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=== Consolidation and funding === One of the earliest psychology societies was ''La Société de Psychologie Physiologique'' in France, which lasted from 1885 to 1893. The first meeting of the International Congress of Psychology sponsored by the [[International Union of Psychological Science]] took place in Paris, in August 1889, amidst [[Exposition Universelle (1889)|the World's Fair]] celebrating the centennial of the French Revolution. William James was one of three Americans among the 400 attendees. The [[American Psychological Association]] (APA) was founded soon after, in 1892. The International Congress continued to be held at different locations in Europe and with wide international participation. The Sixth Congress, held in Geneva in 1909, included presentations in Russian, Chinese, and Japanese, as well as [[Esperanto]]. After a hiatus for World War I, the Seventh Congress met in Oxford, with substantially greater participation from the war-victorious Anglo-Americans. In 1929, the Congress took place at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, attended by hundreds of members of the APA.<ref name=BenjaminBaker>Ludy T. Benjamin, Jr., and David B. Baker, "The Internationalization of Psychology: A History", in Baker (ed.), ''Oxford Handbook of the History of Psychology'' (2012).</ref> Tokyo Imperial University led the way in bringing new psychology to the East. New ideas about psychology diffused from Japan into China.<ref name=HsuehGuo /><ref name=Takasuna /> American psychology gained status upon the U.S.'s entry into World War I. A standing committee headed by [[Robert Yerkes]] administered mental tests ("[[Army Alpha]]" and "[[Army Beta]]") to almost 1.8 million soldiers.<ref name=Tomes2008 /> Subsequently, the [[Rockefeller family]], via the [[Social Science Research Council]], began to provide funding for behavioral research.<ref>Franz Samuelson, "Organizing for the Kingdom of Behavior: Academic Battles and the Organizational Policies in the Twenties"; ''Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences'' 21, January 1985.</ref><ref>Hans Pols, "The World as Laboratory: Strategies of Field Research Developed by Mental Hygiene Psychologists in Toronto, 1920–1940" in Theresa Richardson & Donald Fisher (eds.), ''The Development of the Social Sciences in the United States and Canada: The Role of Philanthropy''; Stamford, CT: Ablex Publishing, 1999; {{ISBN|1-56750-405-1}}</ref> Rockefeller charities funded the National Committee on Mental Hygiene, which disseminated the concept of mental illness and lobbied for applying ideas from psychology to child rearing.<ref name=Tomes2008 /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Cohen |first=Sol |date=1983 |title=The Mental Hygiene Movement, the Development of Personality and the School: The Medicalization of American Education |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/368156?origin=crossref |journal=History of Education Quarterly |volume=23 |issue=2 |pages=123 |doi=10.2307/368156}}</ref> Through the Bureau of Social Hygiene and later funding of [[Alfred Kinsey]], Rockefeller foundations helped establish research on sexuality in the U.S.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Bullough |first=Vern L. |date=May 1985 |title=The Rockefellers and sex research |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00224498509551253 |journal=The Journal of Sex Research |language=en |volume=21 |issue=2 |pages=113–125 |doi=10.1080/00224498509551253 |issn=0022-4499 |quote=Their importance is hard to overestimate. In fact, in the period between 1914 and 1954, the Rockefellers were almost the sole support of sex research in the United States. The decisions made by their scientific advisers about the nature of the research to be supported and how it was conducted, as well as the topics eligible for research support, shaped the whole field of sex research and, in many ways, still continue to support it.}}</ref> Under the influence of the Carnegie-funded [[Eugenics Record Office]], the Draper-funded [[Pioneer Fund]], and other institutions, the [[Eugenics in the United States|eugenics movement]] also influenced American psychology. In the 1910s and 1920s, eugenics became a standard topic in psychology classes.<ref name=GuthrieChapter4>Guthrie, ''Even the Rat was White'' (1998), Chapter 4: "Psychology and Race" (pp. 88–110). "Psychology courses often became the vehicles for eugenics propaganda. One graduate of the Record Office training program wrote, 'I hope to serve the cause by infiltrating eugenics into the minds of teachers. It may interest you to know that each student who takes psychology here works up his family history and plots his family tree.' Harvard, Columbia, Brown, Cornell, Wisconsin, and Northwestern were among the leading academic institutions teaching eugenics in psychology courses."