Editing Emiliano Zapata (section)

==== 1910–1912: Maderista revolution and plan of Ayala ====
[[File:Zapatistas and Nacional de Mexico, No. 739 (5655532688).jpg|thumb|left|Zapatistas in Cuernavaca, 1911. [[Hugo Brehme]], photographer<ref>{{cite web |url= http://www.digitalcollections.smu.edu/cdm/ref/collection/mex/id/508 |title= DeGolyer Library |publisher= Southern Methodist University |access-date=9 March 2020 |archive-date= 4 March 2016 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20160304213036/http://digitalcollections.smu.edu/cdm/ref/collection/mex/id/508 |url-status= live }}</ref>]]

The flawed 1910 elections were a major reason for the outbreak of the [[Mexican Revolution]] in 1910. [[Porfirio Díaz]] was being threatened by the candidacy of [[Francisco I. Madero]]. Zapata, seeing an opportunity to promote land reform in Mexico,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/themexicanrevolution/a/08zapataprerev.htm |title=Emiliano Zapata: Life Before the Mexican Revolution |publisher=Latinamericanhistory.about.com |access-date=18 December 2011 |archive-date=28 December 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111228231550/http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/themexicanrevolution/a/08zapataprerev.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> joined with Madero and his Constitutionalists, who included [[Pascual Orozco]] and [[Pancho Villa]],{{Sfn|Meade|2016|p=166}} whom he perceived to be the best chance for genuine change in the country. Although he was wary of Madero, Zapata cooperated with him when Madero made vague promises about land reform in his [[Plan of San Luis Potosí]]. Land reform was the central feature of Zapata's political vision.<ref name=opqz />

Zapata joined Madero's campaign against President Díaz.<ref name=kpkap>{{cite web |url=http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/themexicanrevolution/p/08zapatabio.htm |title=Biography of Emiliano Zapata |publisher=Latinamericanhistory.about.com |date=10 April 1919 |access-date=18 December 2011 |archive-date=13 January 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120113002859/http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/themexicanrevolution/p/08zapatabio.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> The first military campaign of Zapata was the capture of the Hacienda of Chinameca. When Zapata's army [[Battle of Cuautla (1911)|captured Cuautla after a six-day battle]] on 19 May 1911,<ref name=opqz>{{cite web |url=http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/themexicanrevolution/a/08zapatamad.htm |title=The Mexican Revolution: Zapata, Diaz and Madero |publisher=Latinamericanhistory.about.com |date=13 May 1911 |access-date=18 December 2011 |archive-date=30 December 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111230220622/http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/themexicanrevolution/a/08zapatamad.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> it became clear that Díaz would not hold on to power for long.<ref name=kpkap />

[[File:Emiliano Zapata - LOC.jpg|thumb|right|Emiliano Zapata, posing in [[Cuernavaca]] in 1911, with a rifle and sword, and a ceremonial sash across his chest. (Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City. Archivo Fotográfico Díaz, Delgado y García)]]
[[File:The pistol of Emiliano Zapata captured by Emil Holmdahl. Zapatas name is scratched on the ivory handle..jpg|300px|thumb|right|Zapata's .44 caliber, single action, top-break "Russian" model Smith & Wesson revolver recovered after the [[Battle of Cuernavaca (1912)|ambush in Cuernavaca]] by [[Emil Holmdahl]]. On the handle is scratched "EMILIO[sic.] ZAPATA GENERAL EN CUARVACA[sic.] MORALES MEX MARZO 4 1911".]]
During his interim presidency, [[Francisco León de la Barra]] tasked General [[Victoriano Huerta]] to suppress revolutionaries in Morelos. Huerta was to disarm revolutionaries peacefully if possible, but could use force. In August 1911, Huerta led 1,000 Federal troops to Cuernavaca, which Madero saw as provocative. Writing the Minister of the Interior, Zapata demanded the Federal troops withdraw from Morelos, saying "I won't be responsible for the blood that is going to flow if the Federal forces remain."<ref>quoted in Michael C. Meyer, ''Huerta: A Political Portrait''. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1972, p. 22.</ref>

Although Madero's Plan of San Luis Potosí specified the return of village land and won the support of peasants seeking land reform, he was not ready to implement radical change.  Madero simply demanded that "Public servants act 'morally' in enforcing the law&nbsp;...". Upon seeing the response by villagers, Madero offered formal justice in courts to individuals who had been wronged by others with regard to [[agrarianism|agrarian]] politics. Zapata decided that on the surface it seemed as though Madero was doing good things for the people of Mexico, but Zapata did not know the level of sincerity in Madero's actions and thus did not know if he should support him completely.{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=71}}

Compromises between the Madero and Zapata failed in November 1911, days after Madero was elected president. Zapata believed that Madero was abandoning the principles of the revolution, prioritizing his own political ambitions, and repressing those who demanded land reform.Zapata declared Madero illegitimate, calling for his removal and proposing Pascual Orozco, and later Zapata himself, as the rightful revolutionary leader.
Zapata vowed that his forces would continue fighting until the original revolutionary goals were met, refusing compromises with the existing government. <ref>{{cite book |last1=Womack Jr. |first1=John |title=Zapata and the Mexican Revolution |date=1968 |publisher=Thames and Hudson |location=New York |isbn=9780394708539 |edition=1st}}</ref>Zapata and [[Otilio Montaño Sánchez]], a former school teacher, fled to the mountains of southwest [[Puebla]]. There they promulgated the most radical reform plan in Mexico, the [[Plan de Ayala]] (Plan of Ayala). The plan declared Madero a traitor, named as head of the revolution [[Pascual Orozco]], the victorious general who captured Ciudad Juárez in 1911 forcing the resignation of Díaz. He outlined a plan for true land reform.<ref name=kpkap />

