Editing Foreign relations of Argentina (section)

==Cold War==

[[File:Frondizi y Kennedy en Estados Unidos 1961.jpg|thumb|left|240px|President Frondizi (''2nd from left'') hosts President John F. Kennedy in United States, 1961.]]

The incipient [[Cold War]] in evidence following World War II led the new administration of [[Juan Perón]] to conclude that a third world war might follow. Perón restored diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and, in 1949, articulated a "third way" as his foreign policy doctrine, in hopes of avoiding friction with either superpower, while opening the door to grain sales to the perennially shortage-stricken Soviets. Though commercial concerns continued to dominate foreign policy, conflict resolution was again ventured into when President [[Arturo Frondizi]] initiated negotiations between U.S. President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Cuban representative [[Che Guevara|Ernesto ''Che'' Guevara]] during a Western Hemisphere summit in [[Uruguay]] in August 1961. Frondizi followed these exchanges with private discussions with ''Che'' Guevara in Buenos Aires, a misstep resulting in the Argentine military's opposition to further talks. Ultimately, Cuba was expelled from the [[Organization of American States]] in January 1962 and Frondizi was forced by the military to resign that March. The effort, though fruitless, showed audacity on the part of Frondizi, whom President Kennedy called "a really tough man."<ref>''Clarín''. 19 April 1995.</ref>

=== A stray from precedent ===
{{Main|Argentina–Chile relations|Falkland Islands sovereignty dispute}}

Argentina's relations with its neighbor [[Chile]], though generally cordial, have been strained by territorial disputes – mostly along their mountainous shared border – since the nineteenth century.

In 1958 the [[Argentine Navy]] shelled a Chilean lighthouse during the [[Snipe incident]].

On 6 November 1965 the Argentine Gendarmerie killed Chilean Lieutenant [[Hernán Merino Correa]], member of [[Carabineros de Chile]] in the [[Laguna del Desierto incident]].

In 1978 the bellicose<ref>See Argentine Historian Luis Alberto Romero (''Argentina in the Twentieth Century'', Pennsylvania State University Press, translated by James P. Brennan, 1994, {{ISBN|0-271-02191-8}}) about the Argentine Government: "By that time, a bellicose current of opinion had arisen among the military and its friend, an attitude rooted in a strain of Argentine nationalism, which drew substance from strong chauvinistic sentiments. Diverse ancient fantasies in society's historical imaginary-the "patria grande", the "spoliation" that the country had suffered- where added to a new fantasy of "entering the first world" through a "strong" foreign policy. All this combined with the traditional messianic military mentality and the ingeniousness of its strategies which were ignorant of the most elemental facts of international politics. The aggression against Chile, stymied by papal mediation, was transferred to Great Britain ..."</ref> Argentine dictatorship abrogated the binding [[Beagle Channel Arbitration]] and started the [[Operation Soberania]] in order to invade Chile but aborted it a few hours later due to military and political reasons.<ref>See Alejandro Luis Corbacho ''Predicting the Probability of War during Brinkmanship Crisis: The Beagle and the Malvinas conflicts'' [https://ssrn.com/abstract=1016843] (p.45): "The newspaper ''Clarín'' explained some years later that such caution was based, in part, on military concerns. In order to achieve a victory, certain objectives had to be reached before the seventh day after the attack. Some military leaders considered this not enough time due to the difficulty involved in transportation through the passes over the Andean Mountains.'' and in cite 46: ''According to ''Clarín'', two consequences were feared. First, those who were dubious feared a possible regionalization of the conflict. Second, as a consequence, the conflict could acquire great power proportions. In the first case decision makers speculated that Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and Brazil might intervene. Then the great powers could take sides. In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on the combatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.]"</ref> The conflict was resolved after the Argentine defeat in the Falklands by [[Papal mediation in the Beagle conflict]] of [[Pope John Paul II]] and in the form of a [[Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina]] ("Tratado de Paz y Amistad"), granting the islands to Chile and most of the [[Exclusive economic zone]] to Argentina; since then, other border disputes with Chile have been resolved via diplomatic negotiations.

