary." The contempt expressed was so immense that Matilda was not even called by name.{{sfn|Golinelli|2016|p=1}}<ref>See the letter of rejection of the German bishops from January 1076 ([[Monumenta Germaniae Historica|MGH]] Const. 1, p. 106, N° 58 — ''Die Briefe Heinrichs IV''. (in German), Carl Erdmann (ed.) Leipzig 1937, Appendix A, p. 68.</ref> The pope responded on 15 February 1076 with the [[excommunication]] of the king, releasing all his subjects from the oath of allegiance to him and providing the perfect reason for rebellion against his rule.{{sfn|Hay|2008|p=65}} These measures had a tremendous effect on contemporaries, as the words of the chronicler [[Bonizo of Sutri]] show: "When the news of the banishment of the king reached the ears of the people, our whole world trembled".<ref>Bonizo, ''Liber ad amicum'', Book 8, 609.</ref><ref>Johannes Laudage, ''Am Vorabend von Canossa – die Eskalation eines Konflikts''. (in German) in: Christoph Stiegemann, Matthias Wemhoff (ed.), Canossa 1077. Erschütterung der Welt. Munich 2006, p. 74.</ref>

Insubordinate southern German princes gathered in [[Trebur]], awaiting the pope. Matilda's first military endeavor, as well as the first major task altogether as ruler, turned out to be protecting the pope during his perilous journey north. Gregory VII could rely on nobody else. As the sole heiress to the House of Canossa patrimony, Matilda controlled all the Apennine [[mountain pass|passes]] and nearly all the rest that connected [[central Italy]] to the [[northern Italy|north]]. The Lombard bishops, who were also excommunicated for taking part in the synod and whose sees bordered Matilda's domain, were keen to capture the pope. Gregory VII was aware of the danger, and recorded that all his advisors except Matilda counselled him against travelling to Trebur.{{sfn|Hay|2008|p=68}}

Henry IV had other plans, however. He decided to descend into Italy and intercept Gregory VII, who was thus delayed. The German princes held a separate council and informed the king that he had to submit to the pope within a year or be replaced. Henry IV's predecessors had dealt easily with troublesome pontiffs — they had simply deposed them, and the excommunicated Lombard bishops rejoiced at this prospect. When Matilda heard about Henry IV's approach, she urged Gregory VII to take refuge in the [[Canossa Castle]], her family's eponymous stronghold. The pope took her advice.

It soon became clear that the intention behind Henry's [[walk to Canossa]] was to show [[penance]]. By 25 January 1077, the king stood barefoot in the snow before the gates of Matilda's castle, accompanied by his wife [[Bertha of Savoy]], their infant son [[Conrad II of Italy|Conrad]], and Bertha's mother, the powerful Margravine [[Adelaide of Susa]] (Matilda's second cousin; Adelaide's grandmother was [[Prangarda of Canossa|Prangarda]], sister of [[Tedald of Canossa]], Matilda's paternal grandfather). Since Matilda's castle became the setting for the reconciliation between the emperor and the pope, she must have been very closely involved in the negotiations. The king remained there, in a penitent's robe, barefoot, and without a sign of authority, despite the winter cold, until 28 January, when Matilda convinced the pope to see him. Matilda and Adelaide brokered a deal between the men.<ref name="Creber">{{cite web|author=Alison Creber|url=https://storicamente.org/sites/default/images/articles/media/2001/creber-women-canossa.pdf|title=Women at Canossa. The role of royal and aristocratic women in the reconciliation between Pope Gregory VII and Henry IV of Germany|date=23 January 2018|access-date=24 November 2020}}</ref>

Henry IV was taken back into the Church, with both Matilda and Adelaide acting as sponsors and formally swearing to the agreement.{{sfn|Hay|2008|p=70}} For Matilda, the days in Canossa were a challenge. All those arriving had to be accommodated and looked after appropriately. She had to take care of the procurement and storage of food and fodder, and the supplies in the middle of winter. After the ban was dissolved, Henry IV stayed in the [[Po Valley]] for several months and demonstratively devoted himself to his rulership. Pope Gregory VII stayed in Matilda's castles for the next few months. Henry IV and Matilda never met again in person after the Canossa days.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=45}} From 1077 to 1080 Matilda followed the usual activities of her rule. In addition to a few donations for the dioceses of [[Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Lucca|Lucca]] and [[Mantua]], court documents were in dominance.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=113}}

==== Disputes with Henry IV ====
{{main|Investiture Controversy}}
In 1079, Matilda gave the pope all her domains (the so-called ''[[Terre Matildiche]]''), in open defiance of claims by Henry IV as both the overlord of some of those domains and as one of her close relatives. One year later, the fortunes of papacy and empire turned again: at the Roman synod of Lent in early March 1080 Henry IV was again excommunicated by Gregory VII. The pope combined the anathem with a warning: if the king didn't submit to the papal authority by 1 August he should be dethroned. However, unlike previously, the German bishops and princes stood behind Henry IV. In [[Brixen]] on 25 June 1080, seven German, one Burgundian, and 20 Italian bishops decided to depose Gregory VII and nominated Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna as pope, who took the name of [[Antipope Clement III|Clement III]]. The break between the empire and the papacy also escalated the troubled relationship between Henry IV and Matilda. In September 1080, the Margravine stood on behalf of Bishop Gratianus of Ferrara to court. Marquis Azzo d'Este, Counts Ugo and Ubert, Albert (son of Count Boso), Paganus di Corsina, Fulcus de Rovereto, Gerardo di Corviago, Petrus de Ermengarda, and Ugo Armatus all met there. Matilda swore there to maintain the upcoming fight against Henry IV. On 15 October 1080 at [[Volta Mantovana]], the imperial troops defeated the army of Matilda and Gregory VII in [[Battle of Volta Mantovana (1080)|battle]].{{sfn|Overmann|1895|loc=Regest 40a}}<ref>Lino Lionello Ghirardini, "La battaglia di Volta Mantovana (ottobre 1080)". (in Italian) In: Paolo Golinelli (ed.): ''Sant'Anselmo, Mantova e la lotta per le investiture. Atti del convegno di studi (Mantova 23–24–25 maggio 1986)''. Bologna 1987, pp. 229–240.</ref> Some Tuscan nobles took advantage of the uncertainty and positioned themselves against Matilda; few places remained faithful to her. In a donation of 9 December 1080 to the Modenese monastery of [[San Prospero]], only a few local followers are named.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=117}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 33}}

Matilda, however, did not surrender. While Gregory VII was forced into exile, by retaining control over all the western passes in the Apennines, she could force Henry IV to approach Rome via [[Ravenna]]; even with this route open, the emperor would find it hard to besiege Rome with a hostile territory at his back. In December 1080 the citizens of Lucca, then the capital of Tuscany, had revolted and driven out her ally, Bishop [[Anselm of Lucca|Anselm]]. She is believed to have commissioned the renowned [[Ponte della Maddalena]] where the [[Via Francigena]] crosses the river [[Serchio]] at [[Borgo a Mozzano]] just north of [[Lucca]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.castellitoscani.com/italian/diavolo.htm|title=Ponte della Maddalena (detto 'Ponte del Diavolo')|website=www.castellitoscani.com |language=it |access-date=15 November 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.firenzetoday.it/cronaca/ponte-diavolo-lucca.html|title=La leggenda del ponte del Diavolo (e perché dovreste visitarlo)|website=FirenzeToday|date=2 March 2015 |language=it |access-date=15 November 2020}}</ref>

