Editing Zhao Ziyang (section)

==Reformist leader==
After ousting [[Hua Guofeng]] as China's "[[paramount leader]]" in 1978, Deng Xiaoping recognized the "Sichuan Experience" as a model for [[Chinese economic reform]].<ref name="Newrop" /> Deng promoted Zhao to a position as an alternate member of the [[Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party|CCP Politburo]] in 1977, and as a full member in 1979. He joined the [[Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party|CCP Politburo Standing Committee]], China's highest ruling organ, in 1980. Zhao became the Leader of the [[Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission|Leading Group for Financial and Economic Affairs]] and Vice Chairman of the CCP in 1980 and 1981 separately.<ref name="Newrop" />

After 1978 Zhao's policies were replicated in [[Anhui]], with similar success.<ref name="independent" /> After serving under Hua Guofeng as vice premier for six months, Zhao was promoted by Deng Xiaoping to replace Hua as the [[Premier of China|Premier of the State Council]] in September 1980,{{Sfn|Gewirtz|2022|p=26}} with a mandate to introduce his rural reforms across China. Between 1980 and 1984, China's agricultural production rose by 50%.<ref name="independent" />

[[File:Zhao ziyang y Reagan couple.jpg|right|200px|thumb|Zhao was hosted by US president [[Ronald Reagan]] at the White House on 10 January 1984 as part of a broader effort to improve China's relations with the West.]]

Zhao developed "preliminary stage theory", a model for transforming the [[socialism|socialist system]] via gradual economic reform. As premier, Zhao implemented many of the policies that were successful in Sichuan at a national scale, increasingly de-centralizing industrial and agricultural production. Zhao successfully sought to establish a series of [[special economic zone]]s in coastal provinces in order to attract foreign investment and create export hubs. Inspired by [[futurist]]s, especially [[Alvin Toffler]], he led the [[863 Program]] to respond to rapid global technological change.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Gewirtz |first1=Julian |title=The Futurists of Beijing: Alvin Toffler, Zhao Ziyang, and China's "New Technological Revolution," 1979–1991 |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |year=2019 |volume=78 |issue=1 |pages=115–140 |doi=10.1017/S0021911818002619|doi-access=free }}</ref> Zhao's reforms led to a rapid increases in both agricultural and light-industrial production throughout the 1980s, but his economic reforms were criticized for causing inflation. Zhao promoted an open [[Foreign relations of China|foreign policy]], improving China's relations with Western nations in order to support China's economic development.<ref name="Newrop" />

One of Zhao's major cultural reforms included allowing the band [[Wham!]] to make a 10-day visit to China, the first by a Western pop group.<ref>{{cite journal |title='Big in Japan': Orientalism in 1980s British Pop Music |first=L. Y. |last=McCarty |journal=The Mid-Atlantic Almanack |volume=19 |year=2010 |url=http://mapaca.net/almanack/2010/contents }}</ref> Wham!'s 1985 visit, engineered by the band's manager [[Simon Napier-Bell]], was a highly publicized cultural exchange and seen as a major step in increasing friendly bilateral relations between China and the West.<ref>{{Cite news|title=ROCK: East meets Wham!, and another great wall comes down|last=Neville|first=Sam|date=28 April 1985|newspaper=Chicago Tribune|via=ProQuest}}</ref>

In the 1980s, Zhao was branded by conservatives as a [[Revisionism (Marxism)|revisionist]] of [[Marxism]], but his advocacy of government transparency and a national dialogue that included ordinary citizens in the policymaking process made him popular with many.<ref name="BBC1" /> Zhao was a solid believer in the Party, but he defined socialism very differently from Party conservatives. Zhao called political reform "the biggest test facing socialism." He believed economic progress was inextricably linked to [[democracy|democratization]].<ref>Fulford, Robert. [http://www.robertfulford.com/2005-01-22-zhao.html "There's no Right to Know in China"]. ''[[The National Post]]''. 22 January 2005. Retrieved 20 September 2011.</ref> Zhao was a fan of [[golf]], and is credited with popularizing the game's reintroduction to the mainland in the 1980s.<ref>Santolan, Joseph. [http://www.wsws.org/articles/2011/may2011/chin-m18.shtml "Social inequality and the Yangtze River drought"]. ''World Socialist Web Site''. 18 May 2011. Retrieved 20 September 2011.</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Washburn|first=Dan|date=8 September 2014|title=Golf Is Both Banned and Booming in China|url=https://www.huffpost.com/entry/golf-banned-china_b_5770180|access-date=9 July 2021|website=[[HuffPost]]|language=en}}</ref>