The [[National Reorganization Process|military dictatorship]] in Argentina [[1982 invasion of the Falkland Islands|invaded]] and [[occupation of the Falkland Islands|occupied]] the British-controlled [[Falkland Islands]] on 2 April 1982, starting the [[Falklands War]]. The war lasted 74 days before an Argentine surrender on 14 June. The war cost the lives of nearly a thousand Argentine and British troops as well as three [[Falkland Islanders]]. It dealt the dictatorship a humiliating blow, opening the door for the return of a democratically elected government.

Since the return of civilian rule to Argentina in 1983, relations with Chile, the United Kingdom and the international community in general improved and Argentine officials have since publicly ruled out interpreting neighboring countries' policies as any potential threat; but Argentina still does not enjoy the full trust of the Chilean political class.<ref>See notes of the Chilean Foreign Minister [[Jose Miguel Insulza]], in ''[[La Tercera]]'' de Santiago de Chile, 13 July 1998: [http://www.quepasa.cl/medio/articulo/0,0,3255_5664_9525990,00.html "Enfatizó que, si bien la situación es diferente, lo que hoy está ocurriendo con el Tratado de Campo de Hielo Sur hace recordar a la opinión pública lo sucedido en 1977, durante la disputa territorial por el Canal de Beagle."]{{Dead link|date=July 2018 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref><ref>See notes of Senator (not elected but named by the Armed Forces) [[Jorge Martínez Bush]] in ''[[La Tercera]]'' de Santiago de Chile, 26 July 1998: [http://www.quepasa.cl/medio/articulo/0,0,3255_5664_9511527,00.html "El legislador expuso que los chilenos mantienen "muy fresca" en la memoria la situación creada cuando Argentina declaró nulo el arbitraje sobre el canal del Beagle, en 1978."] {{webarchive|url=https://archive.today/20120907180513/http://www.quepasa.cl/medio/articulo/0,0,3255_5664_9511527,00.html|date=7 September 2012}}</ref><ref>See notes of the Chilean Foreign Minister [[Ignacio Walker]], ''[[Clarín (Argentine newspaper)|Clarín]]'' de B.A., 22 July 2005: [http://www.clarin.com/diario/2005/07/22/elpais/p-01901.htm "Y está en la retina de los chilenos el laudo de Su Majestad Británica, en el Beagle, que fue declarado insanablemente nulo por la Argentina. Esa impresión todavía está instalada en la sociedad chilena."]</ref><ref>See also "Reciprocidad en las Relaciones Chile – Argentina" of Andrés Fabio Oelckers Sainz in [https://wayback.archive-it.org/all/20070702213100/http://www.uvm.cl/sitio_iri/monografias2005/RECIPROCIDAD%20EN%20LAS%20RELACIONES%20CHILE%20ARGENTINA%20-%20Andr%E9s%20Oelckers.pdf PDF]: ''"También en Chile, todavía genera un gran rechazo el hecho que Argentina declarase nulo el fallo arbitral británico y además en una primera instancia postergara la firma del laudo papal por el diferendo del Beagle"''</ref><ref>See notes of Director académico de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales [[Flacso]], Francisco Rojas, in Santiago de Chile, in ''[[La Nación]]'' de Buenos Aires, 26 September 1997: [http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d922.htm "Desde la Argentina, cuesta entender el nivel de desconfianza que hoy existe en Chile a propósito de la decisión que tomó en 1978 de declarar nulo el laudo arbitral"] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081003114142/http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d922.htm |date=3 October 2008 }}</ref><ref>See notes of Chilean Defense Minister [[Edmundo Pérez Yoma]] in "Centro Superior de Estudios de la Defensa Nacional del Reino de España", appeared in Argentine newspaper ''[[El Cronista Comercial]]'', 5 May 1997: [http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d696.htm ... Y que la Argentina estuvo a punto de llevar a cabo una invasión sobre territorio de Chile en 1978 ...]  {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081003114128/http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d696.htm |date=3 October 2008 }}. These notes were later relativized by the Chilean Government (See {{cite web |url=http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d462.htm |title=Chile desmintió a su ministro de Defensa |access-date=2008-08-04 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081003114123/http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d462.htm |archive-date=3 October 2008 |df=dmy }} {{cite web |url=http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d697.htm |title=El gobierno hace esfuerzos para evitar una polémica con Chile |access-date=2008-08-04 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081003114133/http://www.ser2000.org.ar/protect/Archivo/d000d697.htm |archive-date=3 October 2008 |df=dmy }})</ref>