Henry IV crossed the Alps in the spring of 1081. He gave up his previous reluctance toward his cousin Matilda and honored the city of [[Lucca]] for their transfer to the royal side. On 23 June 1081, the king issued the citizens of Lucca a comprehensive privilege in the army camp outside Rome. By granting special urban rights, the king intended to weaken Matilda's rule.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=51}} In July 1081 at a synod in Lucca, Henry IV—on account of her 1079 donation to the Church—imposed [[Imperial ban]] upon Matilda and all her domains were forfeit, although this was not enough to eliminate her as a source of trouble, for she retained substantial [[allodial]] holdings. The consequences for Matilda, however, were relatively minor in Italy, but she suffered losses in her far-away Lorraine possessions. On 1 June 1085, Henry IV gave Matilda's domains Stenay and Mosay to Bishop Dietrich of Verdun.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=53}}{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=121}}

Matilda remained Pope Gregory VII's chief intermediary for communication with northern Europe even as he lost control of Rome and was holed up in the [[Castel Sant'Angelo]]. After Henry IV obtained possession of the pope's seal, Matilda wrote to supporters in Germany only to trust papal messages that came through her.

A guerrilla war developed that Matilda waged from her castles in the Apennines. In 1082 she was apparently insolvent. Therefore, she could no longer bind her vassals to her with generous gifts or fiefs. But even in dire straits, she did not let up in her zeal for the reform papacy. Although also a supporter of church reform, her mother had distanced herself from Gregory VII's revolutionary goals where these endangered the foundations of her rule structures.{{sfn|Goez|1995|p=171}} In this setting, mother and daughter differed significantly from one another. Matilda had the church treasure of the Apollonius monastery built near Canossa Castle melted down; precious metal vessels and other treasures from [[Territorial Abbey of Nonantola|Nonantola Abbey]] also were  melted down. She even sold her [[Allod]] city of [[Donceel]] to the [[St James's Church, Liège|Abbey of Saint-Jacques]] in [[Liège]]. All the proceeds were made available to the pope. The royal side of the dispute then accused her of plundering churches and monasteries.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=66}} [[Pisa]] and [[Lucca]] sided with Henry IV. As a result, Matilda lost two of her most important pillars of power in Tuscany. She had to stand by and watch as anti-Gregorian bishops were installed in several places.

Henry IV's control of Rome enabled him to enthrone Antipope Clement III, who, in turn, crowned him emperor. After this, Henry IV returned to Germany, leaving it to his allies to attempt Matilda's dispossession. These attempts foundered after Matilda (with help of the city of [[Bologna]]) defeated them at [[Bomporto|Sorbara]] near [[Modena]] on 2 July 1084. In the battle, Matilda was able to capture [[Roman Catholic Diocese of Parma|Bishop Bernardo of Parma]] and make him a hostage. By 1085 [[Tedald (archbishop of Milan)|Archbishop Tedaldo of Milan]] and the Bishops [[Roman Catholic Diocese of Reggio Emilia-Guastalla|Gandolfo of Reggio Emilia]] and Bernardo of Parma, all members of the pro-imperial party, were dead. Matilda took this opportunity and filled the Bishoprics sees in Modena, Reggio, and Pistoia with church reformers again.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=66}}

Gregory VII died on 25 May 1085, and Matilda's forces, with those of Prince [[Jordan I of Capua]] (her off and on again enemy), took to the field in support of a new pope, [[Victor III]]. In 1087, Matilda led an expedition to Rome in an attempt to install Victor III, but the strength of the imperial counterattack soon convinced the pope to withdraw from the city.

On his third expedition to Italy, Henry IV besieged [[Mantua]] and attacked Matilda's sphere of influence. In April 1091 he was able to take the city after an eleven-month siege. In the following months, the emperor achieved further successes against the vassals of the Margravine. In the summer of 1091, he managed to get the entire north area of the Po with the Counties of Mantua, [[Brescia]], and [[Verona]] under his control.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=70}} In 1092 Henry IV was able to conquer most of the counties of [[Modena]] and [[Reggio nell'Emilia|Reggio]]. The [[Polirone Abbey|Monastery of San Benedetto in Polirone]] suffered severe damages in the course of the military conflict so that on 5 October 1092 Matilda gave the monastery the churches of San Prospero, San Donino in Monte Uille, and San Gregorio in Antognano to compensate.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=87}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 44}} Matilda had a meeting with her few remaining faithful allies in the late summer of 1092 at [[Carpineti]].<ref>Lino Lionello Ghirardini "II convegno di Carpineti "colloquium dignum Carpineti fuit istud"", pp. 401–404 in [[#g1994|Golinelli 1994]]</ref> The majority of them were in favor of peace. Only the hermit Johannes from Marola strongly advocated a continuation of the fight against the emperor. Thereupon Matilda implored her followers not to give up the fight. The imperial army began to siege Canossa in the autumn of 1092, but withdrew after a sudden failure of the siege; after this defeat, Henry IV's influence in Italy was never recovered.{{sfn|Eads|2010|p=23–68}}

In the 1090s Henry IV got increasingly on the defensive.{{sfn|Althoff|2006|p=209}} A coalition of the southern German princes had prevented him from returning to the empire over the Alpine passes. For several years the emperor remained inactive in the area around [[Verona]]. In the spring of 1093, [[Conrad II of Italy|Conrad]], his eldest son and heir to the throne, fell from him. With the support of Matilda along with the [[Pataria|Patarene]]-minded cities of northern Italy ([[Cremona]], [[Lodi, Lombardy|Lodi]], [[Milan]], and [[Piacenza]]), the prince rebelled against his father. Sources close to the emperor saw Matilda's influence on Conrad as the reason for the rebellion of the son against his father, but contemporary sources don't reveal any closer contact between the two before the rebellion.{{sfn|Goez|1996|p=26}} A little later, Conrad was taken prisoner by his father but with Matilda's help, he was freed. With the support of the Margravine, Conrad was crowned [[King of Italy]] by Archbishop [[Anselm III (archbishop of Milan)|Anselm III of Milan]] before 4 December 1093. Together with the pope, Matilda organized the marriage of King Conrad with Maximilla, daughter of Count [[Roger I of Sicily]]. This was intended to win the support of the Normans of southern Italy against Henry IV.{{sfn|Struve|1995|p=77}} Conrad's initiatives to expand his rule in northern Italy probably led to tensions with Matilda,{{sfn|Goez|1996|p=40}} and for this, he didn't find any more support for his rule. After 22 October 1097, his political activity was virtually ended, his death in the summer of 1101 from a fever being the only mention.{{sfn|Goez|1996|p=46}}

In 1094 Henry IV's second wife, the [[Rurikid]] princess [[Eupraxia of Kiev]] (renamed Adelaide after her marriage), escaped from her imprisonment at the monastery of San Zeno and spread serious allegations against him. Henry IV then had her arrested in Verona.{{sfn|Robinson|2003|p=289}} With the help of Matilda, Adelaide was able to escape again and find refuge with her. At the beginning of March 1095 [[Pope Urban II]] called the [[Council of Piacenza]] under the protection of Matilda. There Adelaide appeared and made a public confession{{sfn|Althoff|2006|p=213}} about Henry IV "because of the unheard-of atrocities of fornication which she had endured with her husband":<ref>[[Bernold of Constance]], ''Chronicon'', 1095.</ref>{{sfn|Goez|1996|p=31}}<ref>Tilman Struve, "War Heinrich IV. ein Wüstling? Szenen einer Ehe am salischen Hof". (in German) In: Oliver Wünsch, Thomas Zotz (ed.): ''Scientia veritatis. Festschrift für Hubert Mordek zum 65. Geburtstag''. Ostfildern 2004, pp. 273–288.</ref> she accused Henry IV of forcing her to participate in orgies, and, according to some later accounts, of attempting a [[black mass]] on her naked body.{{sfn|Robinson|2003|p=289ff.}}<ref>{{cite web|author=Natalia Pushkareva|url=http://bibliotekar.ru/polk-11/5.htm|title=Женщины Древней Руси: Глава I. "Галерея знаменитых россиянок" Анна-Янка и Евпраксия-Адельгейда Всеволодовны|year=1989 |language=ru |access-date=24 November 2020}}</ref> Thanks to these scandals and division within the Imperial family, the prestige and power of Henry IV was increasingly weakened. After the synod, Matilda no longer had any contact with Adelaide.

