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==Congress== [[File:Greenback the Weaver.jpg|thumb|[[Thomas Nast]] depicts Weaver as an ungainly donkey who is finally recognized by Speaker [[Samuel J. Randall]].]] In May 1878, Weaver accepted the Greenback nomination for the House of Representatives in the 6th district.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=74}} Although Weaver's political career up to then had been as a staunch Republican, Democrats in the 6th district thought that endorsing him was likely the only way to defeat Sampson, the incumbent Republican.{{sfn|Colbert|1978|p=27}} Since the start of the Civil War, Democrats had been in the minority across Iowa; [[electoral fusion]] with Greenbackers represented their best chance to get their candidates into office.{{sfn|Colbert|1978|p=27}} Hard-money Democrats objected to the idea, but some were reassured when [[Henry Hoffman Trimble]] assured them that if elected Weaver would align with House Democrats on all issues other than the money question.{{sfn|Colbert|1978|pp=31–33}} Democrats declined to endorse any candidate at the 6th district convention, but soft-money leaders in the party circulated their own slate of candidates that included Democrats and Greenbackers.{{sfn|Colbert|1978|pp=35–38}} The Greenback–Democrat ticket prevailed, and Weaver was elected with 16,366 votes to Sampson's 14,307.{{sfn|Colbert|1978|p=39}} Weaver entered the [[46th United States Congress|46th Congress]] in March 1879, one of thirteen Greenbackers elected in 1878.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=83}} Although the House was closely divided, neither major party included the Greenbackers in their caucus, leaving them few committee assignments and little input on legislation.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=84}} Weaver gave his first speech in April 1879, criticizing the use of the army to police Southern polling stations, while also decrying [[Disenfranchisement after the Reconstruction Era|the violence against black Southerners]] that made such protection necessary; he then described the Greenback platform, which he said would put an end to the sectional and economic strife.{{sfn|Haynes|1919|pp=108–113}} The next month, he spoke in favor of a bill calling for an increase in the money supply by allowing the [[Free silver|unlimited coinage of silver]], but the bill was easily defeated.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=87}} Weaver's oratorical skill drew praise, but he had no luck in advancing Greenback policy ideas.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|pp=88–89}} In 1880, Weaver prepared a resolution stating that the government, not banks, should issue currency and determine its volume, and that the federal debt should be repaid in whatever currency the government chose, not just gold as the law then required.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=90}} The proposed resolution would never be allowed to emerge from committees dominated by Democrats and Republicans, so Weaver planned to introduce it directly to the whole House for debate, as members were permitted to do every Monday.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=90}} Rather than debate a proposition that would expose the monetary divide in the Democratic Party, [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives|Speaker]] [[Samuel J. Randall]] refused to recognize Weaver when he rose to propose the resolution.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=90}} Weaver returned to the floor each succeeding Monday, with the same result, and the press took notice of Randall's obstruction.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=90}} Eventually, Republican [[James A. Garfield]] of Ohio interceded with Randall to recognize Weaver, which he reluctantly did on April 5, 1880.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=92}} The Republicans, mostly united behind hard money, largely voted against the measure, while many Democrats joined the Greenbackers voting in favor. Despite support by the soft-money Democrats, the resolution was defeated 84–117 with many members abstaining.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=93}} Although he lost the vote, Weaver had promoted the monetary issue in the national consciousness.{{sfn|Mitchell|2008|p=93}}
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