While Zhao focused on economic reforms during the early 1980s, his superior, [[Hu Yaobang]], promoted a number of political reforms. In the late 1980s Hu and Zhao collaborated to promote a series of large-scale political reforms with vaguely defined goals. The political reforms of Hu and Zhao included proposals to have candidates directly elected to the Politburo, more elections with more than one candidate, more government transparency, more consultation with the public on policy, and increased personal responsibility directed to officials for their mistakes.<ref name="independent" />

Zhao and Hu also began a large-scale anti-corruption programme, and permitted the investigations of the children of high-ranking Party elders, who had grown up protected by their parents' influence. Hu's investigation of Party officials belonging to this "[[Crown Prince Party]]" made Hu unpopular with many powerful Party officials. In January 1987 a clique of Party elders forced Hu to resign, on the grounds that he had been too lenient in his response to the [[1986 Chinese student demonstrations|student protests that had taken place over the last year]].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://catalog.loc.gov/vwebv/search?searchCode=LCCN&searchArg=87600493&searchType=1&permalink=y|title=China: a country study|date=1988|publisher=Federal Research Division, Library of Congress|editor-last=Worden|editor-first=Robert L.|edition=4th|series=Area handbook series|location=Washington, D.C.|editor-last2=Savada|editor-first2=Andrea Matles|editor-last3=Dolan|editor-first3=Ronald E.}}</ref>{{Rp|409}} After Hu's dismissal, Deng promoted Zhao to replace Hu as CCP general secretary, putting Zhao in the position to succeed Deng as "paramount leader".<ref name="independent" /> One month before Zhao was appointed to the position of general secretary, Zhao stated to an American reporter that "I am not fit to be the general secretary... I am more fit to look after economic affairs."<ref name="NYT3">Yardley, Jim.  [https://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/17/international/asia/17zhao.html?pagewanted=2&oref=login "Zhao Ziyang, Chinese Leader Purged for Supporting Tiananmen Protesters, Dies at 85"]. ''The New York Times''. 17 January 2005. Retrieved 16 September 2005. p.2.</ref> Zhao's vacated premiership was in turn filled by [[Li Peng]], a conservative who opposed many of Zhao's economic and political reforms.

At the [[13th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|13th National Party Congress]] in 1987, Zhao declared that China was in "a [[primary stage of socialism]]" that could last 100 years. Under this premise, Zhao believed that China needed to experiment with a variety of economic reforms in order to stimulate production.<ref name="Newrop" /> Zhao also proposed to separate the roles of the Party and state, a proposal that has since become taboo.<ref>Forney, Matthew, and Jakes, Susan. [https://web.archive.org/web/20070310232859/http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1018129,00.html "The Prisoner of Conscience: Zhao Ziyang, 1919–2005"]. ''TIME World''. 16 January 2005. Retrieved 15 September 2011.</ref> In Zhao's view, developing a state civil service separate from the Party would enhance bureaucratic efficiency, professionalism, and correct what he deemed as Party "overinterference" in state administration.<ref name=":Tsang&Cheung">{{Cite book |last=Tsang |first=Steve |author-link=Steve Chang |title=The Political Thought of Xi Jinping |last2=Cheung |first2=Olivia |date= |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |year=2024 |isbn=9780197689363}}</ref>{{Rp|page=65}}

The 13th Congress was also notable because no women were elected to the Politburo and Central Committee secretariat; according to Zhao, the results "[did not] mean [the party leadership had] adjusted [their] policies on women."<ref name="park_womenrevolution">{{Cite journal |last=Park |first=Kyung Ae |date=July 1992 |title=Women and Revolution in China: The Sources of Constraints on Women's Emancipation |url=https://gencen.isp.msu.edu/files/4314/5202/7064/WP230.pdf |journal=[[Michigan State University]] |issue=230 |page=20}}</ref> According to Ellen Judd, members of women's organizations, including the [[All-China Women's Federation]], attributed the reduced number of women in lower party positions to "open comments" by Zhao against female political participation.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Judd|first1=Ellen R.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JFrrpQyrLsIC|title=The Chinese Women's Movement Between State and Market|date=2002|publisher=[[Stanford University Press]]|isbn=0-8047-4406-8|location=|page=175|via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref> The number of women occupying leadership positions at various party levels had been declining since the latter half the 1970s.<ref name="park_womenrevolution" />

Western observers generally view the year that Zhao served as general secretary as the most open in the history of the People's Republic of China. Many limitations on [[freedom of speech]] and [[freedom of press]] were relaxed, allowing intellectuals to freely express themselves, and to propose "improvements" for the country.<ref name="independent" />