==== Second marriage: Welf V of Bavaria ====
[[File:MatildaTuscie villani.jpg|left|thumb|Matilda weds Welf V (l), (r) she and her new husband ride to view her property. Illumination from the fourteenth century in a manuscript of the ''Nuova Chronica'' by [[Giovanni Villani]]. [[Vatican Library]], Chigi LVIII 296, fol. 56r]]
In 1088 Matilda was facing a new attempt at invasion by Henry IV, and decided to pre-empt it by means of a political marriage. In 1089 Matilda (in her early forties) married [[Welf II, Duke of Bavaria|Welf V]], heir to the [[Duchy of Bavaria]] and who was probably fifteen to seventeen years old,{{sfn|Hay|2008|p=124–129}} but none of the contemporary sources goes into the great age difference.{{sfn|Goez|2004|p=369}} The marriage was probably concluded at the instigation of [[Pope Urban II]] in order to politically isolate Henry IV. According to historian Elke Goez, the union of northern and southern Alpine opponents of the Salian dynasty initially had no military significance, because Welf V didn't appear in northern Italy with troops. In Matilda's documents, no Swabian names are listed in the subsequent period, so that Welf V could have moved to Italy alone or with a small entourage.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=139}} According to the Rosenberg Annals, he even came across the Alps disguised as a pilgrim.{{sfn|Goez|2004|p=363}} Matilda's motive for this marriage, despite the large age difference and the political alliance—her new husband was a member of the [[House of Welf|Welf dynasty]], who were important supporters of the papacy from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries in their conflict with the German emperors (see [[Guelphs and Ghibellines]])—, may also have been the hope for offspring:{{sfn|Goez|2004|p=368}} late pregnancy was quite possible, as the example of [[Constance I of Sicily|Constance of Sicily]] shows.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=139}}

[[Cosmas of Prague]] (writing in the early twelfth century), included a letter in his ''Chronica Boemorum'' and claimed that Matilda had sent it to her future husband, but now the letter is thought to be spurious:{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 140}}<ref>{{cite journal|author=J. Chodor|title=Queens in Early Medieval Chronicles of East Central Europe|journal=East Central Europe|volume= 1|year=1991|pages=9–50 [32]}}</ref>

::''Not for feminine lightness or recklessness, but for the good of all my kingdom, I send you this letter: agreeing to it, you take with it myself and the rule over the whole of Lombardy. I'll give you so many cities, so many castles and noble palaces, so much gold and silver, that you will have a famous name, if you endear yourself to me; do not reproof me for boldness because I first address you with the proposal. It's reason for both male and female to desire a legitimate union, and it makes no difference whether the man or the woman broaches the first line of love, sofar as an indissoluble marriage is sought. Goodbye''.<ref>Cosmas of Prague, ''Chronica Boemorum'', II, ch. 32, MGH SS 9 p.88, accessible online in Latin and with an English translation at: [http://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/letter/217.html Epistolae: Medieval Women's Latin Letters] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150625112836/http://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/letter/217.html |date=2015-06-25 }}.</ref>

Matilda sent an army of thousands to the border of Lombardy to escort her bridegroom, welcomed him with honors, and after the marriage (mid-1089), she organized 120 days of wedding festivities, with such splendor that those of any other medieval rulers pale in comparison. Cosmas also reports that for two nights after the wedding, Welf V, fearing witchcraft, refused to share the marital bed. The third day, Matilda appeared naked on a table especially prepared on sawhorses, and told him that ''everything is in front of you and there is no hidden malice''. But the Duke was dumbfounded; Matilda, furious, slapped him and spat in his face, taunting him: ''Get out of here, monster, you don't deserve our kingdom, you vile thing, viler than a worm or a rotten seaweed, don't let me see you again, or you'll die a miserable death''....<ref>Cosmas of Prague, ''Chronica Boemorum'', II, ch.32, in B. Bretholz and W. Weinberger, ed., ''Die Chronik der Böhmen des Cosmas von Prag'', MGH SS rer Germ NS 2 (Berlin, 1923), pp. 128f., accessible online at: [http://www.dmgh.de/de/fs1/object/goToPage/bsb00000683.html?pageNo=128&sortIndex=010%3A060%3A0002%3A010%3A00%3A00 Monumenta Germaniae Historica] (in Latin).</ref>

Despite the reportedly bad beginning of their marriage, Welf V is documented at least three times as Matilda's consort.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 42, 43, 45}} By the spring of 1095 the couple were separated: in April 1095 Welf V had signed Matilda's donation charter for [[Piadena]], but a next diploma dated 21 May 1095 was already issued by Matilda alone.<ref>Johannes Laudage, "Welf lV. und die Kirchenreform des 11. Jahrhunderts". (in German) In: Dieter R. Bauer, Matthias Becher (ed.): ''Welf IV. Schlüsselfigur einer Wendezeit. Regionale und europäische Perspektiven''. Munich 2004, p. 308.</ref>{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 46}} Welf V's name no longer appears in any of the Mathildic documents.{{sfn|Goez|2004|p=363}} As a father-in-law, [[Welf I, Duke of Bavaria|Welf IV]] tried to reconcile the couple; he was primarily concerned with the possible inheritance of the childless Matilda.{{sfn|Althoff|2006|p=220}} The couple was never divorced, nor was the marriage declared invalid.{{sfn|Goez|2004|p=374}}

==== Final defeat of Henry IV and new room for maneuvers for Matilda ====
With the ''de facto'' end of Matilda's marriage, Henry IV regained his capacity to act. Welf IV switched to the imperial side. The emperor locked in [[Verona]] was finally able to return to the north of the Alps in 1097. After that he never returned to Italy, and it would be 13 years before his son and namesake set foot on Italian soil for the first time. With the assistance of the French armies heading off to the [[First Crusade]], Matilda was finally able to restore [[Pope Urban II]] to [[Rome]].{{sfn|Peters|1971|p=34}} She ordered or led successful expeditions against [[Ferrara]] (1101), [[Parma]] (1104), [[Prato]] (1107), and [[Mantua]] (1114).

