Editing Jacobitism (section)

===Ireland===
The role of Jacobitism in Irish political history is debated; some argue that it was a broad-based popular movement and the main driver of Irish Catholic nationalism between 1688 and 1795.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|pp=21,30}} Others see it as part of "a pan-British movement, rooted in confessional and dynastic loyalties", very different from 19th-century Irish nationalism.{{sfn|Connolly|2014|pp=27–42}} Historian Vincent Morely describes Irish Jacobitism as a distinctive ideology within the broader movement that "emphasised the [[Milesians (Irish)|Milesian]] ancestry of the Stuarts, their loyalty to Catholicism, and Ireland's status as a kingdom with a Crown of its own."{{sfn|Morely|2016|p=333}} In the first half of the 18th century, Jacobitism was "the primary allegiance of politically conscious Catholics".{{sfn|Connolly|1992|pp=233–249}}

[[Image:TyrconnellBrighter.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell|Tyrconnell]], Deputy Governor of Ireland; his appointment of Catholics to military and political positions built widespread support for the Jacobite regime]]

Irish Catholic support for James was predicated on his religion and assumed willingness to deliver their demands. In 1685, Irish [[bard]] [[Dáibhí Ó Bruadair]] celebrated his accession as ensuring the revived supremacy of both the [[Catholic Church in Ireland]] and the [[Irish language]]. Tyrconnell's expansion of the army by the creation of Catholic regiments was welcomed by Diarmuid Mac Carthaigh, as enabling the native Irish 'Tadhg' to be armed and to assert his dominance over "John" the English Protestant.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|pp=77–79}} Conversely, most Irish Protestants viewed his policies as designed to "utterly ruin the Protestant interest and the English interest in Ireland".{{sfn|Lenihan|2008|p=175}} This restricted Protestant Jacobitism to "doctrinaire clergymen, disgruntled Tory landowners and Catholic converts", who opposed Catholicism but still viewed James' removal as unlawful.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=89}} A few Church of Ireland ministers refused to swear allegiance to the new regime and became [[Nonjuring schism|Non-Jurors]], the most famous being propagandist [[Charles Leslie (nonjuror)|Charles Leslie]].{{sfn|Doyle|1997|pp=29–30}}

Since regaining England was his primary objective, James viewed Ireland as a strategic dead-end but [[Louis XIV]] of France argued it was the best place to launch a [[regime change]] war, since the administration was controlled by Tyrconnell and his cause was popular among the majority Catholic population.{{sfn|Miller|1978|pp=220–221}} James landed at [[Kinsale]] in March 1689 and in May called the first [[Parliament of Ireland]] since 1666, primarily seeking taxes to fund the war effort. Tyrconnell ensured a predominantly Catholic electorate and candidates by issuing new [[Borough#Ireland|borough]] charters, admitting Catholics into city corporations, and removing "disloyal members".{{sfn|Gillen|2016|p=52}} Since elections were not held in many northern areas, the [[Irish House of Commons]] was 70 members short, and 224 out of 230 [[Member of parliament|MPs]] were Catholic.{{sfn|Doyle|1997|p=30}}

Known to 19th-century Irish historians as the "[[Patriot Parliament]]", it opened by proclaiming James as the rightful king and condemning the "treasonous subjects" who had ousted him. There were some divisions among Irish Jacobites on the issue of returning all Catholic lands confiscated [[Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652|in 1652]] after the [[Cromwellian conquest of Ireland]]. The majority of the Irish House of Commons wanted the [[Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652|1652 Cromwellian Act of Settlement]] repealed in its entirety, with ownership returned to that prevailing in 1641. This was opposed by a minority within the Catholic elite who had benefited from the [[Act of Settlement 1662|1662 Act of Settlement]], a group that included James himself, Tyrconnell and other members of the [[Irish House of Lords]]. Instead, they suggested those dispossessed in the 1650s should be restored to half their estates and paid compensation for the remainder.{{sfn|Lenihan|2008|p=178}} However, with the Commons overwhelmingly in favour of complete restoration, Tyrconnell persuaded the Lords to approve the bill.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=136}}

More serious was the fact James was unwilling to do anything that might jeopardise potential support from Protestants in England and Scotland.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=136}} These conflicted with the demands of the Irish Parliament, which in addition to land restoration included toleration for Catholicism and Irish autonomy.{{sfn|Harris|2007|p=445}} When it became clear Parliament would only vote war taxes if he met their minimum demands, James reluctantly gave his assent to Tyrconnell's land bill and passed a [[bill of attainder]], confiscating estates from 2,000 mostly Protestant "rebels".{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=177}} Although he also approved Parliament's resolution that Ireland was a "distinct kingdom" and laws passed in England did not apply there, he refused to abolish [[Poynings' Law (on certification of acts)|Poynings' Law]], which required Irish legislation be approved by the English Parliament.{{sfn|Moody|Martin| Byrne|2009|p=490}}