=== Introduction of the stock market and financial reforms ===
Zhao introduced the stock market in China and promoted [[Futures contract|futures trading]] there.<ref>{{cite magazine|url=http://www.open.com.hk/old_version/2005_2P38.html |language=zh-Hans |script-title=zh:赵紫阳之后的中国" |magazine=Open Magazine |access-date=3 November 2012|title=Untitled Document }}</ref> In 1984, with his support, Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou became experimental cities of a joint-stock system; however, some companies only issued stock to their workers. In November 1985, the first share-issuing enterprise was established in Shanghai and publicly issued 10,000 shares of 50 [[RMB]] par value stock, which attracted investors. Zhao hosted a financial meeting on 2 August 1986, calling for the joint stock system to be implemented nationwide in the following year.<ref>{{cite news|date=4 July 2011|title=|script-title=zh:股份制改革是市场行为吗？|language=zh-Hans|work=Financial Times|url=http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001039420|url-access=subscription|access-date=9 November 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110903045946/http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001039420|archive-date=3 September 2011}}</ref>

Zhao played a major role in the approach to price liberalization and the question of whether China should adopt a sudden price liberalization approach akin to [[Shock therapy (economics)|shock therapy]] or a more gradual model.{{Sfn|Weber|2021|p=220}}  "Confronted with the diverse, authoritative warnings about the unforeseeable risks of imposing the shock of price reform and the uncertainty about its benefits" he ultimately rejected shock price reform.{{Sfn|Weber|2021|p=220}} Zhao had accepted the argument that the basic concern in economic reform was energizing enterprises.{{Sfn|Weber|2021|p=220}} By late summer of 1986, what started under the rubric of "coordinated comprehensive package reform" had been diluted to an adjustment in the price of steel (although its price was both important and carried symbolic weight) as well as partial tax and financial reform.{{Sfn|Weber|2021|p=220}} Zhao's reform program in 1987 and early 1988 focused on combining enterprise contracting and a coastal development strategy.{{Sfn|Weber|2021|p=225}}

However, Zhao's proposal in May 1988 to accelerate price reform led to widespread complaints about rampant inflation, giving opponents of rapid reform the opportunity to call for greater centralization of economic controls and stricter prohibitions against Western influence. This precipitated a political debate, which grew more heated through the winter of 1988 to 1989.<ref name="Newrop" />

===Relationship with party elders===
Because Zhao had risen to power through his work in the provinces, he never enjoyed strong connections among the Party leadership in Beijing. Because he had led the Communist Youth League in the 1950s, Zhao often relied on its former members for support, and Zhao's enemies accused him of promoting a [[Tuanpai|"Communist Youth League faction"]] within the CCP. Among Beijing's [[Eight Elders|Party elders]], [[Chen Yun]] and [[Li Xiannian]] were notably critical of Zhao and his policies.<ref name="Prisoner" />{{Rp|xix}}

Despite his criticism of Zhao, Chen Yun was the Party elder most respected by Zhao, and Zhao would frequently attempt to consult with Chen before implementing new policies. Li Xiannian resented Zhao personally for Zhao's interest in foreign culture, and his willingness to learn from economic models that had been successful outside of China. According to Zhao, Li Xiannian "hated me because I was implementing Deng Xiaoping's reforms, but since it was difficult for him to openly oppose Deng, he made me the target of the opposition."<ref name="Prisoner" />{{Rp|xviii–xix}}

Zhao wrote warmly of Hu Yaobang in his memoirs, and generally agreed with Hu on the direction of China's economic reforms. Although Deng Xiaoping was Zhao's only firm supporter among the Party elders, Deng's support was sufficient to protect Zhao throughout Zhao's career. As late as April 1989, one month before the dramatic end to Zhao's career, Deng assured Zhao that he had secured the support of Chen Yun and Li Xiannian for Zhao to serve two more full terms as Party general secretary.<ref name="Prisoner" />{{Rp|xix}}

The second half of 1988 saw the increasing deterioration of Zhao's political support. Zhao found himself in multi-front turf battles with the Party elders, who grew increasingly dissatisfied with Zhao's hands-off approach to ideological matters. The conservative faction in the politburo, led by Premier [[Li Peng]] and Vice-premier [[Yao Yilin]], were constantly at odds with Zhao in economic and fiscal policy making. Zhao was under growing pressure to combat runaway corruption by rank-and-file officials and their family members. In the beginning of 1989, it was evident that Zhao was faced with an increasingly difficult uphill battle, and he may have seen that he was fighting for his own political survival. If Zhao was unable to turn things around rapidly, a showdown with the Party conservatives would be all but inevitable. The student protests triggered by the sudden death of former CCP general secretary Hu Yaobang, widely admired as a reform-minded leader, created a crisis in which Zhao was forced into a confrontation with his political enemies.{{Citation needed|date=June 2021}}