In eleventh century Italy, the rise of the cities began, in interaction with the overarching conflict. They soon succeeded in establishing their own territories. In Lucca, Pavia, and Pisa, [[consul]]s appeared as early as the 1080s, which are considered to be signs of the legal independence of the "communities". Pisa sought its advantage in changing alliances with the Salian dynasty and the House of Canossa.{{sfn|Goez|2010|p=125}} Lucca remained completely closed to the Margravine from 1081. It was not until Allucione de Luca's marriage to the daughter of the royal judge Flaipert that she gained new opportunities to influence. Flaipert had already been one of the most important advisors of the House of Canossa since the times of Matilda's mother. Allucione was a vassal of Count Guidi, with whom Matilda worked closely.{{sfn|Goez|2006b|p=326}}{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=150}} Mantua had to make considerable concessions in June 1090; the inhabitants of the city and the suburbs were freed from all "unjustified" oppression and all rights and property in Sacca, [[Sustinente|Sustante]] and Corte Carpaneta were confirmed.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 43}}

After 1096 the balance of power slowly began to change again in favor of the Margravine. Matilda resumed her donations to ecclesiastical and social institutions in Lombardy, Emilia, and Tuscany.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 49–51}} In the summer of 1099 and 1100 her route first led to Lucca and Pisa. There it can be detected again in the summer of 1105, 1107, and 1111.<ref name=goez1999/> In early summer of 1099 she gave the [[San Ponziano, Lucca|Monastery of San Ponziano]] a piece of land for the establishment of a hospital. With this donation, Matilda resumed her relations with Lucca.<ref>Katrin Dort, "Adlige Armenfürsorge im Bistum Lucca bis zum Ausgang des 12. Jahrhunderts". (in German) In: Lukas Clemens, Katrin Dort, Felix Schumacher (ed.): ''Laienadel und Armenfürsorge im Mittelalter''. Trier 2015, p. 30.</ref>{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 51}}

After 1090 Matilda accentuated the consensual rule. After the profound crises, she was no longer able to make political decisions on her own. She held meetings with spiritual and secular nobles in Tuscany and also in her home countries of Emilia. She had to take into account the ideas of her loyal friends and come to an agreement with them.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=148}} In her role as the most important guarantor of the law, she increasingly lost importance in relation to the bishops. They repeatedly asked the Margravine to put an end to grievances.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 65, 101, 109, 132}} As a result, the bishops expanded their position within the episcopal cities and in the surrounding area.{{sfn|Goez|2006b|p=326}}{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=330, note 57}} After 1100 Matilda had to repeatedly protect churches from her own subjects. The accommodation requirements had also been reduced.

=== Court culture and rulership ===
[[File:Anselm übergibt Mathilde sein Werk.jpg|right|thumb|250px|Matilda receiving a manuscript from scholar [[Anselm of Canterbury]]. [[Miniature (illuminated manuscript)|Miniature]] in a manuscript by Anselm's ''Orationes'' (Diocese of Salzburg, around 1160). Admont, Abbey Library, Ms. 289, fol. 1v]]
The [[Royal court|court]] had developed since the twelfth century to a central institution of royal and princely power. The most important tasks were the visualization of the rule through festivals, art, and literature. The term "court" can be understood as "presence with the ruler".<ref>Gert Melville, "Um Welfen und Höfe. Streiflichter am Schluß einer Tagung". (in German) In: Bernd Schneidmüller (ed.): ''Die Welfen und ihr Braunschweiger Hof im hohen Mittelalter''. Wiesbaden 1995, p. 546.</ref> In contrast to the Brunswick court of the Guelphs, Matilda's court offices cannot be verified.{{sfn|Goez|2007|p=183}} Scholars such as [[Anselm of Lucca]], Heribert of Reggio, and Johannes of Mantua were around the Margravine. Matilda encouraged some of them to write their works:<ref>Eugenio Riversi, ''La memoria di Canossa. Saggi di contestualizzazione della Vita Mathildis di Donizone''. (in Italian). Pisa 2013, pp. 469–499.</ref> for example, Bishop Anselm of Lucca wrote a [[psalter]] at her request and Johannes of Mantua a commentary on the [[Song of Songs]] and a reflection on the life of [[Virgin Mary]]. Works were dedicated or presented to Matilda, such as the ''Liber de anulo et baculo'' of Rangerius of Lucca, the ''Orationes sive meditationes'' of [[Anselm of Canterbury]], the ''Vita Mathildis'' of [[Donizo]], the miracle reports of Ubald of Mantua and the ''Liber ad amicum'' of [[Bonizo of Sutri]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Nash|first=Penelope|title=The Spirituality of Countess Matilda of Tuscany|publisher=Patron|year=2021|isbn=9788855535298|location=Bologna|pages=43–50|language=English}}</ref> Matilda contributed to the distribution of the books intended for her by making copies. More works were dedicated only to Henry IV among their direct contemporaries.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=130}}{{sfn|Goez|2015|p=326}} As a result, the Margravine court temporarily became the most important non-royal spiritual center of the Salian period. It also served as a contact point for displaced Gregorians in the church political disputes. Historian Paolo Golinelli interpreted the repeated admission of high-ranking refugees and their care as an act of [[Charity (virtue)|charity]].{{sfn|Golinelli|2015a|pp=70–73}} As the last political expellee, she granted asylum for a long time to Archbishop [[Conrad I of Salzburg]], the pioneer of the canon reform. This brought her into close contact with this reform movement.<ref>Elke Goez "Matilde di Canossa e i suoi ospiti", p. 331 in [[#g1994|Golinelli 1994]]</ref>

Matilda regularly sought the advice of learned lawyers when making court decisions. A large number of legal advisors are named in their documents. There are 42 ''causidici'', 29 ''iudices sacri palatii'', 44 ''iudices'', 8 ''legis doctore''s, and 42 ''advocati''.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=91}} According to historian Elke Goez, Matilda's court can be described as "a focal point for the use of learned jurists in the case law by lay princes".{{sfn|Goez|2006b|pp=327–328}} Matilda encouraged these scholars and drew them to her court. According to Goez, the administration of justice was not a scholarly end in itself, but served to increase the efficiency of rulership.{{sfn|Goez|2006a|p=126}} Goez sees a legitimation deficit as the most important trigger for the Margravine's intensive administration of justice, since Matilda was never formally invested by the king. In Tuscany in particular, an intensive administration of justice can be documented with almost 30 ''[[placitum]]''.{{sfn|Goez|2006b|pp=327–328}}{{sfn|Goez|2006b|p=324}} Matilda's involvement in the founding of the Bolognese School of Law, which has been suspected again and again, is viewed by Elke Goez as unlikely.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=91}} According to chronicler [[Burchard of Ursperg]], the alleged founder of this school, [[Irnerius]], produced an authentic text of the Roman legal sources on behalf of Margravine Matilda.<ref>Burchard of Ursperg, ''Chronicon'', edited by Oswald Holder-Egger, Bernhard von Simson, Hanover/Leipzig 1916, p. 15.</ref> According to historian [[Johannes Fried]], this can at best affect the referring to the Vulgate version of the [[Digest (Roman law)|''Digest'']], and even that is considered unlikely.{{sfn|Fried|2001|p=200}} The role of this scholar in Matilda's environment is controversial.<ref>Andrea Padovani, "Matilde e Irnerio. Note su un dibattito attuale". (in Italian) In: ''Matilde di Canossa e il suo tempo. Atti del XXI Congresso internazionale di studio sull'alto medioevo in occasione del IX centenario della morte (1115–2015), San Benedetto Po, Revere, Mantova, Quattro Castella, 20–24 ottobre 2015''. Spoleto 2016. pp. 199–242.</ref> According to historian Wulf Eckart Voss, Irnerius had been a legal advisor since 1100.<ref>Wulf Eckart Voß "Irnerius, Rechtsberater der Mathilde. Seine Rolle und seine Bedeutung im Investiturstreit", pp. 73–88 in [[#g1994|Golinelli 1994]]</ref> In an analysis of the documentary mentions, however, Gundula Grebner came to the conclusion that this scholar should not be classified in the circle of Matilda, but in that of Henry V.{{sfn|Fried|2001|p=206}}