Despite his own Catholicism, James viewed the Protestant Church of Ireland as an important part of his support base; he insisted on retaining its legal pre-eminence, although agreeing landowners would only have to pay [[tithes]] to clergy of their own religion.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=177}} However, the price of these concessions was that Irish Jacobitism became almost entirely confined to Catholics, who after 1690 split between Tyrconnell's 'peace party', who sought a negotiated solution, and a 'war party' led by [[Patrick Sarsfield]] who favoured fighting on to the end.{{sfn|Simms|1952|pp=309–312}}

[[Image:Uniform and colonel’s flag of the Hibernia Regiment.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|The Spanish [[Regiment of Hibernia]], c. 1740; foreign military service remained common for Irish Catholics until banned after 1745]]

James left Ireland after defeat at [[Battle of the Boyne|the Boyne]] in 1690, telling his supporters to "shift for themselves".{{sfn|Lenihan|2008|p=183}} This led some to depict him as {{lang|ga|Séamus an chaca}}, "James the shit", who had deserted his loyal followers.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=84}} However, Gaelic scholar [[Breandán Ó Buachalla]] claims his reputation subsequently recovered as "the rightful king&nbsp;... destined to return', while upper-class Irish Jacobites like [[Charles O'Kelly]] and Nicholas Plunkett blamed "corrupt English and Scottish advisors" for his apparent desertion.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=85}}

After 1691, measures passed by the 1689 Parliament were annulled, [[Penal Laws (Ireland)|penal laws]] criminalized the practice of Catholicism and barred Catholics from public life, while the Act of Attainder was used to justify further land confiscations. 12,000 Jacobite soldiers went into exile in the diaspora known as the [[Flight of the Wild Geese]], the majority of whom were later absorbed into the [[French Royal Army]]'s [[Irish Brigade (French)|Irish Brigade]]. About 1,000 men were recruited for the French and Spanish armies annually, many with a "tangible commitment to the Stuart cause".{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=199}} Elements of the French Irish Brigade participated in the Scottish Jacobite rising of 1745.

Irish-language poets, especially in [[Munster]], continued to champion the cause after James' death; in 1715, Eoin O Callanain described his son Prince [[James Francis Edward Stuart]] as {{lang|ga|taoiseach na nGaoidheal}} or "chieftain of the Gaels".{{sfn|Morley|2007|p=194}} As in England, throughout the 1720s, Prince James' birthday on 10 June was marked by celebrations in Dublin, and towns like [[Kilkenny]] and [[Galway]]. These were often accompanied by rioting, suggested as proof of popular pro-Jacobite sympathies.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=244}} Others argue riots were common in 18th-century urban areas and see them as a "series of ritualised clashes".{{sfn|Garnham|2002|pp=81–82}}

Some historians claim Jacobite rhetoric and symbolism in the many works of [[Aisling]] poetry composed in the [[Irish language]] and support for [[rapparees]] like [[Éamonn an Chnoic]], [[John Hurley (Jacobite)|John Hurley]], and [[Galloping Hogan]], is proof of popular backing for a Stuart restoration.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=144}} Others, however, argue it is hard to discern "how far rhetorical Jacobitism reflected support for the Stuarts, as opposed to discontent with the status quo".{{sfn|Gillen|2016|p=59}} Nevertheless, fears of resurgent Jacobitism among the ruling Protestant minority meant anti-Catholic Penal Laws remained in place for most of the eighteenth century.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=374}}

In both 1715 and 1745, there were no Irish risings to accompany those in England and Scotland. One suggestion is that for various reasons, post 1691 Irish Jacobites looked to European allies, rather than a domestic revolt.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=84}} From the 1720s on, many middle-class Catholics were willing to swear loyalty to the Hanoverian regime, but balked at the [[English post-Reformation oaths#The Irish Oath of 1774 to Catholic Emancipation, 1829|Oath of Abjuration]], which required them to reject the authority of the Pope, and doctrines of [[Transubstantiation]] and the [[Real Presence]].{{sfn|Connolly|2003|pp=64–65}} After the effective demise of the Jacobite cause in the 1750s and '60s, organisations like the [[Catholic Convention]] were established to agitate for the redress of Catholic grievances within the existing state.{{sfn|Graham|2002|p=51}} When [[Charles Edward Stuart|Charles]] died in 1788, Irish nationalists looked for alternative liberators, among them the [[French First Republic]], [[Napoleon]] Bonaparte and [[Daniel O'Connell]].{{sfn|Morley|2007|pp=198–201}}