</ref> In contrast to the US, in the UK psychology was met with antagonism by the scientific and medical establishments, and up until 1939, there were only six psychology chairs in universities in England.<ref>Michell, J, (1999) [https://books.google.com/books?id=oNIcvjpDQeQC&pg=PA143 ''Measurement in Psychology: A Critical History of a Methodological Concept''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210209105919/https://books.google.it/books?id=oNIcvjpDQeQC&pg=PA143 |date=9 February 2021 }}, p.143</ref> During World War II and the Cold War, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies established themselves as leading funders of psychology by way of the armed forces and in the new [[Office of Strategic Services]] intelligence agency. University of Michigan psychologist Dorwin Cartwright reported that university researchers began large-scale propaganda research in 1939–1941. He observed that "the last few months of the war saw a social psychologist become chiefly responsible for determining the week-by-week-propaganda policy for the United States Government." Cartwright also wrote that psychologists had significant roles in managing the domestic economy.<ref>Dorwin Cartwright, "Social Psychology in the United States During the Second World War", ''Human Relations'' 1.3, June 1948, p. 340; quoted in Cina, "Social Science For Whom?" (1981), p. 269.</ref> The Army rolled out its new [[Army General Classification Test|General Classification Test]] to assess the ability of millions of soldiers. The Army also engaged in large-scale psychological research of [[Samuel A. Stouffer#Studies in Social Psychology in World War II: The American Soldier|troop morale and mental health]].<ref name = "Schonfeld">Schonfeld, I.S., & Chang, C.-H. (2017). ''Occupational health psychology: Work, stress, and health''. New York, NY: Springer Publishing Company.</ref> In the 1950s, the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] and [[Ford Foundation]] collaborated with the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] (CIA) to fund research on [[psychological warfare]].<ref>Catherine Lutz, "[https://books.google.com/books?id=hwVWpV6jBzoC&pg=PA245 Epistemology of the Bunker: The Brainwashed and Other New Subjects of Permanent War] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150919005126/https://books.google.com/books?id=hwVWpV6jBzoC&pg=PA245 |date=19 September 2015 }}", in Joel Pfister & Nancy Schnog (eds.), ''Inventing the Psychological: Toward a Cultural History of Emotional Life in America''; Yale University Press, 1997; {{ISBN|0-300-06809-3}}</ref> In 1965, public controversy called attention to the Army's [[Project Camelot]], the "Manhattan Project" of [[social science]], an effort which enlisted psychologists and anthropologists to analyze the plans and policies of foreign countries for strategic purposes.<ref>Cina, "Social Science For Whom?" (1981), pp. 315–325.</ref><ref>Herman, "Psychology as Politics" (1993), p. 288. "Had it come to fruition, CAMELOT would have been the largest, and certainly the most generously funded, behavioral research project in U.S. history. With a $4–6 million contract over a period of 3 years, it was considered, and often called, a veritable Manhattan Project for the behavioral sciences, at least by many of the intellectuals whose services were in heavy demand."</ref> In Germany after World War I, psychology held institutional power through the military, which was subsequently expanded along with the rest of the military during [[Nazi Germany]].<ref name=Horst /> Under the direction of [[Hermann Göring]]'s cousin [[Matthias Göring]], the [[Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute]] was renamed the Göring Institute. [[Freudian psychoanalysis|Freudian psychoanalysts]] were expelled and persecuted under the anti-Jewish policies of the [[Nazi Party]], and all psychologists had to distance themselves from [[Sigmund Freud|Freud]] and [[Alfred Adler|Adler]], founders of [[psychoanalysis]] who were also Jewish.<ref>Cocks, ''Psychotherapy in the Third Reich'' (1997), pp. 75–77.</ref> The Göring Institute was well-financed throughout the war with a mandate to create a "New German Psychotherapy." This psychotherapy aimed to align suitable Germans with the overall goals of the Reich. As described by one physician, "Despite the importance of analysis, spiritual guidance and the active cooperation of the patient represent the best way to overcome individual mental problems and to subordinate them to the requirements of the ''[[Volk]]'' and the ''[[Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft|Gemeinschaft]]''." Psychologists were to provide ''Seelenführung'' [lit., soul guidance], the leadership of the mind, to integrate people into the new vision of a German community.