Until well into the fourteenth century, medieval rule was exercised through [[itinerant court]] practice.<ref>Rudolf Schieffer, "Von Ort zu Ort. Aufgaben und Ergebnisse der Erforschung ambulanter Herrschaftspraxis". (in German) In: Caspar Ehlers (ed.): ''Orte der Herrschaft. Mittelalterliche Königspfalzen''. Göttingen 2002, pp. 11–23.</ref> There was neither a capital nor did the rulers of the House of Canossa have a preferred place of residence.{{sfn|Goez|1995|pp=66–71}} Rule in the High Middle Ages was based on presence.<ref>Ferdinand Opll, "Herrschaft durch Präsenz. Gedanken und Bemerkungen zur Itinerarforschung". (in German) In: ''Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 117'', 2009, pp. 12–22.</ref> Matilda's domains comprised most of what is now the dual region of [[Emilia-Romagna]] and part of [[Tuscany]]. She traveled in her domains in all seasons, and was never alone in this. There were always a number of advisors, clergy, and armed men in their vicinity that could not be precisely estimated.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=149}} She maintained a special relationship of trust with Bishop Anselm of Lucca, who was her closest advisor until his death in May 1086. In the later years of her life, cardinal legates often stayed in her vicinity. They arranged for communication with the pope. The Margravine had a close relationship with the cardinal legates Bernard degli Uberti and Bonsignore of Reggio.{{sfn|Goez|2012|pp=159–169}} In view of the rigors of travel domination, according to Elke Goez's judgment, she must have been athletic, persistent, and capable.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=217}} The distant possessions brought a considerable administrative burden and were often threatened with takeover by rivals. Therefore, Matilda had to count on local confidants, in whose recruitment she was supported by Pope Gregory VII.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=110}}

In a rulership without a permanent residence, the visualization of rulership and the representation of rank were of great importance. From Matilda's reign there are 139 documents (74 of which are original), four letters, and 115 lost documents (''Deperdita''). The largest proportion of the number of documents are donations to ecclesiastical recipients (45) and court documents (35). In terms of the spatial distribution of the documentary tradition, Northern Italy predominates (82). Tuscany and the neighboring regions (49) are less affected, while Lorraine has only five documents.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 1}} There is thus a unique tradition for a princess of the High Middle Ages; a comparable number of documents only come back for the time being [[Henry the Lion]] five decades later.{{Clarify|reason=Incomprehensible sentence|date=July 2024}}{{sfn|Goez|2007|p=162}} At least 18 of Matilda's documents were sealed. At the time, this was unusual for lay princes in imperial Italy.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 13}} There were very few women who had their own seal: {{sfn|Goez|2012|p=151}} the Margravine had two seals of different pictorial types —one shows a female bust with loose, falling hair, while the second seal from the year 1100 is an antique gem and not a portrait of Matilda and Godfrey the Hunchback or Welf V.{{sfn|Goez|2006b|p=334}} Matilda's chancellery for issuing the diplomas on their own can be excluded with high probability.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 9}}<ref>Roberto Ferrara "Gli anni di Matilde (1072–1115). Osservatione sulla ″cancellaria″ Canossiana", pp. 89–98 in [[#g1994|Golinelli 1994]]</ref> To consolidate her rule and as an expression of the understanding of rule, Matilda referred in her title to her powerful father; it was called ''filia quondam magni Bonifatii ducis''.<ref>{{cite journal|author=Jörg Rogge|title=Mächtige Frauen? Königinnen und Fürstinnen im europäischen Mittelalter (11.–14. Jahrhundert) – Zusammenfassung|journal=Vorträge und Forschungen| year=1978|volume=81|editor=Claudia Zey|location=Ostfildern|doi=10.11588/vuf.2015.0.46259|page=447|language=de}}</ref>

The castles in their domain and high church festivals also served to visualize the rule. Matilda celebrated Easter as the most important act of power representation in Pisa in 1074.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=151}} Matilda's pictorial representations also belong in this context, some of which are controversial, however. The statue of the so-called Bonissima on the Palazzo Comunale, the cathedral square of [[Modena]], was probably made in the 1130s at the earliest. The Margravine's mosaic in the church of Polirone was also made after her death.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=129, 151}} Matilda had her ancestors put in splendid coffins. However, she didn't succeed in bringing together all the remains of her ancestors to create a central point of reference for rule and memory: her grandfather remained buried in [[Brescello]], while the remains of her father were kept in [[Mantua]] and those of her mother in [[Pisa]]. Their withdrawal would have meant a political retreat and the loss of Pisa and Mantua.{{sfn|Goez|2015|p=331}}
[[Image:Matilde di Canossa - signature.jpg|left|thumb|350px|Matilda's signature ("Matilda, Dei gratia si quid est"), quite tremulous due to her old age. ''Notitia Confirmationis (Prato, June 1107), Archivio Storico Diocesano of Lucca, Diplomatico Arcivescovile, perg. ++ I29'']]
By using the written form, Matilda supplemented the presence of the immediate presence of power in all parts of her sphere of influence. In her great courts she used the script to increase the income from her lands. Scripture-based administration was still a very unusual means of realizing rule for lay princes in the eleventh century.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=99, 154}}

In the years from 1081 to 1098, however, the rule of the House of Canossa was in a crisis. The documentary and letter transmission is largely suspended for this period. A total of only 17 pieces have survived, not a single document from eight years. After this finding Matilda wasn't in Tuscany for almost twenty years.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=147}} However, from autumn 1098 she was able to regain a large part of her lost territories. This increased interest in receiving certificates from her. Ninety-four documents have survived from the last 20 years. Matilda tried to consolidate her rule with the increased use of writing.{{sfn|Goez|2006b|p=338}} After the death of her mother (18 April 1076), she often provided her documents with the phrase "''Matilda Dei gratia si quid est''" ("Matilda, by God's grace, if she is something").<ref name="Goez3">{{cite journal|author=Werner Goez|title="Matilda Dei gratia si quid est". Die Urkunden-Unterfertigung der Burgherrin von Canossa|language= German|journal=Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters |volume=47|year=1991|pages=379–394|url=http://www.digizeitschriften.de/main/dms/img/?PPN=PPN345858735_0047&DMDID=dmdlog29 }}</ref> The personal combination of symbol (cross) and text was unique in the personal execution of the certificates.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 15}} By referring to the immediacy of God, she wanted to legitimize her contestable position.{{sfn|Goez|2006a|p=126}} There is no consensus in research about the meaning of the qualifying suffix "''si quid est''".<ref name="Goez3"/> This formulation, which can be found in 38 original and 31 copiously handed down texts by the Margravine, ultimately remains as puzzling as it is singular in terms of tradition.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 12, 15, 20}} One possible explanation for their use is that Matilda was never formally invested with the Margraviate of Tuscany by the king.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 20}} Like her mother, Matilda carried out all kinds of legal transactions without mentioning her husbands and thus with full independence. Both princesses took over the official titles of their husbands, but refrained from masculinizing their titles.<ref>{{cite journal|author=Claudia Zey|title=Mächtige Frauen? Königinnen und Fürstinnen im europäischen Mittelalter (11.–14. Jahrhundert) – Zusammenfassung|journal=Vorträge und Forschungen| year=1978|volume=81|location=Ostfildern|doi=10.11588/vuf.2015.0.46246|page=22|language=de}}</ref>{{sfn|Goez|2007|p=176}}