Michel Morris stated that Argentina has used threats and force to pursue its claims against Chile and Great Britain and that some of the hostile acts or armed incidents appear to have been caused by zealous local commanders.<ref name="Morris1989">{{cite book|author=Michael A. Morris|title=The Strait of Magellan|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vqZJLAOnj58C|access-date=20 June 2013|year=1989|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|isbn=978-0-7923-0181-3}}</ref>

=== Menem Presidency ===
Early on in the administration of President [[Carlos Menem]] (1989–1999), Argentina restored diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom and developed a strong partnership with the United States. It was at this time that Argentina left the [[Non-Aligned Movement]] and adopted a policy of "automatic alignment" with the United States. In 1990, Menem's Foreign Minister, [[Guido di Tella]], memorably pronounced the U.S.–Argentine alliance to be a "carnal relationship."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1380688/Guido-di-Tella.html | newspaper=The Telegraph | title=Guido di Tella | date=8 January 2002 | access-date=4 January 2019 }}</ref>
[[File:ARA Almirante Brown D 10 (cropped).jpg|thumb|240px|Argentine destroyer ''Almirante Brown'' leads a formation into the [[Persian Gulf]], 1991. President [[Carlos Menem]]'s decision to send a token presence into the [[Gulf War]] earned him a close alliance with U.S. President [[George H. W. Bush]].]]

Argentina was the only Latin American country to participate in the 1991 [[Gulf War]] and all phases of the [[Haiti]] operation. It has contributed to United Nations [[peacekeeping]] operations worldwide, with Argentine soldiers/engineers and police/Gendarmerie serving in [[El Salvador]]–[[Honduras]]–[[Nicaragua]] (where Navy patrol boats painted white were deployed), [[Guatemala]], Ecuador–[[Peru]], [[Western Sahara]], Angola, [[Kuwait]], Cyprus, [[Croatia]], Kosovo, [[Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia]] and [[East Timor]].

In recognition of its contributions to international security and peacekeeping, U.S. President [[Bill Clinton]] designated Argentina as a [[major non-NATO ally]] in January 1998.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/intlrel/hfa44953.000/hfa44953_0.htm|title=Overview of U.S. Policy Toward South America and the President's Upcoming Trip to the Region|website=commdocs.house.gov}}</ref> The country is currently of two in Latin America that hold this distinction, the other being Brazil.

At the United Nations, Argentina supported United States policies and proposals, among them the condemnations of Cuba on the issue of human rights, and the fight against international terrorism and narcotics trafficking. In November 1998, Argentina hosted the United Nations conference on [[climate change]], and in October 1999 in Berlin, became one of the first nations worldwide to adopt a voluntary [[greenhouse gas]] [[emissions target]].

Argentina also became a leading advocate of [[nuclear proliferation|non-proliferation]] efforts worldwide. After trying to develop nuclear weapons during the [[National Reorganization Process|1976 military dictatorship]], Argentina scrapped the project with the return of democratic rule in 1983, and became a strong advocate of non-proliferation efforts and the peaceful use of nuclear technologies.

Since the return of democracy, Argentina has also turned into strong proponent of enhanced regional stability in South America, the country revitalized its relationship with Brazil; and during the 1990s (after signing the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina) settled lingering border disputes with [[Chile]]; discouraged military takeovers in Ecuador and [[Paraguay]]; served with the United States, Brazil and Chile as one of the four guarantors of the Ecuador–Peru peace process. Argentina's reputation as a mediator was damaged, however, when President Menem and some members of his cabinet were accused of approving the illegal sale of weapons to Ecuador and to [[Croatia]].