<ref>Cocks, ''Psychotherapy in the Third Reich'' (1997), p. 93.</ref> [[Harald Schultz-Hencke]] melded psychology with the Nazi theory of biology and racial origins, criticizing psychoanalysis as a study of the weak and deformed.<ref>Cocks, ''Psychotherapy in the Third Reich'' (1997), pp. 86–87. "For Schultz-Hencke in this 1934 essay, life goals were determined by ideology, not by science. In the case of psychotherapy, he defined health in terms of blood, strong will, proficiency, discipline, (''Zucht und Ordnung''), community, heroic bearing, and physical fitness. Schultz-Hencke also took the opportunity in 1934 to criticize psychoanalysis for providing an unfortunate tendency toward the exculpation of the criminal."</ref> [[Johannes Heinrich Schultz]], a German psychologist recognized for developing the technique of [[autogenic training]], prominently advocated sterilization and euthanasia of men considered genetically undesirable, and devised techniques for facilitating this process.<ref>Jürgen Brunner, Matthias Schrempf, & Florian Steger, "[http://doctorsonly.co.il/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/2008_4_5.pdf Johannes Heinrich Schultz and National Socialism] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140912165633/http://www.doctorsonly.co.il/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/2008_4_5.pdf |date=12 September 2014 }}", ''Israel Journal of Psychiatry & Related Sciences'' 45.4, 2008. "Bringing these people to a right and deep understanding of every German's duty in the New Germany, such as preparatory mental aid and psychotherapy in general and in particular for persons to be sterilized, and for people having been sterilized, is a great, important and rewarding medical duty."</ref> After the war, new institutions were created although some psychologists, because of their Nazi affiliation, were discredited. [[Alexander Mitscherlich (psychologist)|Alexander Mitscherlich]] founded a prominent applied psychoanalysis journal called ''Psyche''. With funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, Mitscherlich established the first clinical psychosomatic medicine division at Heidelberg University. In 1970, psychology was integrated into the required studies of medical students.<ref>Cocks, ''Psychotherapy in the Third Reich'' (1997), Chapter 14: "Reconstruction and Repression", pp. 351–375.</ref> After the [[Russian Revolution]], the [[Bolsheviks]] promoted psychology as a way to engineer the "New Man" of socialism. Consequently, university psychology departments trained large numbers of students in psychology. At the completion of training, positions were made available for those students at schools, workplaces, cultural institutions, and in the military. The Russian state emphasized [[Pedology (children study)|pedology]] and the study of child development. [[Lev Vygotsky]] became prominent in the field of child development.<ref name=SirotkinaSmith /> The Bolsheviks also promoted [[free love]] and embraced the doctrine of psychoanalysis as an antidote to sexual repression.{{r|Kozulin 1984|pp=84-6|q=Against such a background it is not at all surprising that psychoanalysis, as a theory that ventured to approach the forbidden but topical theme of sexual relations, was embraced by the newborn Soviet psychology. Psychoanalysis also attracted the interest of Soviet psychology as a materialist trend that had challenged the credentials of classical introspective psychology. The reluctance of the pre-Revolutionary establishment to propagate psychoanalysis also played a positive role in the post-Revolutionary years; it was a field uncompromised by ties to old-regime science.}}<ref>cf. Hannah Proctor, "[http://thenewinquiry.com/essays/reason-displaces-all-love/ Reason Displaces All Love] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150527205209/http://thenewinquiry.com/essays/reason-displaces-all-love/ |date=27 May 2015 }}", ''The New Inquiry'', 14 February 2014.</ref> Although pedology and intelligence testing fell out of favor in 1936, psychology maintained its privileged position as an instrument of the Soviet Union.<ref name=SirotkinaSmith /> [[Stalinist purges]] took a heavy toll and instilled a climate of fear in the profession, as elsewhere in Soviet society.