Editing Tyrtaeus (section)

===Sparta at the time of Tyrtaeus===
[[File:Spartan swordman.jpg|right|thumb|Spartan swordsman in bronze, applique. Originally part of a relief decorating a piece of furniture, 550–25 BCE.]]

The conquest of Messenia in the 8th century BC, by the grandfathers of Tyrtaeus's generation, provided the foundation for a sophisticated and cultivated lifestyle. Foreign poets like the Lesbian [[Terpander]] and Cretan [[Thaletas]] were welcome guests. Ivory and gold ornaments, bronze vessels of ornate workmanship, fine pottery and the odes of Alcman all testify to refined tastes, continuing even into the sixth century. The continuance of those luxuries was "dearly purchased" in blood and toil by Tyrtaeus's generation when the Messenians revolted, and the ensuing war and civil strife inspired his entire poetic work.{{sfnp|Barron|Easterling|1985|p=130}} The crisis was mentioned by [[Aristotle]] for its instructive power:
{{Blockquote|Moreover, factions arise whenever some (aristocrats) are extremely poor and others are well off. And this happens especially during wars; it happened too in Sparta in the course of the Messenian War, as is clear from the poem of Tyrtaeus called ''Eunomia''. For some, hard pressed because of the war, demanded a redistribution of the land.{{emdash}}Aristotle<ref>Aristotle ''Politics'' 5.6.1306b36, cited by {{harvp|Gerber|1999|p=37}}.</ref>}}

His verses seem to mark a critical point in Spartan history, when Spartans began to turn from their flourishing arts and crafts and from the lighter verses of poets like [[Alcman]] (roughly his contemporary), to embrace a regime of military austerity:{{sfnp|Gerber|1999|p=4}} "life in Sparta became spartan".{{sfnp|Campbell|1982|p=169}} Some modern scholars believe that Tyrtaeus helped to precipitate and formulate this transition,<ref>e.g. Jaeger and Tigerstedt, cited by {{harvp|Irwin|2005|pp=21, 23–24}}</ref> but others see no real evidence for this.{{sfnp|Campbell|1982|p=171, 177}}

Tyrtaeus in his poetry urged the Spartans to remain loyal to the state and he reminded them of a constitution based on divine providence, requiring co-operation of kings, elders and the people.<ref group="nb">"After listening to Phoebus, they brought home from Pytho the god's oracles and sure predictions. The divinely honoured kings, in whose care is Sparta's lovely city, and the aged elders are to initiate counsel; and the men of the people, responding with straight utterances, are to speak fair words, act justly in everything, and not give the city (crooked?) counsel. Victory and power are to accompany the mass of the people. For so was Phoebus' revelation about this to the city."{{emdash}}adapted into prose from Plutarch, ''Life of Lycurgus'' 6, and Diodorus Siculus ''World History'' 7.12.5–6, by {{harvp|Gerber|1999|p=41}}.</ref> He sought to inspire them in battle by celebrating the example of their grandfathers' generation, when Messenia was first captured, in the rule of King Theopompus,<ref group="nb">"...our king Theopompus dear to the gods, through whom we captured spacious Messene, Messene good to plough and good to plant. For nineteen years the spearmen fathers of our fathers fought unceasingly over it, displaying steadfast courage in their hearts, and in the twentieth year the enemy fled from the high mountain range of Ithome, abandoning their rich farmlands."{{emdash}}adapted into prose from three sources (Pausanias 4.6.5, [https://www.loebclassics.com/view/tyrtaeus-testimonia/1999/pb_LCL258.27.xml schol. ad loc. (p. 301 Greene)] on Plato's ''Laws'', Strabo 6.3.3) by {{harvp|Gerber|1999|p=45}}.</ref> and he gave practical advice on weapons, armour and tactics (see for example the verses [[Tyrtaeus#Poetic style|below]]). Some modern scholars however think his advice shows more familiarity with the schoolroom than with the battlefield, appearing to feature obsolete armour and tactics typical of Homeric rather than [[hoplite]] warfare.<ref>H. L. Lorimer, "The Hoplite Phalanx" ''A.B.S.A.'' 42 (1947), pages 122ff</ref> Others have argued that the Spartans at that time were still developing hoplite tactics,{{sfnp|Adkins|1977|pp=80, 90}} or that they were adapting hoplite tactics to encounter Messenian guerillas.<ref>N.G.L.Hammond, "The Lycurgean Reform at Sparta", ''J.H.S.'' 70 (1950), n. 50, page 51</ref>

{{blockquote|His poems are the martial hymn-book of that discipline and devotion to the state which held Spartan ranks steady in the face of certain death at Thermopylae and became one of the enduring legends of western history.|Barron and P. Easterling{{sfnp|Barron|Easterling|1985|p=133}}}}

Tyrtaeus's poetry is almost always interpreted teleologically, for signs of its subsequent impact on Spartan society. The similarities in meter and phrasing between Homeric epic and early elegy have encouraged this tendency, sometimes leading to dramatic conclusions about Tyrtaeus's significance. He has been called, for example, "the first poet of the Greek city state" and, in a similar vein, "he has recast the Homeric ideal of the single champion's ''arete'' (excellence) into the ''arete'' of the patriot".<ref>Tigerstedt (1965) p. 50, and Jaeger (1966) p. 103, cited and quoted by {{harvp|Irwin|2005|pp=23–24}}</ref> For some scholars, this is to credit Tyrtaeus with too much: his use of ''arete'' was not an advance on Homer's use of it but can still be interpreted as signifying "virtue" in the [[Archaic Greece|archaic]] sense of an ''individual's power to achieve something'' rather than as an anticipation of the [[Classical Greece|classical]] sense of ''moral excellence'', familiar to Plato and others.{{sfnp|Campbell|1982|pp=177–178}}

[[Athenaeus]], [[Strabo]] and the second entry of the ''Suda'' claim that Tyrtaeus was a Spartan general.<ref>Athenaeus [https://www.loebclassics.com/view/tyrtaeus-testimonia/1999/pb_LCL258.33.xml 14.630f] and Strabo 8.4.10; cited by {{harvp|Gerber|1999|pp=33 and 49}}.</ref> Some modern scholars, such as F. Rossi (1967–68), maintain that Tyrtaeus held a high military position,<ref>Rossi, F. (1967–68). "La 'strategie' di Tirteo". ''AIV.'' '''126'''. pp. 343–375.</ref> but Gerber (1997) contends that this is a speculative surmise: "[i]t may have been assumed that only a military commander could give military admonitions and instructions, but it is an unnecessary assumption."<ref>{{harvp|Gerber|1997|p=102 n. 1}}.</ref>