In 1998, President Menem made a state visit to the United Kingdom, and the Prince of Wales reciprocated with a visit to Argentina. In 1999, the two countries agreed to normalize travel to the [[Falkland Islands]] ({{langx|es|link=no|Islas Malvinas}}) from the mainland and resumed direct flights.

In the 1990s, Argentina was an enthusiastic supporter of the [[Summit of the Americas]] process, and chaired the [[Free Trade Agreement of the Americas]] (FTAA) initiative.

=== Kirchner Presidency ===
[[File:BRICS members and guest at the 6th BRICS summit 2014.jpg|thumb|240px|President [[Cristina Kirchner]] alongside the members of [[BRICS]] and [[Union of South American Nations]] in 2014.]]
Within the term of President [[Néstor Kirchner]], from 2003 onwards, Argentina suspended its policy of automatic alignment with the United States and moved closer to other Latin American countries. Argentina no longer supports the UN Commission on Human Rights resolution criticizing the "human rights situation in Cuba" and calling upon the Government of Cuba to "adhere to international human rights norms", but has chosen instead to abstain. In the [[2006 United Nations Security Council election]], Argentina supported, like all Mercosur countries, the candidacy of Venezuela (a Mercosur member) over Guatemala for a non-permanent seat in the Security Council.

The [[Mercosur]] has become a central part of the Argentine foreign policy, with the goal of forming a Latin American [[trade bloc]]. Argentina has chosen to form a bloc with Brazil when it comes to external negotiations, though the economic asymmetries between South America's two largest countries have produced tension at times.

Between 4 and 5 November 2005, the city of [[Mar del Plata]] hosted the [[Mar del Plata Summit of the Americas|Fourth Summit of the Americas]]. Although the themes were unemployment and poverty, most of the discussion was focused on the FTAA. The summit was a failure in this regard, but marked a clear split between the countries of the Mercosur, plus [[Venezuela]], and the supporters of the FTAA, led by the United States, Mexico and Canada. FTAA negotiations have effectively stalled until at least the conclusion of the 2006 [[Doha round]] global trade talks.

In 2005, Argentina assumed again (see history [[List of elected members of the United Nations Security Council#Scoretable|here]] ) the two-year non-permanent position on the [[UN Security Council]].

As of 2007, during Kirchner's almost four years in power, Argentina entered into 294 bilateral agreements, including 39 with [[Venezuela]], 37 with [[Chile]], 30 with [[Bolivia]], 21 with Brazil, 12 with China, 10 with Germany, 9 with the United States and Italy, and 7 with [[Cuba]], Paraguay, Spain and Russia.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://english.eluniversal.com/2007/03/22/en_pol_art_kirchner-signed-39-p_22A847381.shtml |title=Daily News – eluniversal.com |access-date=22 March 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070330043725/http://english.eluniversal.com/2007/03/22/en_pol_art_kirchner-signed-39-p_22A847381.shtml |archive-date=30 March 2007 |url-status=dead |df=dmy-all }}</ref>

=== Macri Presidency ===
[[File:Trump macri shaking hands argentina.jpg|alt=|thumb|285x285px|Argentine President [[Mauricio Macri]] with U.S. President [[Donald Trump]] in [[Buenos Aires]], during the [[2018 G20 Buenos Aires summit|2018 G20 Summit.]]]]
Mauricio Macri started his term with a series of foreign policy objectives: (i) re-invigorate bilateral relations with the US and Europe, (ii) revise the foundations of Mercosur, evaluating (together with Brazil) alternatives that imply more free trade and (iii) go back to a single exchange rate, allow for a revival of commodity exports and attract foreign direct investment. However, the realization of these objectives will depend on the evolution of domestic (the fate of Kirchnerism) and regional (the fate of the PT in Brazil) developments.<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://www.academia.edu/21834743|title=La Política Exterior Argentina despues de los Kirchner|first=Luis L.|last=Schenoni|journal=Iberoamericana|via=www.academia.edu}}</ref>