Zapata had supported the ouster of Díaz and had the expectation that Madero would fulfill the promises made in the Plan of San Luis Potosí to return village lands.  He did not share Madero's vision of democracy built on particular freedoms and guarantees that were meaningless to peasants:

<blockquote> Freedom of the press for those who cannot read; free elections for those who do not know the candidates; proper legal for those who have anything to do with an attorney.  All those democratic principles, all those great words that gave such joy to our fathers and grandfathers have lost their magic for the people&nbsp;... With or without elections, with or without an effective law, with the Porfirian dictatorship or with Madero's democracy with a controlled or free press, its fate remains the same.<ref>quoted in Katz, Friedrich, ''The Secret War in Mexico'', 260</ref></blockquote>

[[File:Caricatura de Zapata 14.jpg|200px|thumb|Caricature of Zapata as a naked savage embracing death, both with vultures resting on them, with Francisco Madero riding an olive branch of peace under the "arch of triumph"<ref>El Hijo de Ahuizote, 31 de agosto de 1911, año 1, número 16, página 3,</ref>]]

The 1911 Plan of Ayala called for all lands stolen under Díaz to be immediately returned; there had been considerable land fraud under the old dictator, so a great deal of territory was involved. It also stated that large plantations owned by a single person or family should have one-third of their land nationalized, which would then be required to be given to poor farmers. It also argued that if any large plantation owner resisted this action, they should have the other two-thirds confiscated as well. The Plan of Ayala also invoked the name of President [[Benito Juárez]], one of Mexico's great liberal leaders, and compared the taking of land from the wealthy to Juarez's actions when land was expropriated  from the Catholic church during [[La Reforma|the Liberal Reform]].<ref name=kpkapza>{{cite web |url=http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/thehistoryofmexico/p/planofayala.htm |title=Emiliano Zapata and the Plan of Ayala |publisher=Latinamericanhistory.about.com |date=10 April 1919 |access-date=18 December 2011 |archive-date=17 October 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111017020347/http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/thehistoryofmexico/p/planofayala.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> Another part of the plan stated that rural cooperatives and other measurements should be put in place to prevent the land from being seized or stolen in the future.{{Sfn|Meade|2016|p=167}}

In the following weeks, the development of military operations "betray(ed) good evidence of clear and intelligent planning."{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=76}} During Orozco's rebellion, Zapata fought Mexican troops in the south near [[Mexico City]].<ref name=kpkap /> In the original design of the armed force, Zapata was a mere colonel among several others; however, the true plan that came about through this organization lent itself to Zapata. Zapata believed that the best route of attack would be to center the fighting and action in [[Cuautla, Morelos|Cuautla]]. If this political location could be overthrown, the army would have enough power to "veto anyone else's control of the state, negotiate for [[Cuernavaca]] or attack it directly, and maintain independent access to Mexico City as well as escape routes to the southern hills."{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=76}} However, in order to gain this great success, Zapata realized that his men needed to be better armed and trained.

The first line of action demanded that Zapata and his men "control the area behind and below a line from [[Jojutla]] to [[Yecapixtla]]."{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=76}} When this was accomplished it gave the army the ability to complete raids as well as wait. As the opposition of the Federal Army and police detachments slowly dissipated, the army would be able to eventually gain powerful control over key locations on the [[Interoceanic Railway]] from [[Puebla City]] to Cuautla. If these feats could be completed, it would gain access to Cuautla directly and the city would fall.{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=}}

The plan of action was carried out successfully in Jojutla. However, [[Pablo Torres Burgos]], the commander of the operation, was disappointed that the army disobeyed his orders against [[looting]] and ransacking. The army took complete control of the area, and it seemed as though Torres Burgos had lost control over his forces prior to this event. Shortly after, Torres Burgos called a meeting and resigned from his position. Upon leaving Jojutla with his two sons, he was surprised by a federal police patrol who subsequently shot all three of the men on the spot.{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=}} This seemed to some to be an ending blow to the movement, because Torres Burgos had not selected a successor for his position; however, Zapata was ready to take up where Torres Burgos had left off.{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=}}

Shortly after Torres Burgos's death, a party of rebels elected Zapata as "Supreme Chief of the Revolutionary Movement of the South".{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=78}} This seemed to be the fix to all of the problems that had just arisen, but other individuals wanted to replace Zapata as well. Due to this new conflict, the individual who would come out on top would have to do so by "convincing his peers he deserved their backing."{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=79}}

Zapata finally gained the support necessary by his peers and was considered a "singularly qualified candidate".{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=79}} This decision to make Zapata the leader of the revolution in Morelos did not occur all at once, nor did it ever reach a true definitive level of recognition. In order to succeed, Zapata needed a strong financial backing for the battles to come. This came in the form of 10,000 pesos delivered by Rodolfo from the [[Tacubaya]]ns.{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=80}} Due to this amount of money Zapata's group of rebels became one of the strongest in the state financially.

After a period Zapata became the leader of his "strategic zone", which gave him power and control over the actions of many more individual rebel groups and thus greatly increased his margin of success. "Among revolutionaries in other districts of the state, however, Zapata's authority was more tenuous."{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=82}} After a meeting between Zapata and [[Ambrosio Figueroa]] in [[Jolalpan]], it was decided that Zapata would have joint power with Figueroa with regard to operations in Morelos. This was a turning point in the level of authority and influence that Zapata had gained and proved useful in the direct overthrow of Morelos.{{sfn|Womack|1968|p=}}