=== Patronage of churches and hospitals ===
After the discovery of contemporary diplomas, Elke Goez refuted the widespread notion that the Margravine had given churches and monasteries rich gifts at all times of her life. Very few donations were initially made.<ref name=goez1995a/>{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=100}} Already one year after the death of her mother, Matilda lost influence on the inner-city monasteries in Tuscany and thus an important pillar of her rule.<ref name=goez1995a/>

The issuing of deeds for monasteries concentrated on convents that were located in Matilda's immediate sphere of influence in northern and central Italy or Lorraine. The main exception to this was [[Monte Cassino|Montecassino]].<ref name=goez1999/> Among the most important of her numerous donations to monasteries and churches were those to [[Fonte Avellana]], [[Farfa Abbey|Farfa]], Montecassino, Vallombrosa, [[Territorial Abbey of Nonantola|Nonantola]], and Polirone.{{sfn|Piva|2006|p=139}} In this way she secured the financing of the old church buildings. She often stipulated that the proceeds from the donated land should be used to build churches in the center of the episcopal cities. This money was an important contribution to the funds for the expansion and decoration of the churches of [[Mantua Cathedral|San Pietro in Mantua]], [[Modena Cathedral|Santa Maria Assunta e San Geminiano of Modena]], [[Parma Cathedral|Santa Maria Assunta of Parma]], [[Lucca Cathedral|San Martino of Lucca]], [[Pisa Cathedral|Santa Maria Assunta of Pisa]], and [[Volterra Cathedral|Santa Maria Assunta of Volterra]].{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 114, 115}}{{sfn|Spike|2014|p=19}}

Matilda supported the construction of Pisa Cathedral with several donations (in 1083, 1100, and 1103). Her name should be permanently associated with the cathedral building project.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=186}} They released Nonantola from paying [[tithe]]s to the Bishop of Modena; the funds thus freed up could be used for the monastery buildings.{{sfn|Piva|2006|p=140}}<ref>Fulvio Zuliani, ''L'abbazia di Nonantola''. (in Italian) In: Costanza Segre Montel, Fulvio Zuliani (ed.): ''La pittura nell'abbazia di Nonantola, un refettorio affrescato di etä romanica''. Nonantola 1991, pp. 5–28.</ref> In Modena, with her participation, she secured the continued construction of the cathedral. Matilda acted as mediator in the dispute between cathedral [[Canon (priest)|canon]]s and citizens about the remains of [[Geminianus|Saint Geminianus]]. The festive consecration could take place in 1106, with the ''Relatio fundationis cathedralis Mutinae'' recording these processes. Matilda is presented as a political authority: she is present with an army, gives support, recommends receiving the pope, and reappears for the ordination, during which she dedicates immeasurable gifts to the patron.{{sfn|Piva|2006|p=140}}

Numerous examples show that Matilda made donations to bishops who were loyal to the Gregorian reforms. In May 1109 she gave land in the area of Ferrara to the Gregorian Bishop Landolfo of Ferrara in [[San Cesario sul Panaro]] and in June of the same year possessions in the vicinity of [[Ficarolo]]. The Bishop Wido of Ferrara, however, was hostile to Pope Gregory VII and had written ''De scismate Hildebrandi'' against him. The siege of Ferrara undertaken by Matilda in 1101 led to the expulsion of the schismatic bishop.<ref name="Goez3"/>{{sfn|Spike|2014|p=14}}

On the other hand, nothing is known of Matilda's sponsorship of nunneries. Their only relevant intervention concerned the Benedictine nuns of San Sisto of Piacenza, whom they chased out of the monastery for their immoral behavior and replaced with monks.<ref>Paolo Golinelli, [https://www.mgh-bibliothek.de/dokumente/b/b072402.pdf "Nonostante le fonti: Matilde di Canossa donna"]. (in Italian) In: Berardo Pio (ed.): ''Scritti di Storia Medievale offerti a Maria Consiglia De Matteis''. Spoleto 2011, p. 266.</ref>{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|p=450}}

Matilda founded and sponsored numerous hospitals to care for the poor and pilgrims. For the hospitals, she selected municipal institutions and important Apennine passes. The welfare institutions not only fulfilled charitable tasks, but were also important for the legitimation and consolidation of the margravial rule.{{sfn|Golinelli|2015a|pp=61–73}}<ref>Renzo Zagnoni "Gli ospitali dei Canossa", pp. 310–323 in [[#g1994|Golinelli 1994]]</ref>

Some churches traditionally said to have been founded by Matilda include: Sant'Andrea Apostolo of Vitriola in [[Montefiorino]] ([[Province of Modena|Modena]]);<ref>[http://www.provincia.modena.it/page.asp?IDCategoria=305&IDSezione=7180&ID=69399 ''Provincia di Modena. Chiesa Sant'Andrea Apostolo di Vitriola''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150206225709/http://www.provincia.modena.it/page.asp?IDCategoria=305&IDSezione=7180&ID=69399 |date=2015-02-06 }} [retrieved 13 April 2015].</ref> Sant'Anselmo in Pieve di Coriano (Province of Mantua); San Giovanni Decollato in [[Pescarolo ed Uniti]] ([[Province of Cremona|Cremona]]);<ref>[http://www.rup.cr.it/comune/view_monumenti.do?idComune=39 ''Comune di Pescarolo ed Uniti. Pieve di San Giovanni Decollato''] [retrieved 13 April 2015].</ref> Santa Maria Assunta in [[Monteveglio]] ([[Province of Bologna|Bologna]]); San Martino in Barisano near [[Forlì]]; San Zeno in [[Cerea]] ([[Province of Verona|Verona]]), and San Salvaro in [[Legnago]] ([[Verona]]).

=== Adoption of Guido Guidi around 1099 ===
In the later years of her life, Matilda was increasingly faced with the question of who should take over the [[House of Canossa]]'s inheritance. She could no longer have children of her own, and apparently for this reason she adopted Guido ''Guerra'', member of the [[Guidi family]], who were one of her main supporters in Florence (although in a genealogically strictly way, the Margravine's feudal heirs were the [[House of Savoy]], descendants of [[Prangarda of Canossa]], Matilda's paternal great-aunt).<ref name="Creber"/> On 12 November 1099, he was referred to in a diploma as Matilda's adopted son (''adoptivus filius domine comitisse Matilde''). With his consent, Matilda renewed and expanded a donation from her ancestors to the Brescello monastery. However, this is the only time that Guido had the title of adoptive son (''adoptivus filius'') in a document that was considered to be authentic. At that time there were an unusually large number of vassals in Matilda's environment.{{sfn|Goez|2012|pp=156–159}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 55}} In March 1100, the Margravine and Guido ''Guerra'' took part in a meeting of abbots of the [[Vallombrosians]] Order, which they both sponsored. On 19 November 1103 they gave the monastery of Vallombrosa possessions on both sides of the Vicano and half of the castle of Magnale with the town of Pagiano.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=158}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 76}} After Matilda had bequeathed her property to the Apostolic See in 1102 (so-called second "Matildine Donation"), Guido withdrew from her. With the donation he lost hope of the inheritance. However, he signed three more documents with Matilda for the Abbey of Polirone.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=159}}

From these sources, Elke Goez, for example, concludes that Guido ''Guerra'' was adopted by Matilda. According to her, the Margravine must have consulted with her loyal followers beforehand and reached a consensus for this far-reaching political decision. Ultimately, pragmatic reasons were decisive: Matilda needed a political and economic administrator for Tuscany.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=157}} The Guidi family estates in the north and east of Florence were also a useful addition to the House of Canossa possessions.{{sfn|Goez|2010|p=115}} Guido ''Guerra'' hoped that Matilda's adoption would not only give him the inheritance, but also an increase in rank. He also hoped for support in the dispute between the Guidi and the Cadolinger families for supremacy in Tuscany. The Cadolinger were named after one of their ancestors, Count Cadalo, who was attested from 952 to 986; they died out in 1113.