{{r|Kozulin 1984|p=22|q=Stalin's purges of the 1930s did not spare Soviet psychologists. Leading Marxist philosophers earlier associated with psychology—including Yuri Frankfurt, Nikolai Karev, and Ivan Luppol—were executed in prison camps. The same fate awaited Alexei Gastev and Isaak Shipilrein. Those who survived lived in an atmosphere of total suspicion. ... People who dominated their fields yesterday might be denounced today as traitors and enemies of the people, and by tomorrow their names might disappear from all public records. Books and newspapers were constantly being recalled from libraries to rid them of 'obsolete' names and references.}} Following World War II, Jewish psychologists past and present, including [[Lev Vygotsky]], [[Alexander Luria|A.R. Luria]], and Aron Zalkind, were denounced; Ivan Pavlov (posthumously) and Stalin himself were celebrated as heroes of Soviet psychology.{{r|Kozulin 1984|pp=25-6, 48-9|q=}} Soviet academics experienced a degree of liberalization during the [[Khrushchev Thaw]]. The topics of cybernetics, linguistics, and genetics became acceptable again. The new field of [[engineering psychology]] emerged. The field involved the study of the mental aspects of complex jobs (such as pilot and cosmonaut). Interdisciplinary studies became popular and scholars such as [[Georgy Shchedrovitsky]] developed systems theory approaches to human behavior.{{r|Kozulin 1984|pp=27-33|q=Georgy Schedrovitsky, who is currently at the Moscow Institute of Psychology, can be singled out as the most prominent theorist working in the context of systems research. ... This is Schedrovitsky's second major thesis: Activity should not be regarded as an attribute of the individual but rather as an all-embracing system that 'captures' individuals and 'forces' them to behave a certain way. This approach may be traced back to the assertion of Wilhelm Humboldt that it is not man who has language as an attribute, but rather language that 'possesses' man. ... Schedrovitsky's activity approach has been applied successfully to the design of man-machine systems and to the evaluation of human factors in urban planning.}} Twentieth-century Chinese psychology originally modeled itself on U.S. psychology, with translations from American authors like William James, the establishment of university psychology departments and journals, and the establishment of groups including the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing (1930) and the [[Chinese Psychological Society]] (1937). Chinese psychologists were encouraged to focus on education and language learning. Chinese psychologists were drawn to the idea that education would enable modernization. John Dewey, who lectured to Chinese audiences between 1919 and 1921, had a significant influence on psychology in China. Chancellor [[Cai Yuanpei|T'sai Yuan-p'ei]] introduced him at [[Peking University]] as a greater thinker than Confucius. [[Zing-Yang Kuo|Kuo Zing-yang]] who received a PhD at the University of California, Berkeley, became President of [[Zhejiang University]] and popularized [[behaviorism]].{{r|Chin 1969|pp=5-9|q=}} After the [[Chinese Communist Party]] gained control of the country, the Stalinist Soviet Union became the major influence, with [[Marxism–Leninism]] the leading social doctrine and Pavlovian conditioning the approved means of behavior change. Chinese psychologists elaborated on Lenin's model of a "reflective" consciousness, envisioning an "active consciousness" ({{Lang-zh|c=|s=|t=|p=tzu-chueh neng-tung-li}}) able to transcend material conditions through hard work and ideological struggle. They developed a concept of "recognition" ({{Lang-zh|c=|s=|t=|p=jen-shih}}) which referred to the interface between individual perceptions and the socially accepted worldview; failure to correspond with party doctrine was "incorrect recognition."{{r|Chin 1969|pp=9-17|q=The Soviet psychology that Peking modeled itself upon was Marxist-Leninist psychology with a philosophical base in dialectical materialism and a newly added label, Pavlovianism. This new Soviet psychology leaned heavily on Lenin's theory of reflection, which was unearthed in his two volumes posthumously published in 1924. Toward the late twenties, a group of Soviet research psychologists headed by Vygotskii, along with Luria and Leont'ev, laid the groundwork for a Marxist-Leninist approach to psychic development.}} Psychology education was centralized under the [[Chinese Academy of Sciences]], supervised by the [[State Council of the People's Republic of China|State Council]]. In 1951, the academy created a Psychology Research Office, which in 1956 became the Institute of Psychology. Because most leading psychologists were educated in the United States, the first concern of the academy was the re-education of these psychologists in the Soviet doctrines. Child psychology and pedagogy for the purpose of a nationally cohesive education remained a central goal of the discipline.{{r|Chin 1969|pp=18-24|q=}}
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