Paolo Golinelli doubts this reconstruction of the events. He thinks that Guido ''Guerra'' held an important position among the Margravine's vassals, but was not adopted by her.<ref>Paolo Golinelli, ''Sul preteso "figlio adottivo" di Matilde di Canossa, Guido V Guerra''. (in Italian) In: Gino Badini, Andrea Gamberini (ed.): ''Medioevo reggiano. Studi in ricordo di Odoardo Rombaldi''. Milan 2007, pp. 123–132.</ref> This is supported by the fact that after 1108 he only appeared once as a witness in one of their documents, namely in a document dated 6 May 1115, which Matilda granted in favor of the [[Abbey of Polirone]] while she was on her deathbed at Bondeno di Roncore.<ref>Paolo Golinelli, ''Mathilde und der Gang nach Canossa. Im Herzen des Mittelalters''. (in German). Düsseldorf 1998, p. 295.</ref>

=== Matildine Donation ===
On 17 November 1102 Matilda donated her property to the Apostolic See at Canossa Castle in the presence of the Cardinal Legate Bernardo of San Crisogono.{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 73}} This is a renewal of the donation, as the first diploma was allegedly lost. Matilda had initially transferred all of her property to the Apostolic See in the Holy Cross Chapel of the Lateran before Pope Gregory VII. Most research has dated this first donation to the years between 1077 and 1080.{{sfn|Goez|1997|p=167}} Paolo Golinelli spoke out for the period between 1077 and 1081.<ref name=g1991/> Werner Goez placed the first donation in the years 1074 and 1075, when Matilda's presence in Rome can be proven.{{sfn|Goez|1997|pp=168–170}} At the second donation, despite the importance of the event, very few witnesses were present. With Atto from Montebaranzone and Bonusvicinus from Canossa, the diploma was attested by two people of no recognizable rank who are not mentioned in any other certificate.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=166}}

The Matildine Donation caused a sensation in the twelfth century and has also received a lot of attention in research. The entire tradition of the document comes from the curia. According to Paolo Golinelli, the donation of 1102 is a forgery from the 1130s; in reality, Matilda made Henry V her only heir in 1110/11.<ref name=pg1994/><ref name="Golinelli"/>{{sfn|Golinelli|2001|p=62}}<ref>Paolo Golinelli, ''I mille volti di Matilde. Immagini di un mito nei secoli''. (in Italian) Milan 2003, pp. 20–21. {{ISBN|8871794206}}</ref> Even Johannes Laudage in his study of the contemporary sources, thought that the Matildine Donation was spurious.{{sfn|Laudage|2004|p=123}} Elke and Werner Goez, on the other hand, viewed the second donation diploma from November 1102 as authentic in their document edition.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=87}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 73}} Bernd Schneidmüller and Elke Goez believe that a diploma was issued about the renewed transfer of the ''[[Terre Matildiche]]'' out of curial fear of the Welfs. Welf IV died in November 1101. His eldest son and successor Welf V had rulership rights over the House of Canossa domains through his marriage to Matilda. Therefore, reference was made to an earlier award of the inheritance before Matilda's second marriage. Otherwise, given the spouse's considerable influence, their consent should have been obtained.{{sfn|Goez|2004|p=375}}<ref>Bernd Schneidmüller, ''Die Welfen. Herrschaft und Erinnerung (819–1252)''. 2. edition (in German) Stuttgart 2014, pp. 150–152.</ref>

Werner Goez explains with different ideas about the legal implications of the process that Matilda often had her own property even after 1102 without recognizing any consideration for Rome's rights. Goez observed that the donation is only mentioned in Matildine documents that were created under the influence of papal legates. Matilda didn't want a complete waiver of all other real estates and usable rights and perhaps did not notice how far the consequences of the formulation of the second Matildine Donation went.{{sfn|Goez|1997|pp=168–170}}

=== Last years and death ===
[[File:AbbaziaDelPolirone SanBenedettoPo.jpg|thumbnail|right|[[Polirone Abbey|Abbey of San Benedetto in Polirone]]]]
[[File:Evangeliar der Mathilde von Tuszien.jpg|thumbnail|right|''Gospels of Matilda of Tuscany'', San Benedetto Po (al Polirone), before 1099. [[New York City|New York]], [[Morgan Library & Museum]], MS M.492, fol. 84r]]
In the last phase of her life, Matilda pursued the plan to strengthen the Abbey of Polirone. The Church of Gonzaga freed them in 1101 from the ''malos sacerdotes fornicarios et adulteros'' ("wicked, unchaste, and adulterous priests") and gave them to the monks of Polirone. The Gonzaga clergy were charged with violating the duty of [[celibacy]]. One of the main evils that the church reformers acted against.{{sfn|Piva|2006|p=129}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 68}} In the same year she gave the Abbey of Polirone a poor house that she had built in [[Mantua]]; she thus withdrew it from the monks of the monastery of Sant'Andrea in Mantua who had been accused of [[simony]].{{sfn|Piva|2006|p=129}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 67}} The Abbey of Polirone received a total of twelve donations in the last five years of Matilda's life. So she transferred her property in Villola (16 kilometers southeast of Mantua) and the Insula Sancti Benedicti (island in the Po, today on the south bank in the area of San Benedetto Po) to this monastery. The Abbey thus rose to become the official monastery of the House of Canossa, with Matilda choosing it as her burial place.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=87}} The monks used Matilda's generous donations to rebuild the entire Abbey and the main church. Matilda wanted to secure her memory not only through gifts, but also through written memories. Polirone was given a very valuable Gospel manuscript. The book, preserved today in New York, contains a liber vitae, a memorial book, in which all important donors and benefactors of the monastery are listed. This document also deals with Matilda's memorial. The Gospel manuscript was commissioned by the Margravine. It is not clear whether the [[codex]] originated in Polirone or was sent there as a gift from Matilda. It is the only larger surviving memorial from a Cluniac monastery in northern Italy.{{sfn|Goez|2015|p=332}}<ref>Thomas Labusiak, ''Als die Bilder sprechen lernten: Das Evangeliar der Mathilde von Tuszien in New York''. (in German) In: Patrizia Carmassi, Christoph Winterer (ed.): ''Text, Bild und Ritual in der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft (8.–11. Jh.)''. Florence 2014, pp. 217–232.</ref> Paolo Golinelli emphasized that, through Matilda's favor, Polirone also became a base where reform forces gathered.<ref>Paolo Golinelli, ''Matilde di Canossa e l'abbazia di Polirone''. (in Italian) In: Paolo Golinelli (ed.): ''Storia di San Benedetto Polirone, Le origini 961–1125''. Bologna 1998, pp. 91–100.</ref>

Henry V had been in diplomatic contact with Matilda since 1109. He emphasized his blood relationship with the Margravine and demonstratively cultivated the connection. At his coronation as emperor in 1111, disputes over the investiture question broke out again. Henry V captured [[Pope Paschal II]] and some of the cardinals in [[St. Peter's Basilica]] and forced his imperial coronation. When Matilda found out about this, she asked for the release of two cardinals, Bernard of Parma and Bonsignore of Reggio, who were close to her. Henry V complied with her request and released both cardinals. Matilda did nothing to get the pope and the other cardinals free. On the way back from the Rome train, Henry V visited the Margravine during 6–11 May 1111 at Castle of Bianello in [[Quattro Castella]], [[Reggio Emilia]].{{sfn|Overmann|1895|p=184, Regest 125c}}<ref>Lino Lionello Ghirardini, ''Famoso incontro di Bianello fra ia contessa Matilde e Fimperatore Enrico V''. (in Italian) In: ''Quattro Castella nella storia di Canossa''. Rome 1977, pp. 213–236.</ref> Matilda then achieved the solution from the imperial ban imposed to her. According to the unique testimony of her biographer [[Donizo]], Henry V transferred to Matilda the rule of [[Liguria]] and crowned her [[Imperial Vicar]] and Vice-Queen of Italy.<ref>Donizo, ''Vita Mathildis'', ch. II, v. 1250–1256.</ref> At this meeting he also concluded a firm agreement (''firmum foedus'') with her, which was mentioned only by Donizo and whose details are unknown.<ref>Donizo, ''Vita Mathildis'', ch. II, v. 1257.</ref> This agreement has been undisputedly interpreted in German historical studies since [[Wilhelm von Giesebrecht]] as an inheritance treaty, while Italian historians such as Luigi Simeoni and Werner Goez repeatedly questioned this.<ref name=pg1994/>{{sfn|Goez|1997|p=194}}<ref>Donizo, ''Vita Mathildis'', edited by Luigi Simeoni. Bologna 1931–1940, v. 1255–1257, p. 98.</ref> Elke Goez, on the other hand, assumed a mutual agreement with benefits from both sides: Matilda, whose health was weakened, probably waived her further support for Pope Paschal II with a view to a good understanding with the emperor.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=180}} Paolo Golinelli thinks that Matilda recognized Henry V as the heir to her domains and only after this, the imperial ban against Matilda was lifted and she recovered the possessions in the northern Italian parts of the formerly powerful House of Canossa with the exception of Tuscany. Donizo imaginatively embellished this process with the title of Vice-Queen.<ref name=pg1994/>{{sfn|Golinelli|2001|p=60}} Some researchers see in the agreement with Henry V a turning away from the ideals of the so-called Gregorian reform, but Enrico Spagnesi emphasizes that Matilda had by no means given up her church reform-minded policy.<ref>Enrico Spagnesi, ''Libros legum renovavit: Irnerio lucerna e propagatore del diritto''. (in Italian). Pisa 2013, p. 54.</ref>

A short time after her meeting with Henry V, Matilda retired to Montebaranzone near [[Prignano sulla Secchia]]. In Mantua in the summer of 1114 the rumor that she had died sparked jubilation.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=174}}<ref>Michèle K. Spike, ''Tuscan Countess. The Life and Extraordinary Times of Matilda of Canossa''. New York 2004, p. 258.</ref> The Mantuans strived for autonomy and demanded admission to the margravial Rivalta Castle located five kilometers west of Mantua. When the citizens found out that Matilda was still alive, they burned the castle down.<ref>Thomas Gross, ''Lothar III. und die Mathildischen Güter''. (in German). Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 244.</ref> Rivalta Castle symbolized the hated power of the Margravine. Donizo, in turn, used this incident as an instrument to illustrate the chaotic conditions that the sheer rumor of Matilda's death could trigger. The Margravine guaranteed peace and security for the population,<ref>Florian Hartmann, ''Das Gerücht vom Tod des Herrschers im frühen und hohen Mittelalter''. (in German) In: ''Historische Zeitschrift 302'', 2016, p. 348.</ref> and was able to recapture Mantua. In April 1115, the aging Margravine gave the Church of San Michele in Mantua the rights and income of the Pacengo court. This documented legal transaction proves their intention to win over an important spiritual community in Mantua.{{sfn|Goez|2012|p=175}}{{sfn|Goez|Goez|1998|loc=n° 136}}

Matilda often visited the town of Bondeno di Roncore (today Bondanazzo), in the district of [[Reggiolo]], [[Province of Reggio Emilia|Reggio Emilia]], just in the middle of the Po valley, where she owned a small castle, which she often visited between 1106 and 1115. During a stay there, she fell seriously ill, so that she could finally no longer leave the castle. In the last months of her life, the sick Margravine was no longer able to travel strenuously. According to Vito Fumagalli, she stayed in the Polirone area not only because of her illness: the House of Canossa had largely been ousted from its previous position of power at the beginning of the twelfth century.<ref>Vito Fumagalli, ''Canossa tra realtä regionale e ambizioni europee''. (in Italian) In: ''Studi Matildici III'', Modena 1978, p. 31.</ref> In her final hours the Bishop of Reggio, Cardinal Bonsignore, stayed at her deathbed and gave her the sacraments of death. On the night of 24 July 1115, Matilda died of sudden [[cardiac arrest]] at the age of 69.{{sfn|Overmann|1895|p=150, Regest 147}} After her death in 1116 Henry V succeeded in taking possession of the ''[[Terre Matildiche]]'' without any apparent resistance from the curia. The once loyal subjects of the Margravine accepted the emperor as their new master without resistance; for example, powerful vassals such as Arduin de Palude, Sasso of Bibianello, Count Albert of Sabbioneta, Ariald of Melegnano, Opizo of Gonzaga and many others came to the emperor and accepted him as their overlord.{{sfn|Goez|1997|p=195}}

[[File:Tomb of Countess Matilda of Tuscany by Gian Lorenzo Bernini.JPG|thumbnail|right|Matilda's tombstone at St. Peter's Basilica, by Bernini]]
Matilda was at first buried in the [[Polirone Abbey|Abbey of San Benedetto in Polirone]], located in the town of [[San Benedetto Po]]; then, in 1633, at the behest of [[Pope Urban VIII]], her body was moved to [[Rome]] and placed in [[Castel Sant'Angelo]]. Finally, in 1645 her remains were definitely deposited in the [[Vatican Hill|Vatican]], where they now lie in [[St. Peter's Basilica]]. She is one of only six women who have the honor of being buried in the Basilica, the others being Queen [[Christina, Queen of Sweden|Christina of Sweden]], [[Maria Clementina Sobieska]] (wife of [[James Francis Edward Stuart]]), [[St. Petronilla]], [[Queen Charlotte of Cyprus]], and Agnesina Colonna Caetani. A [[Tomb of Countess Matilda of Tuscany|memorial tomb for Matilda]], commissioned by [[Pope Urban VIII]] and designed by [[Gianlorenzo Bernini]] with the statues being created by sculptor [[Andrea Bolgi]], marks her burial place in St. Peter's and is often called the ''Honor and Glory of Italy''.